Bibliography of Empirical Papers Addressing the Typology with Abstracts and Notes
Notes by Michael P. Johnson
October 20, 2015
Anderson, K. L. (2008). "Is partner violence worse in the context of control?" Journal of
Marriage and Family 70(5): 1157-1168.
M. P. Johnson's (1995) proposal that there are two qualitatively distinct types of intimate
partner violence--intimate terrorism and situational couple violence--has been an
influential explanation for disparate findings on sex symmetry in domestic violence. This
study examines whether this typology increases our ability to explain variations in the
negative outcomes of partner violence as compared with the use of a continuous measure
of violence. This study also considers whether the use of control to differentiate between
types of violence helps to explain the negative consequences of partner violence. The
results, based on analyses of data on 4,575 married women from National Violence
Against Women survey, indicate mixed support for Johnson's argument for a qualitative
distinction between IT and SCV. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2009 APA ) (journal
abstract)
Ansara, D. L. and M. J. Hindin (2010). "Exploring gender differences in the patterns of intimate
partner violence in Canada: A latent class approach." Journal of Epidemiology and Community
Health 64: 849-854.
Background There has been an ongoing debate about the extent and nature of gender
differences in the experience of intimate partner violence (IPV). Disagreement about the
appropriate definition of IPV is central to this debate.
Methods This study used latent class analysis (LCA) to map the patterns of physical
violence, sexual coercion, psychological abuse and controlling behaviour, and examined
whether LCA can better illuminate the gendered nature of this experience than
conventional measures of IPV. Data from the 2004 Canadian General Social Survey were
analysed, which included 8360 women and 7056 men 15 years of age and over who
reported a current or ex-spouse or common-law partner.
Results Results revealed more variation in the patterns of IPV for women than for men.
Six classes were found for women, whereas four classes were found for men. Women and
men were equally likely to experience less severe acts of physical aggression that were
not embedded in a pattern of control. However, only women experienced a severe and
chronic pattern of violence and control involving high levels of fear and injury. For
women and men, intermediate patterns of violence and control, and patterns describing
exclusively non-physical acts of abuse were also found. The results also revealed
substantial differences in the IPV subtypes for those reporting about a current
versus an ex-partner.
Conclusion These results support the use of LCA in identifying meaningful patterns of
IPV and provide a more nuanced understanding of the role of gender than conventional
measures. Implications for sampling within IPV research are discussed.
2
Ansara, D. L. and M. J. Hindin (2010). "Formal and informal help-seeking associated with
women's and men's experiences of intimate partner violence in Canada." Social Science &
Medicine 70(7): 1011-1018.
While numerous studies have documented the prevalence, correlates, and consequences
of intimate partner violence (IPV): most of this research has used a criminal justice
framework that has focused on acts of physical violence. However, critics argue that this
narrow conceptualization of IPV belies the heterogeneity in this experience with respect
to the nature of coercive control in the relationship. Moreover, they contend that the
different types of abusive and controlling relationships not only have a different etiology,
health consequences, and help-seeking characteristics, they also have a different
relationship by gender. This study examined the extent to which different patterns of
violence, abuse, and control were differentially associated with formal and informal helpseeking in a national Canadian sample. Data from the 2004 General Social Survey were
analyzed, which included 696 women and 471 men who reported physical or sexual
violence by a current or ex-spouse or common-law partner. The most commonly reported
formal sources for women and men were health professionals (i.e., doctors, nurses,
counselors, psychologists) and the police. For women, informal sources (i.e., family,
friends, neighbors) were commonly reported across all IPV subgroups. However, the
importance of almost all of the formal sources (e.g., health professionals, police, lawyers,
shelters, crisis centers) increased as the severity of the violence and control increased.
Shelters and crisis centers were also reported by a notable proportion of women who
experienced the most severe pattern of violence and control. For men, both formal and
informal sources were more commonly reported by those who experienced moderate
violence and control compared with those who experienced relatively less severe acts of
physical aggression. The results suggest that research that more sensitively examines
people's experiences of violence and control can help identify their health, social, and
safety needs; and ultimately better inform the development of programs and services
aimed at addressing these needs. (C) 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Ansara, D. L. and M. J. Hindin (2011). "Psychosocial consequences of intimate partner violence
for women and men in Canada." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 26(8): 1628-1645.
Although the negative health consequences of intimate partner violence (IPV) are well
documented, most research has conceptualized IPV as a unitary construct and has
primarily focused on the impact of physical violence. However, recent theoretical and
empirical work suggests that IPV may be heterogeneous, with different consequences
associated with different patterns of violence, abuse, and control. This study used latent
class analysis to examine the psychosocial consequences associated with different
patterns of physical violence, sexual coercion, psychological abuse, and controlling
behavior. Data from 676 women and 455 men who were interviewed for the 2004
Canadian General Social Survey on Victimization were analyzed. The results suggest that
experiencing any pattern of violence is associated with a range of negative psychosocial
outcomes for both women and men. However, they also show the increasingly negative
impact and perceived dangerousness of IPV for those experiencing more severe and
chronic patterns of violence and control. These findings were particularly pronounced for
women as they experienced the most chronic pattern of abuse and control documented in
the study. The psychosocial consequences were also greater for women than for men with
3
similar experiences of IPV. These results suggest that the psychosocial impact of IPV is
influenced by gender and by the nature of the violence, abuse, and control experienced.
Beck, C. A., et al. (2013). "Patterns of intimate partner violence in a large, epidemiological
sample of divorcing couples." Journal of Family Psychology 27(5): 15-22.
In many jurisdictions divorcing couples are court-ordered to participate in divorce
mediation to resolve parenting plan disputes prior to a court allowing a case to proceed to
trial. Historically, a significant number (40–80%) of these divorcing couples enter this
highly stressful legal process having experienced violence and abuse within the
relationship (Pearson, 1997). Several researchers have developed typologies that describe
couple-level patterns of Intimate Partner Violence and Abuse (IPV/A) behaviors; one
research team suggested their typology could apply specifically to such divorcing people
(Kelly & Johnson, 2008). In this context, identification and accurate classification of
IPV/A can lead to better decisions as long-term, difficult to modify custody orders
concerning the children are made during divorce mediation. Accurate identification and
classification of IPV/A can also assist clinical researchers designing specialized
interventions for couples and individuals experiencing IPV/A, mental health practitioners
who may treat these families, and custody evaluators who may make recommendations to
the courts. The current study includes a large epidemiological sample of divorcing
couples and provides a robust statistical solution with five distinct categories of IPV/A.
Two of the five categories were similar to those proposed by Johnson (2006c). The
current study also provides descriptions and frequencies of each type of IPV/A, and
discusses implications for court personnel, researchers and practitioners.
Brownridge, D. A. (2010). "Does the situational couple violence-intimate terrorism typology
explain cohabitors' high risk of intimate partner violence?" Journal of Interpersonal Violence
25(7): 1264-1283.
This study examines M. P. Johnson's assertion that violence in marital unions is more
likely to be intimate terrorism (IT) and violence in cohabiting unions is more likely to be
situational couple violence (SCV). Having overcome limitations of the data on which
Johnson based his assertion, the results show that cohabiting and married victims of
violence are equally likely to report experiencing SCV and IT. Moreover, cohabitors have
higher odds of experiencing SCV and IT compared to their counterparts living in a
marital union. These marital status differences are explained by selection and relationship
factors theorized to account for them. Although the SCV- IT typology does appear to
shed light on gender differences, the results of this study suggest that, where relevant,
researchers using this typology should not neglect risk factors derived from theories for
understanding intimate partner violence (IPV).
Bubriski-McKenzie, A. and J. L. Jasinski (2013). "Mental health effect of intimate terrorism and
situational couple violence among Black and Hispanic women." Violence Against Women
19(12): 1429-1448.
An important aspect of Johnson’s intimate terrorism (IT) and situational couple
violence (SCV) typology is his assertion that victims experience different negative
outcomes depending on which category of violence they endure. Anderson calls for
reexamining this typology to highlight the importance of coercive control with or
4
without physical violence present. Similar to most studies, Anderson’s research uses
a sample that includes mostly White women. The current study employs Anderson’s
methods and ordinary least squares (OLS) regression analyses, but uses a sample of
predominately Black women and Latinas from the 1998 Chicago Women’s Health
Risk Study.
Crossman, K., et al. (2010). Coparenting quality after separation: The role of intimate terrorism
and boundary ambiguity. National Council on Family Relations. Minneapolis, MN.
