An Examination of China's "Soft Power" on the Ethiopian Education Sector
Annie Hudson
One way China exerts “soft power” in its foreign policy towards Africa is the education sector.
Scholarships for university students to further their education, Confucius Institutions, and
investments in human resources are just a few examples. Addis Ababa University’s President,
Admasu Tsegaye said “the collaboration with China and the Chinese universities has a positive
impact as it contributes to the development endeavor of Ethiopia.” China agrees that the
collaboration is two-way wherein the Beijing foreign language university also offers courses in
Amharic language. Is there a domestic demand for Chinese people who speak Amharic? Maybe
not today, but there will be in the near future. Despite that, cultural exchange is very important
during the age of globalization wherein there is greater international exchange than ever before.
Both, China and Africa’s economies are expanding rapidly. China is already a global power
and many African countries’ economies are gaining international attention, as a result of Chinese
FDI in primary and secondary sectors. I agree with Chinese Ambassador to Ethiopia, Xie
Xiaoyan that “investing in university students are investing in the future leaders of the country;”
however investing in local businesses and the service sector are also essential to the future
development of Ethiopia. Many Ethiopian students decide to study Mandarin Chinese because
they believe there is a demand for professionals with no language barriers or cultural
misunderstandings (Cooke 2009, 32). These college graduates expect to become Chinese
language interpreters, translators, or even public relations agents in Ethiopia (Cooke 2009, 32).
China aims to “increase Chinese government scholarships for African students from 2,000 to
4,000 every year, build 100 rural schools and Confucius Institutes in Africa, and train 15,000
African professionals” (Cooke 2009 ,33).
According to the Chr. Michelsen Institute in Norway, “ China is investing in Africa’s
professional education programs through agencies promoting Chinese initiatives and advocacy to
African NGOs and think tanks” (Shubo Li & Helge Ronning 2013, 03). Since 2001, China has
also hosted several public relation seminars and workshops celebrating China’s achievements
and sharing their experiences for African media houses and media regulations departments
(Shubo Li & Helge Ronning 2013, 03). Li and Ronning argue China’s interests in media,
communication, and culture shows China’s commitment to Africa and the growing relations
between these two economic and political actors (03).
Kenneth King, a professor at the University of Edinburgh and expert on China’s aid policies
to education in Africa, examines the human resources dimensions or “soft power” tools
implemented during the FOCAC in 2009, considering the role of Confucius Institutes and
education and training projects in Africa; China’s approach to Africa is very different from
traditional donors. Nevertheless, King distinguishes that “China only allocates aid to basic
education in African countries that make specific education initiatives a priority,” as in Ethiopia
(83). The Ethiopian government has turned to China to help improve basic and higher education.
China is responsible for building, equipping, and staffing the Ethio-China Polytechnic College in
Addis Ababa (King October 2010, 84). In the following interview, King shares his research with
the Norrag Organization, the network for international policies and cooperation in education and
training.
Q. There are some questions already raised on the back cover of China’s Aid & Soft Power in
Africa, basically asking WHY China is offering all this long- and short-term training in China to
tens of thousands of African students and African professionals. What’s the answer?
A. There are several answers. The official version would be that China, as the largest developing
country, is helping, the best it can, to respond to the interests of Africa, the continent with the
largest number of developing countries. These training pledges arise from the agreements of the
Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), which meets every three years, to review
progress on China and Africa’s long-term strategic and political partnership. So, in a way, these
are not China’s offers of aid, but they are a series of joint agreements. Some of the pledges are
valuable to China, and some to Africa. But taken as a whole, they speak of mutual benefit and
the common development of China and Africa. In other words, China seeks to avoid presenting
these pledges as aid from a donor to a series of recipients. They are seen as a form of SouthSouth cooperation, where both sides benefit – ‘win-win economic cooperation’, in a favorite
Chinese phrase. Another answer from China’s side would be that there is cultural diplomacy
involved in the offer of these thousands of training awards and scholarships. Other large-scale
training providers such as Germany, Japan, India and Brazil would say the same. It is one thing
to see Chinese contractors working on a road or a dam in Africa, or to see a Chinese mall in
many African countries. But to visit China and to see what has been achieved in some 20-30
years is something else. In the words of a Chinese official in Africa: ‘To see is to believe’. We
shall say a word below about what is on offer. A more skeptical answer would be that China’s
massive requirements for resources from Africa lie behind these offers of awards and
scholarships. This ‘aid’ may just be the icing on the cake of resource extraction, an example of
aid for trade. There are difficulties with this answer and not least because China maintains
relations with all but four of Africa’s 54 states. And FOCAC’s pledges and commitments are
relevant to all of these, and not just the more resource-rich. For this reason, we selected case
study countries such as Ethiopia and Kenya.
Q. I see from the back-cover of your new book that there are 33 Confucius Institutes in Africa.
How is China promoting these in Africa, and what message are they sending to Africa?
A. Like much of China’s aid, Confucius Institutes (CIs) are in the ‘response mode’. China’s
Language Council is not targeting Africa, or Asia or Latin America with offers of CIs. Rather, it
is the other way round. The vice-chancellor or president of a university interested in having a
Confucius Institute writes to Beijing and applies. People think that these CIs are like British
Council offices, or Goethe Institutes etc. No, they are very different. Essentially they are
partnerships between a university like mine (Edinburgh) and a host university in China (Fudan).
So the CI is not on the main street like the British Council, but it is embedded in the university.
Nor is it a Chinese project. Every CI has two directors, one local and one from China, and the
local university has to offer accommodation for the CI and also for the staff sent from the partner
university. The CIs don’t promote a common syllabus; they are strongly encouraged to relate
what they do to the context of that university and that country. So some have been responsible
for introducing Mandarin at the degree level for the first time; others have carried Mandarin out
to surrounding primary and secondary schools. But one of the key messages is that it may be
possible to visit China for more intensive language study. So good, keen students, whether in
Nairobi, Cape Town, Cairo or Harare can find themselves exposed to Mandarin in China, for a
few weeks, months or even for a degree. – We should underline perhaps that the CI ‘movement’,
despite being in the response mode, must surely be the largest and most rapidly expanded
language project the world has ever seen.
Q. I believe that China tries to distinguish its aid from that of many traditional donors. Is China
really so very different? After all, France, Britain and Germany all promote their languages, and
many donors from Sweden to UK to USA promote partnerships?
A. China certainly has a different discourse on educational aid, emphasizing long-term friendship,
mutual benefit, common development, as we said above. But in reality is the experience of being
an awardee or a student in China very different from being in Europe or North America? We
don't know enough about whether this ethical discourse translates into a different experience. But
what we do know from most of the African students who are studying or have studied in China is
that they are hugely influenced by the culture of hard work of the Chinese students. Many claim
to have changed their own attitudes towards work in their home country as a result! And we do
know that African governments appreciate the speed with which the FOCAC targets are
achieved, on time or even before time (NORRAG, 2013).
China’s impact on Ethiopia’s education sector is beneficial and will have long-term
benefits. Investments in human capital will ensure sustainable development. I agree with
Teshome Yizengaw that “education reduced poverty and ensure economic growth. Higher
education and training institutions must be at the forefront of development and poverty
alleviation efforts of Ethiopia” (Yizengaw 200, 18). Chinese government scholarships give
university students the opportunity to further their education and become more knowledgeable in
their field of interests. China also invested in basic and higher education in Ethiopia. Confucius
Institutes increases Africans knowledge of Chinese culture and China’s role in Africa. CIs also
offer business classes, PR seminars, and webinars. Check out this YouTube video to learn more.
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