Crossman, K. A., et al. (in press). "“He could scare me without laying a hand on me”: Mothers’
experiences of nonviolent coercive control during marriage and after separation." Violence
Against Women.
Studies demonstrate the negative effects of violent coercive control but few examine
coercive control without violence. This study describes the characteristics of nonviolent
coercive control among 8 divorcing mothers and compares them to 47 mothers who
experienced violent coercive control or no violence/no control. Mothers with nonviolent
coercive control reported more coping strategies, risk, harassment, and perceived threat
than mothers with no violence/no control; similar levels of fear and control during
marriage as mothers with violent coercive control; and more post-separation fear than
both groups. Findings highlight the need to include nonviolent coercive control in
screening methods and research measures.
Delsol, C., et al. (2003). "A typology of maritally violent men and correlates of violence in a
community sample." Journal of Marriage and Family 65(3): 635-651.
This study empirically tests A. Holtzworth-Munroe and G. L Stuart's (1994) typology of
male batterers in a community sample. Latent class analyses based on severity of physical
aggression, generality of violence, and psychopathology partially replicated the
Holtzworth-Munroe and Stuart typology by identifying 3 types of violent men: familyonly, medium-violence, and generally violent/psychologically distressed. Separate
groupings of borderline/dysphoric and generally violent/antisocial types were not found.
In comparisons of batterer types to each other and to nonviolent men, generally
violent/psychologically distressed men differed from other groups on psychological
abuse, life stress, marital satisfaction, and attitudes about violence. Types also differed on
wives' fearfulness of their husband and injury from marital aggression. Implications of
conceptualizing marital violence from a multidimensional typology perspective are
discussed.
Felson, R. B. and M. C. Outlaw (2007). "The control motive and marital violence." Violence and
Victims 22(4): 387-407.
The role of the control motive in marital violence is examined using data on current and
former marriages from the Survey of Violence and Threats of Violence Against Women
and Men. The findings indicate no support for the position that husbands engage in more
marital violence than wives because they are more controlling. In former marriages, we
observe statistical interactions between gender and control: former husbands who were
controlling or jealous were particularly likely to be verbally aggressive and to engage in
violence. The controlling husbands (present and former), however, are not particularly
5
likely to engage in violence that is frequent, injurious, or unprovoked. The evidence
suggests that husband and wives may differ in their methods of control but not their
motivation to control. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2007 APA ) (journal abstract)
The interaction effect graph is backwards, corrected in an erratum (Felson and Outlaw,
2007). With the correct interpretation of the interaction effect, these data strongly support
the feminist position (Johnson, Leone, and Xu, 2008; 2014). By the way, the incorrect
interaction interpretation was pointed out to Felson in a presentation before this paper
was submitted and he chose not to correct it. It was only corrected after I wrote to the
journal.
Felson, R. B. and M. C. Outlaw (2007). ""The control motive and marital violence": Erratum."
Violence and Victims 22(6).
Reports an error in "The control motive and marital violence" by Richard B. Felson and
Maureen C. Outlaw (Violence and Victims, 2007[Aug], Vol 22[4], 387-407). In the
article, the data points for male and female partners are misidentified in Figure 1 (p. 398).
They should be reversed: The male partner data points (indicated by triangles) are
actually the female partner data points, and the female partner data points (indicated by
squares) are actually the male partner data points. (The following abstract of the original
article appeared in record 2007-12642-001). The role of the control motive in marital
violence is examined using data on current and former marriages from the Survey of
Violence and Threats of Violence Against Women and Men. The findings indicate no
support for the position that husbands engage in more marital violence than wives
because they are more controlling. In former marriages, we observe statistical
interactions between gender and control: former husbands who were controlling or
jealous were particularly likely to be verbally aggressive and to engage in violence. The
controlling husbands (present and former), however, are not particularly likely to engage
in violence that is frequent, injurious, or unprovoked. The evidence suggests that husband
and wives may differ in their methods of control but not their motivation to control.
(PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA )
Foshee, V. A., et al. (2007). "Typologies of adolescent dating violence: Identifying typologies of
adolescent dating violence perpetration." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 22(5): 498-519.
Acts scales, the most common way of measuring partner violence, have been criticized
for being too simplistic to capture the complexities of partner violence. An alternative
measurement approach is to use typologies that consider various aspects of context. In
this study, the authors identified typologies of dating violence perpetration by
adolescents. They conducted in-depth interviews with 116 girls and boys previously
identified by an acts scale as perpetrators of dating violence. They provided narrative
descriptions of their dating violence acts. For boys and girls, many acts considered
violent by the acts scale were subsequently recanted or described as nonviolent. From the
narratives, they identified four types of female perpetration that were distinguished by
motives, precipitating events, and the abuse history of the partners. One type of
perpetration accounted for most acts by boys. The findings are discussed relative to
dating violence measurement, prevention and treatment, and development of theory.
6
Frankland, A. and J. Brown (2014). "Coercive control in same-sex intimate partner violence."
Journal of Family Violence 29(1): 15-22.
Contemporary approaches to intimate partner violence (IPV) have been heavily shaped
by the primacy given to coercive control over physical violence and the use of typologies.
Few studies have attempted to apply these approaches to same-sex relationships. This
study aimed to explore patterns of violence and control and examine the utility of
typologies within same-sex domestic violence (SSDV). Data from 184 gay men and
lesbians on their experiences with aggressive and controlling behaviors within same-sex
relationships was used to identify categories consistent with Johnson's typology. Over
half of the sample were non-violent and noncontrolling, while 13.0 % of respondents and
14.7 % of their partners had engaged in situational couple violence (SCV). Smaller
proportions (4.4 % of respondents and 6.5 % of partners) engaged in coercive controlling
violence (CCV). Rates of mutually violent control (MVC) were high (12.5 %). This
typology was expanded to identify cases of non-violent control (NVC), which included
7.1 % of respondents and 5.4 % of partners. To date, no other studies have reported on
the use of controlling behaviors within same-sex relationships. These data demonstrated
the presence of patterns of control and violence consistent with categories originally
identified in heterosexual couples. Data also supported the growing acceptance of the
central role of coercive control in IPV.
Friend, D. J., et al. (2011). "Typologies of intimate partner violence: Evaluation of a screening
instrument for differentiation." Journal of Family Violence 26(7): 551-563.
Given the prevalence and impact of intimate partner violence (IPV) in both community
and therapeutic settings, it is vital that the varying typologies of IPV be identified and
treated accordingly. The present study sought to evaluate the efficacy of a screening
instrument designed to differentiate between characterologically violent, situationally
violent, and distressed non-violent couples; focus was placed on identifying situationally
violent couples so that they could be invited to participate in a conjoint
pyschoeducational workshop. Couples from two samples were assessed to achieve this
goal. Situationally violent couples (N=115) from Sample 1 were screened into the study
via a phone interview and participated in an in-home assessment, which assessed selfreported relationship violence. These couples were compared to a previously collected
sample (Sample 2; Jacobsen et al. 1994) of characterologically violent, distressed nonviolent, and situationally violent couples. The main hypotheses stated that couples from
Sample 1 would report less severe relationship violence than characterlogically violent
couples from Sample 2, and would report greater amounts of low-level violence than
distressed non-violent couples from Sample 2. Additionally, similar rates of both selfreported violence would be seen for situationally violent couples from Samples 1 and 2.
Multivariate analyses supported this with the exception that situationally violent couples
from Sample 1 did not differ significantly across all domains from distressed non-violent
couples in Sample 2. Implications for the screening instrument's utility in clinical and
research settings are discussed.
Frye, V., et al. (2006). "The distribution of and factors associated with intimate terrorism and
situational couple violence among a population-based sample of urban women in the United
States." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 21(10): 1286-1313.
7
It has been proposed that two distinct forms of intimate partner violence exist: intimate
terrorism and situational couple violence. This article describes the distribution of factors
that characterize intimate terrorism and situational couple violence, including controlling
behaviors, violence escalation, and injury, among a representative sample of 331
physically assaulted women living in 11 North American cities. In addition, respondent,
partner, and relationship characteristics associated with each form of violence are
identified. Most women who experienced physical assault also experienced controlling
behavior by their male partner. In multivariate analyses, respondent's young age, violence
escalation in the relationship, partner's access to guns, previous arrests for domestic
violence offenses, poor mental health, and previous suicide attempts or threats were
associated with intimate terrorism, defined as experiencing one or more controlling
behaviors. These results suggest that situational couple violence is rare and that moderate
and high levels of controlling behaviors are associated primarily with partner factors.
Biases that increase amount of IT: (1) Use either current or previous relationships; (2)
Pick most serious; (3) Used a really low bar for IT--any control.
Glass, N., et al. (2009). "Patterns of partners' abusive behaviors as reported by Latina and nonLatina survivors." Journal of Community Psychology 37(2): 156-170.
This study builds on the existing knowledge of risk factors for lethal intimate partner
violence (IPV)) and typologies of W-abusers by exploring patterns of abusive partners'
behaviors among known risk factors for intimate partner femicide (i.e., murder of
women) and determines if groups of survivors with similar patterns of abusive behaviors
exist. The common patterns are then examined for differences among Latina and nonLatina survivors. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with adult English- and
Spanish-speaking survivors of past-year physical and/or sexual IPV using a validated risk
assessment instrument, the Danger Assessment (DA) Questionnaire. Two-hundred nine
IPV survivors participated., 55% Latina. Unique Patterns of abusive behaviors
perpetrated by an intimate partner or ex-partner across known risk factors for lethal
violence were reported. The patterns clustered into five distinct groups: extreme abuser,
physical and sexual violence/controlling abuser, forced sex/controlling abuser,
threat/controlling abuser, and low-level tactics abuser Latina and non-Latina survivors
reported mean DA scores (13.0 vs. 18.5, respectively) that place them within. the
"increased. danger" and "extreme danger" level, respectively, for lethal violence by an
abusive partner Although both groups were in extreme danger on average, the patterns of
abusive behaviors differed. Latina women. were more likely to characterize the IT
Partner (is using forced sex to control the relationship, whereas non-Latina women were
more likely to characterize the use of all types of abusive behaviors (i.e., extreme abuser)
or threats to kill them (i.e., controlling abuser) to control the relationship. The findings of
this study can be used to develop effective individualized safety plans that include
Culturally and linguistically competent. strategies to reduce violence-related morbidity
and mortality. (c) 2009 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Graham-Kevan, N. and J. Archer (2003). "Intimate terrorism and common couple violence: A
test of Johnson's predictions in four British samples." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 18(11):
1247-1270.
8
This study sought to both replicate and considerably extend the findings of Johnson
(1999) that there are two distinct subgroups of physical aggression within relationships,
intimate terrorism and common couple violence. The present sample consisted of women
residing at Women's Aid refuges and their partners (N = 86), male and female students
(N = 208), men attending male treatment programs for domestic violence and their
partners (N = 8) and male prisoners and their partners (N = 192). Respondents completed
measures on physical aggression, injuries sustained, escalation of physical aggression,
and controlling behaviors. Cluster analysis was employed to categorise relationships as
either intimate terrorism or common couple violence. Frequency analysis showed broad
support for Johnson's findings (1999).
Graham-Kevan, N. and J. Archer (2003). "Physical aggression and control in heterosexual
relationships: The effect of sampling." Violence and Victims 18(2): 181-196.
This study investigated the proposition by Johnson (1995) that there are distinct patterns
of physical aggression within relationships, characterized as common couple violence
and patriarchal terrorism. The present samples comprised students (N=113), women from
a domestic violence refuge (N=44), and male prisoners (N=108). Participants completed
measures of physical aggression, controlling behavior, fear of injuries, and injuries.
Reports of these measures were entered into a Discriminant Function Analysis (DFA).
With the exception of self-reported use of controlling behavior, the variables showed
univariately significant differences between the groups. The DFA produced two
significant functions which together correctly classified 75% of cases. These results
support the view that there are distinct patterns of aggressive relationships corresponding
to those identified by Johnson (1995). (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all
rights reserved)(journal abstract)
Graham-Kevan, N. and J. Archer (2005). Using Johnson’s domestic violence typology to classify
men and women in a non-selected sample. 9th International Family Violence Research
Conference. New Hampshire. 10: 680-714.
Graham-Kevan, N., et al. (2012). "Investigating violence and control dyadically in a helpseeking sample from Mozambique." Scientific World Journal.
A sample of 1442 women attending a Forensic Healthcare Service provided information
on their own and their partners' use of controlling behaviors, partner violence, and sexual
abuse, as well as their own experiences of childhood abuse. Using Johnson's typology,
the relationships were categorized as Nonviolent, Intimate Terrorism, or Situational
Couple Violence. Findings suggest that help-seeking women's experiences of intimate
violence may be diverse, with their roles ranging from victim to perpetrator.
37/244 of IT was female (15%). Lots of MVC. Big mistake: Lower control cutoff for
women!
Guzik, K. (2009). Arresting Abuse: Mandatory Legal Interventions, Power, and Intimate
Abusers. DeKalb, IL, Northern Illinois University Press.
9
Hardesty, J. L., et al. (2008). "Coparenting relationships after divorce: Variations by type of
marital violence and fathers' role differentiation." Family Relations 57(4): 479-491.
[Correction Notice: An erratum for this article was reported in Vol 58(1) of Family
Relations (see record 2009-01356-011). In the original article there is an error of
misspelling in page numbers 479, 481, 489 and on page 490. In each of the sentences
present on given pages, "martial" should be replaced with "marital." Using grounded
theory methods, we examined coparenting relationships for 25 divorced mothers who
experienced violence during their marriages. How well former husbands were able to
differentiate, or keep separate, their parental and spousal roles emerged as central to
coparenting dynamics and was partly related to type of marital violence. Linking
differentiation to types of martial violence advances our theoretical understanding of
variations in coparenting relationships after divorce. Results can be used to more
effectively match divorcing parents with appropriate interventions. (PsycINFO Database
Record (c) 2009 APA ) (journal abstract)
Hardesty, J. L., et al. (2013). "Coercive control and abused women's decisions about their pets
when seeking shelter." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 28(13): 2617-2639.
The importance of pets in families, especially during major life stressors, is well
documented. Research suggests links between pet ownership and intimate partner
violence (IPV). This study explored abused women's decisions about pets when seeking
help from a shelter. Interviews were conducted with 19 women who were pet owners.
Using grounded theory methods, two patterns emerged surrounding abusers' treatment of
pets, bonds to pets, women's decisions about pets upon seeking shelter, and future plans
for pets. The presence of coercive control was central to these patterns. Women also
discussed their experiences with and needs from shelter professionals and veterinarians
with implications for practice.
Haselschwerdt, M. L., et al. (Under review). "Heterogeneity within domestic violence exposure:
Young adults’ retrospective experiences." Psychology of Violence.
Objective: Using Holden’s taxonomy of domestic violence (DV) exposure and Johnson’s
typology of DV as guiding frameworks, the current study qualitatively examined young
adults’ diverse DV exposure experiences, including direct and indirect exposure to
physical violence and coercive control, as well as child abuse. Method: Twenty-five
young adults (ages 19-25) exposed to father-perpetrated DV during their childhood and
adolescence were interviewed using a qualitative descriptive design. Data analyses
focused on types of exposure (e.g., direct, indirect), physical violence exposure (e.g.,
severity, frequency), coercive control exposure through reports of non-physical abuse
tactics, and child abuse and harsh parenting practices. Results: DV-exposed young adults
were directly and indirectly exposed to physical violence and an array of non-physical
abuse tactics towards their mothers. Young adults categorized as having been exposed to
coercive controlling violence reported exposure to ongoing, non-physical abuse tactics
and more frequent and severe physical violence. These young adults were also more
likely to intervene and become victimized during physical violence and reported repeated
episodes of child abuse and harsh parenting. Although coercive control appeared
associated with physical violence and child abuse, generalizations should be made with
caution as a few participants exposed to situational conflict were exposed to frequent and
10
severe DV. Conclusions: Exposure to DV should be measured in methodologically
sophisticated ways to capture the heterogeneity in experiences, with the goal of
promoting empirically-driven intervention and prevention initiatives that are tailored to
individual and family needs.
Hines, D. A., et al. (2007). "Characteristics of callers to the Domestic Abuse Hotline for Men."
Journal of Family Violence 22: 63-72.
Hines, D. A. and E. M. Douglas (2010). "Intimate terrorism by women towards men: Does it
exist?" Journal of Aggression, Conflict, and Peace Research 2(3): 36-56.
Research showing that women commit high rates of intimate partner violence (IPV)
against men has been controversial because IPV is typically framed as caused by the
patriarchal construction of society and men’s domination over women. Johnson’s (1995)
typology of common couple violence (CCV) and intimate terrorism (IT) attempted to
resolve this controversy, but he maintained that IT was caused by patriarchy and
committed almost exclusively by men. This study investigates Johnson’s theory as it
applies to a sample of 302 men who sustained IPV from their female partners and sought
help, and a comparison sample of community men. Results showed that the male
helpseekers sample was comprised of victims of IT and that violence by the male victims
was part of a pattern of what Johnson labels violent resistance. Men in the community
sample who were involved in IPV conformed to Johnson’s description of CCV. Results
are discussed in terms of research, policy, and practice implications of acknowledging
women’s use of severe IPV and controlling behavior against their male partners.
Hines, D. A. and E. M. Douglas (2011). "Symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder in men who
sustain intimate partner violence: A study of helpseeking and community samples." Psychology
of Men and Masculinity 12(2): 112-127.
Extensive work has documented an association between sustaining intimate partner
violence (IPV) and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among women, yet little
research has documented the same association in men, even though men comprise
25–50% of all IPV victims in a given year. Previous studies also show that women who
sustain intimate terrorism (IT), a form of IPV that is characterized by much violence
and controlling behavior, are at even greater risk for PTSD than women who sustain
common couple violence (CCV), a lower level of more minor, reciprocal IPV. However,
no research has documented this trend in men who sustain IT versus CCV. The
present study investigates the associations among sustaining IPV and PTSD among
both a clinical and community sample of men. The clinical sample is comprised of 302
men who sustained IT from their female partners and sought help. The community
sample is comprised of 520 men, 16% of whom sustained CCV. Analyses showed that
in both samples, the associations between sustaining several types of IPV and PTSD
were significant, and that men who sustained IT were at exponentially increased risk of
exceeding the clinical cut-off on the PTSD measure than men who sustained CCV or
no violence. The path models predicting PTSD symptoms differed for both samples,
indicating that perhaps treatment implications differ by group as well.
11
Hines, D. A. and E. M. Douglas (2012). "Alcohol and drug abuse in men who sustain intimate
partner violence." Aggressive Behavior 38(1): 31-46.
Extensive work has documented an association between sustaining intimate partner
violence (IPV) and alcohol/drug abuse among women, yet little research has documented
the same association in men, even though men comprise 25-50% of all IPV victims in a
given year. This study investigates the associations among sustaining IPV and
alcohol/drug abuse among both a clinical and community sample of men. The clinical
sample is comprised of 302 men who sustained intimate terrorism-a form of IPV that is
characterized by much violence and controlling behavior-from their female partners and
sought help. The community sample is composed of 520 men, 16% of whom sustained
common couple violence, a lower level of more minor reciprocal IPV. Analyses showed
that among both groups of men who sustained IPV, the prevalence and frequency of
alcohol/drug abuse was significantly higher than in men who did not sustain IPV.
However, a dose-response relationship between sustaining IPV and alcohol/drug abuse
was found only among men in the community sample. Path modeling showed that, for the
community sample, the best fitting models were ones that showed that the alcohol/drug
abuse predicted IPV victimization, an association that was fully mediated by their use of
IPV. Aggr. Behav. 38: 31-46, 2012. (C) 2011 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Jasinski, J. L., et al. (2014). "Testing Johnson's Typology: Is There Gender Symmetry in Intimate
Terrorism?" Violence and Victims 29(1): 73-88.
Despite the vast literature on gender symmetry in the perpetration of domestic assault,
few studies have looked specifically at both the female and male victims of violence.
Using data from the National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAWS) and building
on the work of Johnson and Leone (2005), this study is a comparison of the female and
male victims of intimate terrorism (IT) and an examination of the effects of IT on male
victims. The findings indicate that IT, as a type of violence, does not have the same
characteristics when the victims are men. Men involved in a terroristic marriage are not
more likely to be injured, do not miss work more frequently, and are not more likely to
report symptoms of depression compared to men involved in situational couple violence
(SCV). Other findings appear to point to gender symmetry between women and men
regarding IT, although broad conclusions based on these findings cannot be made in the
absence of a sufficient means to measure the level of coercion within the relationship.
Additional research is needed with more innovative and complete measures of control,
the defining characteristic of IT.
Johnson, M. P. (1999). Conflict and control: Images of symmetry and asymmetry in domestic
violence. Families in Conflict Symposium. University Park, PA.
Johnson, M. P. (2000). Conflict and control: Symmetry and asymmetry in domestic violence.
National Institute of Justice Gender Symmetry Workshop. Arlington, VA.
Johnson, M. P. (2001). Conflict and control: Symmetry and asymmetry in domestic violence.
Couples in Conflict. A. Booth, A. C. Crouter and M. Clements. Mahwah, NJ, Lawrence
Erlbaum: 95-104.
12
Johnson, M. P. (2006). "Conflict and control: Gender symmetry and asymmetry in domestic
violence." Violence Against Women 12(11): 1-16.
Four types of individual partner violence are identified on the basis of the dyadic control
context of the violence. In intimate terrorism the individual is violent and controlling; the
partner is not. In violent resistance the individual is violent but not controlling; the
partner is the violent and controlling one. In situational couple violence, although the
individual is violent, neither the individual nor the partner is violent and controlling. In
mutual violent control both the individual and the partner are violent and controlling.
Evidence is presented that situational couple violence dominates the violence identified
in general surveys, while intimate terrorism and violent resistance dominate the violence
in agency samples, and that this is the source of differences across studies with respect to
the gender symmetry of partner violence. An argument is made that if we want to
understand partner violence, to intervene effectively in individual cases, or to make
useful policy recommendations, we must make these distinctions in our research.
Johnson, M. P. (2008). A Typology of Domestic Violence: Intimate Terrorism, Violent
Resistance, and Situational Couple Violence. Boston, Northeastern University Press.
Reassesses thirty years of domestic violence research and demonstrates three forms of
partner violence, distinctive in their origins, effects, and treatments
Domestic violence, a serious and far-reaching social problem, has generated two key
debates among researchers. The first debate is about gender and domestic violence. Some
scholars argue that domestic violence is primarily male-perpetrated, others that women
are as violent as men in intimate relationships. Johnson’s response to this debate—and
the central theme of this book—is that there is more than one type of intimate partner
violence. Some studies address the type of violence that is perpetrated primarily by men,
while others are getting at the kind of violence that women areinvolved in as well.
Because there has been no theoretical framework delineating types of domestic violence,
researchers have easily misread one another’s studies.
The second major debate involves how many women are abused each year by their
partners. Estimates range from two to six million. Johnson’s response once again comes
from this book’s central theme. If there is more than one type of intimate partner
violence, then the numbers depend on what type you’re talking about.
Johnson argues that domestic violence is not a unitary phenomenon. Instead, he
delineates three major, dramatically different, forms of partner violence: intimate
terrorism, violent resistance, and situational couple violence. He roots the conceptual
distinctions among the forms of violence in an analysis of the role of power and control
in relationship violence and shows that the failure to make these basic distinctions among
types of partner violence has produced a research literature that is plagued by both
overgeneralizations and ostensibly contradictory findings. This volume begins the work
of theorizing forms of domestic violence, a crucial first step to a better understanding of
these phenomena among scholars, social scientists, policy makers, and service providers.
13
Johnson, M. P. and A. Cares (2004). Effects and non-effects of childhood experiences of family
violence on adult partner violence. National Council on Family Relations annual meeting,
Orlando, FL.
Overall, we would have to conclude that the effects of childhood experiences of family
violence are non-existent to weak, except in the case of male intimate terrorism. When
we distinguish among three types of adult partner violence and two types of childhood
family violence, and look at men and women separately, we have twelve possible
relationships, only three of which are statistically significant. Two of the three are not
particularly strong (odds ratios = 2.78 and 1.74). There is, however, one strong
relationship. The odds of being an intimate terrorist in adulthood are 7.51 times greater
for boys who have experienced parental partner violence in childhood than they are for
those who have not.
Johnson, M. P., et al. (2002). The effects of different types of domestic violence on women:
Intimate terrorism vs. situational couple violence. National Council on Family Relations annual
meeting, Houston, Texas.
Johnson, M. P. and J. M. Leone (2000). The differential effects of patriarchal terrorism and
common couple violence: Findings from the National Violence Against Women survey. Tenth
International Conference on Personal Relationships, Brisbane, Australia.
Data from the National Violence Against Women survey show that the two major forms
of male partner violence (patriarchal terrorism and common couple violence) have
dramatically different effects on their victims. Victims of patriarchal terrorism
(compared to victims of common couple violence) are twice as likely to be injured, twice
as likely to score high on a measure of post-traumatic stress syndrome, and four times as
likely to have left their husbands more than once. If we want to understand the true
impact of "abuse" from survey data rather than from the reports of the clients of shelters,
hospitals and the courts, we must make some distinctions among types of violence so that
the data we use to describe abuse are not diluted by data regarding other forms of
violence.
Johnson, M. P. and J. M. Leone (2005). "The differential effects of intimate terrorism and
situational couple violence: Findings from the National Violence Against Women Survey."
Journal of Family Issues 26(3): 322-349.
Data from the National Violence Against Women Survey show that the two major forms
of husband violence toward their wives (intimate terrorism and situational couple
violence) have different effects on their victims. Victims of intimate terrorism are
attacked more frequently and experience violence that is less likely to stop. They are
more likely to be injured, to exhibit more of the symptoms of post-traumatic stress
syndrome, to use painkillers (perhaps also tranquilizers), and to miss work. They have
left their husbands more often and when they do leave they are more likely to acquire
their own residence. If we want to understand the true impact of wife abuse from survey
data (rather than from agency data), we must make distinctions among types of violence
so that the data that we use to describe "battering" are not diluted by data regarding other
types of partner violence.
14
Johnson, M. P., et al. (2008). Gender, intimate terrorism, and situational couple violence in
general survey data: The gender debate revisited--again. National Council on Family Relations
annual meeting, Little Rock, AR.
We use National Violence Against Women survey data to develop an operationalization
of intimate terrorism and situational couple violence. We argue that past efforts to
distinguish among types of intimate partner violence in general survey data have
committed a critical error and we develop a valid operationalization based on data
regarding ex-spouses. The data on ex-spouses confirm past findings regarding a variety
of differences between intimate terrorism and situational couple violence, including the
gender patterns predicted by feminist theories of intimate partner violence. We then
apply this new operationalization to the “current spouse” data in the National Violence
Against Women survey to demonstrate that general survey data on current relationships
contain little or no intimate terrorism. This finding has major implications for the use of
such data to “test” feminist theories of intimate partner violence. The new
operationalization will allow us to avoid the vagaries of cluster analysis in our
investigations of the balance of major types of intimate partner violence in different
samples.
Johnson, M. P., et al. (2014). "Intimate terrorism and situational couple violence in general
surveys: Ex-spouses required." Violence Against Women 20(2): 186-207.
In this article, we argue that past efforts to distinguish among types of intimate partner
violence in general survey data have committed a critical error—using data on current
spouses to develop operationalizations of intimate terrorism and situational couple
violence. We use ex-spouse data from the National Violence Against Women Survey
(NVAWS) to develop new operationalizations. We then demonstrate that NVAWS
current spouse data contain little intimate terrorism; we argue that this is likely to be the
case for all general surveys. In addition, the ex-spouse data confirm past findings
regarding a variety of differences between intimate terrorism and situational couple
violence, including those predicted by feminist theories.
Johnson, R., et al. (2006). "A psychometric typology of U.K. domestic violence offenders."
Journal of Interpersonal Violence 21(10): 1270-1285.
A number of studies have described subtypes of domestically violent men, & the
heterogeneity of domestically violent men is well established. The aim of the current
study was to investigate the distribution of subtypes using psychometric measures in
convicted domestically violent offenders in England. Four subtypes of offenders were
identified: low pathology, borderline, narcissistic, & antisocial. These subtypes were
broadly comparable with the family-only, dysphoric/borderline, & generally
violent/antisocial types proposed by Holtzworth-Munroe & Stuart. The majority of the
sample (60%) best fit the generally violent/antisocial profile. However, the reliance on
psychometric measurement & lack of corroborative evidence from partners means that
further research is necessary to test these findings. Tables, References. [Reprinted by
permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2006.]
Johnston, J. R. and L. E. Campbell (1993). "A clinical typology of interparental violence in
disputed-custody divorces." American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 63(2): 190-199.
15
From two studies of high-conflict divorcing families (N=140) in child custody disputes, 4
characteristic profiles of interparental violence were identified: ongoing or episodic
battering by males, female-initiated violence, interactive violence controlled by males,
and violence engendered by separation or postdivorce trauma. A fifth profile, culled from
a subsample of members of the 1st two groups, was characterized by psychotic and
paranoid reactions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2007 APA )
Jouriles, E. N. and R. McDonald (2015). "Intimate partner violence, coercive control, and child
adjustment problems." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 30(3): 459-474.
Coercive control is a relationship dynamic that is theorized to be key
for understanding physical intimate partner violence (IPV). This research
examines how coercive control in the context of physical IPV may influence
child adjustment. Participants were 107 mothers and their children, aged
7 to 10 years. In each family, mothers reported the occurrence of at least
one act of physical IPV in the past 6 months. Mothers reported on physical
IPV and coercive control, and mothers and children reported on children’s
externalizing and internalizing problems. Coercive control in the context
of physical IPV related positively with both mothers’ and children’s reports
of child externalizing and internalizing problems, after accounting for the
frequency of physical IPV, psychological abuse, and mothers’ education. This
research suggests that couple relationship dynamics underlying physical IPV
are potentially important for understanding how physical IPV leads to child
adjustment problems.
Krantz, G. and N. D. Vung (2009). "The role of controlling behaviour in intimate partner
violence and its health effects: A population based study from rural Vietnam." Bmc Public
Health 9.
Background: Studies in North America and other high-income regions support the
distinction between extreme "intimate terrorism" and occasional "situational couple
violence", defined conceptually in terms of the presence or absence of controlling
behaviour in the violent member of the couple. Relatively little research has been
conducted on the different forms intimate partner violence may take in low-income
countries. The aim of this study was to investigate whether these expressions of intimate
partner violence in one low-income country, Vietnam, adhere to patterns observed in
western industrialised countries as well as to investigate the resulting health effects.
Methods: This cross-sectional study collected structured interview data from 883 married
women aged 17-60, using the Women's Health and Life Experiences questionnaire
developed by WHO. Intimate partner violence was assessed by past-year experience of
physical or sexual violence and control tactics were assessed using six items combined
into a scale. Three different health parameters constituted the dependent variables. Bi-and
multivariate analyses, including effect modification analyses, were performed. Results:
Of the participants, 81 (9.2%) had been exposed to physical or sexual violence during the
past 12 months; of these, 26 (32.1%) had been subjected to one or more controlling
behaviours by their partners. The risk of ill health associated with combined exposure
was elevated eight to 15 times, compared to a two-fourfold risk increase after exposure to
16
only one of the behaviours, i.e. violent acts or control tactics. Conclusion: Physical or
sexual violence combined with control tactics acted synergistically to worsen health in
rural Vietnamese women. The occurrence of such violence calls for altered policies,
increased research and implementation of preventive and curative strategies. The
unacceptability of intimate partner violence as a part of normal Vietnamese family life
must be recognised in the general debate.
Laroche, D. (2005). "Aspects of the context and consequences of domestic violence: Situational
couple violence and intimate terrorism in Canada in 1999.". Retrieved July 22, 2009, from
http://www.stat.gouv.qc.ca/bul/conditions_vie/AspectViolen_an.pdf.
Lehmann, P., et al. (2012). "The validation of the Checklist of Controlling Behaviors (CCB):
Assessing coercive control in abusive relationships." Violence Against Women 18(8): 913-933.
The current study addresses the validation of the Checklist of Controlling Behaviors
(CCB), an 84-item domestic violence assessment instrument that can be used to address
multiple levels of violence and coercive control in violent relationships. Derived from
clinical observation and current theories, the CCB makes use of intimate partner violence
survivor reports to identify the intensity and frequency of relationship violence. The
instrument is divided into 10 subscales including (1) physical abuse, (2) sexual abuse, (3)
male privilege, (4) isolation, (5) minimizing and denying, (6) blaming, (7) intimidation,
(8) threats, (9) emotional abuse, and (10) economic abuse. To assess validity and
reliability of the CCB, 2,135 female volunteers taking refuge at a domestic violence
shelter were administered the instrument. Results of principal component analysis of the
individual subscales revealed 10 factors having goodness-of-fit values above the desired
normative level of .90
Leone, J. M. (2007). Suicide ideation among African American victims of intimate terrorism and
situational couple violence. National Council on Family Relations annual meeting, Pittsburgh.
The current study examines the association between experiencing partner violence and
suicide ideation among female African American respondents of the Chicago Women’s
Health Risk Study (N = 369). Findings indicate that intimate terrorism victims have more
than double the risk of attempting or threatening suicide compared to victims of
situational couple violence and more than seven times the risk compared to women in
non-violent relationships. Suicide ideation among intimate terrorism victims is primarily
mediated by symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder while suicide ideation among
situational couple violence victims is mediated by physical violence severity, drug and
alcohol use, and symptoms of depression. Findings emphasize the need for researchers
and practitioners to distinguish between types of male partner violence when examining
its consequences for victims.
Leone, J. M. (2011). "Suicidal behavior among low-income, African American female victims of
intimate terrorism and situational couple violence." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 26(13):
2568-2591.
This study examined risk of suicidal behavior among low-income, African American
women (N = 369) in three types of male intimate relationships-intimate terrorism (IT)
(i.e., physical violence used within a general pattern of coercive control), situational
17
couple violence (SCV; i.e., episodic physical violence that is not part of a general pattern
of coercive control), and nonviolent (NV; i.e., no physical violence). IT victims had more
than double the odds of suicidal behavior compared to SCV victims and this association
remained significant after controlling for physical violence severity, depression
symptoms, and alcohol and drug abuse. Risk of suicidal behavior was not significantly
different for SCV victims compared to women in NV relationships. Findings emphasize
the need for researchers and practitioners to distinguish between types of male partner
violence when examining its context and consequences for female victims.
Leone, J. M., et al. (2003). Help-seeking among women in violent relationships: Factors
associated with formal and informal help utilization. National Council on Family Relations
annual meeting, Vancouver, British Columbia.
Leone, J. M., et al. (2004). Differences in women’s perceived social support: An examination of
two types of violent relationships. National Council on Family Relations annual meeting,
Orlando, FL.
Leone, J. M., et al. (2007). "Victim help-seeking: Differences between intimate terrorism and
situational couple violence." Family Relations 56(5): 427-439.
Research indicates that two major forms of partner violence exist, intimate terrorism (IT)
and situational couple violence (SCV). The current study (N = 389) used a subgroup of
women who responded to the Chicago Women's Health Risk Study to examine whether
type of violence experienced is differentially related to formal (e.g., police, medical
agencies, counseling) and informal (e.g., family, friends/neighbors) help seeking. IT
victims were more likely to seek each type of formal help but were equally or less likely
to seek informal help. Findings can inform both family violence research and the
development and implementation of social service programs. (PsycINFO Database
Record (c) 2007 APA, all rights reserved)
Leone, J. M., et al. (2001). Consequences of different types of domestic violence for lowincome, ethnic women: A control-based typology of male-partner violence. International
Network on Personal Relationships, Prescott, Arizona.
Leone, J. M., et al. (2004). "Consequences of male partner violence for low-income, ethnic
women." Journal of Marriage and Family 66(2): 471-489.
The current study used a random sample of 563 low-income women to test Johnson's
(1995) theory that there are two major forms of male-partner violence, situational couple
violence and intimate terrorism, which are distinguished in terms of their embeddedness
in a general pattern of control. The study examined the associations between type of
violence experienced and respondents' physical health, psychological distress, and
economic well-being. Analyses revealed three distinct patterns of partner violence:
intimate terrorism, control/ no threat, and situational couple violence. Compared to
victims of control/no threat and situational couple violence, victims of intimate terrorism
reported more injuries from physical violence and more work/activity time lost because
of injuries. Compared to women who experienced no violence in the previous year,
victims of intimate terrorism reported a greater likelihood of visiting a doctor, poorer
18
health, more psychological distress, and a greater likelihood of receiving government
assistance.
Leone, J. M., et al. (2014). "Women's decisions to not seek formal help for partner violence: A
comparison of intimate terrorism and situational couple violence." Journal of Interpersonal
Violence 29(10): 1850-1876.
This study examined the help-seeking decisions of low-income women (n = 389) in two
types of physically violent heterosexual relationships-intimate terrorism (i.e., physical
violence used within a general pattern of coercive control) and situationally violent (i.e.,
physical violence that is not part of a general pattern of coercive control). Intimate
terrorism victims were significantly more likely than situational couple violence victims
to cite fear as a reason for not seeking help from the police, medical centers, and
counselors/agencies. In contrast, situational couple violence victims more often said that
they did not need help. Regression analyses also indicate that additional violence-related
factors predict women's help-seeking. Findings emphasize the importance of
distinguishing between types of male partner violence and recognizing women's exertions
of personal choice and perceptions of dangerousness when examining their decisions
about seeking help from service providers.
Leone, J. M., et al. (2008). Barriers to help seeking: Understanding the needs of women in
violent relationships. National Council on Family Relations Annual Conference. Little Rock,
AR.
Leone, J. M., et al. (2008). Choosing to Not Seek Formal Help: Differences Among Female
Partner Violence Victims. Annual meetings of the National Council on Family Relations, Little
Rock, Arkansas.
Lira, L. R. and M. T. S. Mendez (2008). "Episodic violence or intimate terrorism? An
exploratory proposal to classify violence against women in the context of intimate couple
relationships." Salud Mental 31(6): 469-478.
Introduction The concern of this paper comes from a reflection on the phenomenon of
violence against women in the context of intimate couple relationships. Even though
studies dealing with the issue tend to focus on the presence of physical violence, it should
not be forgotten that in the same relationships several types of emotional and sometimes
sexual violence may co-exist. Violent men intentionally aim to create a threatening
climate against women. To do so, they resort to devaluations, insults, threats,
maltreatment, shouting, contempt, intolerance, humiliations, jealousy and accusations.
Nevertheless, women are often unaware of many of them given the social tolerance
towards overall abuse and the lack of institutional alternatives. There are, however, some
difficulties to operationalize these behaviours. It is particularly difficult to measure the
characteristic pattern followed by these relationships as this may involve very subtle
forms of violence. Likewise, results obtained in the physical and psychological
dimensions are usually kept as separate areas or they are presented at best in a mixed
form to show the prevalences from the different surveys carried out. This article is a
theoretical and statistical exercise aimed at constructing a typology of male violence
against women. Its starting point is a proposal posing that in heterosexual relationships
19
two types of violence are present. The first one may be called episodic violence, where
one or both members of the couple carry out some violent act without the desire to
control or dominate the other partner. In the other one, defined as intimate terrorism, the
man acts out with the clear purpose of exerting both a violent and non-violent control and
dominion over the woman's actions, thoughts, and emotions. Although it is certainly
arguable, it might be interesting to analyze this classification for it is risky to suppose that
there are couple relationships where a symmetry in the use of violence exists both on the
part of man and women -that is, that women are as violent as men. It is risky because it
distorts violence's gender nature by presupposing that the some behaviour may be exerted
with the same physical and symbolic strength and that it will hove similar consequences.
However, we think it is worth taking it into account as a starting point for this analysis.
To do so, a database derived from a study conducted among a sample of women
attending general medical consultation was used. The main analysis axis was the
indicator of having experienced a physically violent behaviour on the part of the partner
during the last year. This was related to five emotional violence dimensions which
represent different modalities as to their intentionality and impact. The groups thus
formed were analyzed considering some variables which were previously regarded as
associated to this form of violence, including demographic features, and some other
features related to household income participation and the distribution of household
keeping chores in the women's families. Specific features regarding the violent
relationship, such as the motives behind the physical violence episodes and the role
played by alcohol abuse on the part of the male partner in these episodes, were also
considered.
Method A database derived from a transversal ex post facto study conducted with a 345women sample attending first-time or subsequent medical attention in a first level
institution was analyzed. A structured questionnaire made up of different areas was
applied. The following areas were included in this study: 1. Sociodemographic variables
from each woman, her male partner and her family. 2. A violence severity scale
containing 22 different types of physically violent behaviours from men against women,
and 36 emotional violence. types. A previous analysis of the loiter showed five
conceptually congruous dimensions: Devaluation, Threatening behaviours, Intimidation,
Hostility, and Abusive expectations. 3. Features of both the relationship and the violent
episodes. 4. Alcohol abuse on the part of the partner.
To construct the typology, women who had experienced at least one physical violence
attack by their partners during the last twelve months were classified, regardless of the
frequency and severity of such behaviour. With this sub-sample, a multidimensional
escalation analysis was performed with the five emotional violence dimensions reported
and these were considered as << stimuli >>. Decisions were then taken as to the
configuration obtained and the women were classified in three groups considering both
the presence and severity of the physical violence experienced and the frequency of the
different forms of emotional violence. Based on these groups classification, variance and
chi square analysis were carried out with the variables selected to observe whether these
effectively differentiated the women from each group.
20
Results The resulting emotional violence dimensions allowed us to obtain a typology of
the sub-sample of women who had experienced physical violence (30% of the total).
With this, three groups were formed: 1. episodic physical violence, including women
who did not report any threats nor intimidation or devaluation (12.5%); 2. intimidating
physical violence, including women who reported threats and intimidation and some or
no devaluation (12.5%), and 3. intimate terrorism, which refers to women who suffered
very frequent threats and intimidations together with occasional to frequent devaluations
(5%). The latter is the highest risk group. Women belonging to this group were older (35
years) than those from the other two groups and so were their partners (40 years). They
reported having more children and having lived longer with the abusing partner. Three
out of each five had a paid job, mainly informal, and look charge of the money income
responsibility of their households. Male partners were the main income providers only in
40% of the instances. Role genders in these families were very traditional as the male
partners seldom helped with household keeping cores. Male partners had alcohol abuserelated problems and, in fact, one out of each three got aggressive when he had had any
alcohol. The main reasons behind physical violence were male drunkenness, jealousy,
and women protecting their offspring. At the other end are the women we classified in the
episodic violence group. These were the youngest in the study even when compared to
non-abused and intimidating violence victims. These women and their couple's household
income participation, and the family members' participation in household keeping cores
were similar to those in the no violence group. Their partners had also used alcohol in a
comparable amount to that of the intimidating violence group. The main reasons
underlying physical violence were male anger and male jealousy, and drunkenness to a
lesser degree.
Conclusions A considerable amount of women, nearly one out of each three, had
experienced some form of physical violence in their couple relationship during the last
year, and one out of each five had suffered violence in an abusive context of threats,
intimidation and devaluation. Given this, it is important to focus on any type of physical
violence as a part of a primary preventive perspective.
The results obtained may be used to design a brief instrument which allows for the
detection of women at a high risk of suffering violence from their partners. Furthermore,
these results allow us to reflect in the need to pose structural public policies to face this
problem. Women suffering from intimate terrorism are those who are mainly in charge of
household keeping chores, while at the some time hold badly paid and informal jobs.
Consequently, it is essential for them not only to become economically empowered, but
also for men to get involved in household keeping chores. Despite male alcohol abuse not
being a factor behind this type of violence, it is still a risk factor which requires an urgent
national policy.
Lockwood, V. and M. Allen (2009, May 29). "Domestic violence: “Once an abuser, always an
abuser” not always true." SMU Research. Retrieved October 15, 2015, from
http://blog.smu.edu/research/2009/05/20/domestic-violence-once-an-abuser-always-an-abusernot-always-true/.
21
Preliminary anthropology research in French Polynesia seems to confirm what
psychology and sociology researchers have observed about domestic violence in general:
There are two different types. One kind endures and escalates, while the other gradually
fades away after a few years.
The findings are those of SMU’s Victoria Lockwood, who for three decades has studied
the lives of women on the chain of South Pacific islands that includes the tropical
paradise of Tahiti.
Few anthropologists study domestic violence. What Lockwood has found initially
confirms the existence of “battering,” which is long-lived, versus “situational couple
violence,” which is short-lived.
“If we don’t acknowledge there are two different kinds of domestic violence, then we’ll
never understand what the causes are,” says Lockwood. “The causes are very different, so
if we wish to devise policies or social programs, we need to be doing two different things
to address the issues.”
Lockwood is a cultural anthropologist and associate professor in the Anthropology
Department of SMU’s Dedman College. For 28 years she has studied the impact of
modernization and globalization on the women of Tahiti and its tiny rural neighbors,
Tubuai and Rurutu.
Lockwood’s research took a turn, however, when the women began disclosing that
arguments with their husbands at times resulted in physical violence. The revelations
intrigued Lockwood. Now she is investigating the prevalence, causes, meanings and
consequences of domestic violence on its victims on the islands. The research is funded
by a three-year, $128,000 grant from the National Science Foundation.
Lockwood leaves in June for a month-long stay on Tubuai and Rurutu. She first traveled
there in 1981 as a graduate student for her doctoral degree at UCLA. In the past three
decades Lockwood has made seven trips to the islands, in particular Tubuai. The most
recent one was in 2005, when she conducted preliminary research, interviewing husbands
and wives from 25 families about domestic violence in their lives.
“Because I’ve worked on this island so long, I know these families, and they’ve already
talked to me about abuse,” Lockwood says.
What kind of domestic violence?
The islands are a fairly gender-egalitarian society, she says. Domestic violence is no
more common there than anywhere else. The women expressed distress to Lockwood that
their husbands hit them, but said the assaults gradually stop after the early years of
marriage.
“If you ask the wives, ‘Has your husband ever hit you or shoved you or kicked you?’ the
vast majority will say that it’s happened, and that they’ve probably done it themselves,
22
but that it wasn’t a pattern,” Lockwood says. “They’ll say, ‘Oh, he had just lost his job or
he was stressed out from this or that, and it doesn’t happen all the time, and it went
away.’ If you asked them ‘Is this domestic violence?’ they would say, ‘No.'”
That’s not the stereotype of domestic violence, Lockwood notes, citing the widely held
belief that one incident of abuse indicates more to come.
For example, consider talk-show host Oprah’s advice this spring to pop star Rihanna,
telling her to break up with boyfriend Chris Brown because he would surely hit her again.
“The word on the street, at least in American society, is that domestic violence doesn’t go
away, ‘Once an abuser, always an abuser,’ and that the abuse escalates over time,”
Lockwood says. “But that wasn’t the case in Tahiti. And that’s what got me interested in
looking at the issue in Tahitian society.”
Psychologists and sociologists have reported the distinction between short- versus longlived domestic abuse for about 15 years. They describe situational couple violence as
sporadic domestic abuse that occurs early in a marriage as a couple attempts to work out
balance-of-power issues and decision-making. The violence is initiated by either the
husband or wife, then fades away.
Battering is typically enduring, and the husband is normally the aggressor. The violence
usually escalates, with the husband obsessed to control every aspect of his wife’s
behavior, using verbal as well as physical tactics, Lockwood says.
“In Tubuai, a lot of young couples describe the early years of marriage as very rocky,
very difficult, and then things get much better,” she says.
Anthropologically, Lockwood says, the work is relevant to the study of violence in
general.
“In a lot of societies, various acts of violence, even between spouses, are considered to be
OK and legitimate. In some societies that’s not the case, and other acts are considered
terrible and horrible. But it’s all violence,” Lockwood says. “I hope to understand more
about how different cultures define what violence is, and what is an appropriate
relationship between husbands and wives.” — Margaret Allen
Menon, N. (2003). A feminist study of domestic violence in rural India. Sociology. University
Park, The Pennsylvania State University. M.A.
Menon, N. (2008). Domestic Violence in India: Identifying Types of Control and Coping
Mechanisms in Violent Relationships. Sociology. University Park, PA, The Pennsylvania State
University. Ph.D.: 285.
In an effort to bring clarity to the varieties of domestic violence across contexts,
this study examines specifically the relationship among patriarchy, domestic
violence and agency exerted by women. Although patriarchy has been largely
23
investigated as the primary cause of domestic violence, the processes that mark
this relationships has rarely been assessed. In addition, patriarchal ideology and
restrictions in the Indian family system are uniformly blamed as the primary
reason for women staying in violent relationships (Johnson & Johnson 2001).
Recently, researchers have questioned whether patriarchy is the only factor
affecting domestic violence, and whether women are always hapless victims of
violence (Johnson 1995, Sangari, 2002). I argue based on these findings there is a
need for the reassessment of the relationship patriarchal ideology, agency and
domestic violence.
Paying close attention to the specific interpersonal and intra-familial dynamics of
control and coping mechanisms in a marital relationship, this project answers four
main research questions: (1) What are the different types of control that families
exert over women in situations of domestic violence? (2) How do the different
contexts of domestic violence influence the strategies used by families to control
women's economic and social lives? (3) What are the different coping strategies
that are used by women to deal with violence in these differing contexts? and (4)
How are these coping strategies influenced by the interaction of particular
cultural, social, and economic contexts?
To answer these questions, I employ a blended methodology of qualitative and
quantitative research to identify different types of control contexts in familial
violence and the differential effects of these types of domestic violence. I use a
combination of primary and secondary data. The secondary data for the project
comes from the Demographic Health Survey of India, conducted in 1999. This
large-scale survey data are used in conjunction with primary data to create a
unique dataset that enabled me to better understand the micro- and macrostructures of domestic violence in India. Thus, by conducting this research, I want
to make a case for the importance of making distinctions in domestic violence and
to explicate some of the contributions that such distinctions can make to our
understanding of domestic violence.
Menon, N. and M. P. Johnson (2007). Patriarchy and paternalism in intimate partner violence: A
study of domestic violence in rural India. Recent Studies on Indian Women: Empirical Work of
Social Scientists. K. Misra and J. Lowry. New Delhi, Rawat Publications: 171-195.
Three important characteristics of domestic violence emerge from the results of this
study. First, patriarchy des not necessarily lead to the use of violence. Second, violence
may be used primarily as a means of last resort, after all other control tactics have failed.
Third, discourses of love have to be incorporated into our understanding of violence
within the family. Summarily, it is not enough to understand that a patriarchal family
system occasionally endorses acts of violence, or that violence is a man taking control
rather than a man out of control. A deeper understanding of the conditions under which
violence is used by patriarchal families to control recalcitrant women will enable us to
more fully comprehend the complex ways in which patriarchy and paternalism control
women's lives.
24
Myhill, A. (2015). "Measuring coercive control: What can we learn from national population
surveys?" Violence Against Women 21(3): 355–375.
Numerous academic studies point to gender symmetry in the prevalence of intimate
partner violence (IPV). Many of these studies report findings from surveys with small
and/or unrepresentative samples that have insufficient questions to differentiate
adequately between different types of abuse. Data from a large, nationally representative
survey suggest that, while the prevalence of situational violence is fairly symmetrical,
coercive controlling abuse is highly gendered, with women overwhelmingly the
victims. The authors conclude that more comprehensive measures are required in
national surveys that consider a wider range of controlling behaviors as well as the
meaning and impact of abuse.
Nawaz, B. (2014). Understanding Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) Through Control Tactics: A
Sociological Study Of Women’s Experiences From Pakistan. Sociology, Univeraity of Karachi.
Ph.D.
This study is the first to investigate intimate partner violence (IPV) in Pakistan while
taking into account Johnson‘s typology of IPV. As such, its main goal was to understand
women‘s experiences of different types of IPV, consequences of different types of IPV
and the use of different coping strategies to resist different types of IPV in Pakistan. To
answer these questions, I had employed both quantitative and qualitative methods in the
present research. The primary quantitative data were collected through 80 face-to face
structured interviews with abused women using an interview schedule and used to
identify the factors that distinguish among different types of intimate partner violence.
Later, the quantitative data are supplemented by 13 in-depth qualitative interviews using
a semi-structured interview guideline. Together, the data analyses from the two methods
using triangulation enhanced interpretability. The findings revealed that there are1)
dramatically different types of IPV in Pakistan, as else where, 2) that some men‘s
violence is a consequence of the escalation of arguments (situational couple violence or
SCV), rather than an overall attempt to control his partner, 3) that some men‘s violence is
part of a general attempt to control their wife (intimate terrorism or IT), and 4) In
Pakistan there is a third type (family-based intimate terrorism or FIT) that is similar to IT,
but differs from it in some important ways, for some FIT there may be family dynamic in
which family members other than the husband either encourage his violence or even
participate in it themselves. For other FIT husbands, the dynamic should be quite similar
to IT, but with an emphasis on the use of aspects of the family system as a major control
tactic. IT and FIT confirmed the role of patriarchy in the subjugation of women in
Pakistan. As for consequences of different types of IPV, findings show that the frequency
of committing severe violent acts in SCV is zero; minor violent acts are more likely,
although still rare. On the other hand IT involves more frequent minor and severe acts of
violence. IT husbands slapped, punched, kicked, choked, burned and raped their wives in
Pakistan. FIT perpetrators frequently commit minor acts of physical violence, but are less
likely to commit severe acts of violence. Some women who experienced violence from
SCV husbands had sustained scratches/black/bite marks and sore muscles/sprains/pulls.
Minor and major injuries are sustained by some FIT women. Some of the IT women
sustained broken bone, miscarriages, disfigurement of body parts and permanent
disability. Women who experienced three types of IPV had reported some psychological
25
effects. Extreme SCV cases may have similar effects to those of FIT and IT, but usually
does not. Some of the FIT women developed a sense of losing self-confidence, attempted
to commit suicide. Some IT women had random and continuous thoughts due to lack of
concentration. Their IT‘s husbands hunger and lust for sex damaged their self-esteem and
resulting low sex drive, sleep disorder, sad feeling, depressed and attempted suicide. It is
suggested that SCV women are relatively satisfied with their marital life as compared to
FIT and IT. Although they have disagreements, their relationship is still important for
them. Some of the women experiencing FIT are quite dissatisfied, but in most cases are
not seriously considering escaping the situation. While IT women are having poor marital
quality that sometimes results in a breakup or divorce. As for coping strategies, women
experiencing SCV are less likely to use a wide range of coping strategies. Although they
do sometimes express their anger, apologizing and avoiding doing something that might
make the abuser angry is more common, and they sometimes seek help from friends and
relatives. Women experiencing FIT use different coping strategies, they often express
anger or, carry out domestic tasks at a lower standard. Some women return to their
parents' home and seek help from them and from the police. Women experiencing IT
seem to be using a wide range of coping mechanisms to deal with effects of power and
control. Sometimes they keep feelings inside, sometimes threaten to leave, withdraw
consent to have sex with IT husbands, and sometimes apologize in order to make up with
their IT husbands. They even take help from the police and finally escape from home.
Some of the women also take help from shelters.
Nielsen, S. K., et al. (In press). "Exploring variations within situational couple violence and
comparisons to coercive controlling violence and no violence/no control." Violence Against
Women.
We examined variations within situational couple violence among 23 divorcing mothers
and compared them to mothers with coercive controlling violence and no violence/no.
Situational couple violence had great variability in frequency and severity of violence,
fear, harassment, and protective strategies. In some cases, situational couple violence
was frequent and severe and resembled coercive controlling violence in its consequences.
The dynamics of fear and harassment in situational couple violence and in the divorce
process in general warrant attention. Finally, mothers reported mental health symptoms
that did not differ by group, which is likely due to the stresses of divorce.
Ornstein, P. and J. Rickne (2013). "When does intimate partner violence continue after
separation?" Violence Against Women 19: 617-633.
Over their lifetime, approximately 10% of all women become victims of postseparation
stalking or assault. We use a nationally representative survey of separated Swedish
women to examine whether men who strive to control their partners during their
relationships are more likely to stalk or assault their ex-partners after separation. The
empirical analysis shows that basic measures of control behaviors explain 18% of the
variance in stalking victimization and 8% of the assault victimization. Moreover, the
predictive values of our measures of control by far surpass those of other common risk
markers included in the analysis.
26
Overlien, C. (2013). "The children of patriarchal terrorism." Journal of Family Violence 28(3):
277-287.
In an exploratory qualitative interview study of 25 children who experienced domestic
violence, 10 children diverged from the rest of the group in regards to expressed strong
fear. The questions asked were: what are the violent experiences of these children? What,
from the children's perspective, is the nature of the violence? A thematic analysis of the
interviews with the 10 children identified six themes: a high degree of coercive control
and exposure to 'bizarre acts', severe and repeated violence, perceived impossibility of
physical interventions during the violent acts, violence permeating everyday life, strong
feelings of fear and a constant state of readiness, and descriptions of life starting after the
abusers leave the family. The results urges researchers, clinicians and policymakers to
better distinguish between children who experience domestic violence in order to better
target support and intervention.
Prospero, M. (2008). "The effect of coercion on aggression and mental health among
reciprocally violent couples." Journal of Family Violence 23(3): 195-202.
Researchers have not investigated mental health outcomes among couples who are
reciprocally violent towards each other. The present study investigated differences in
partner violence (psychological, physical, and sexual) and mental health symptoms
(depression, anxiety, hostility, and somatic) between two types of reciprocally violent
couples: situational couple violence (SCV) and mutual control violence (MVC). SCV
couples use violence to address stressful family conflicts, while MVC couples use
violence as a tool to control each other. Participants (N = 609) completed surveys that
contained several instruments that measured past violence, coercive behaviors, physical
injuries, and mental health symptoms. Results revealed that MVC reported significantly
higher levels of violent perpetration and worse physical and mental health than SCV.
These findings have implications for understanding the role of coercion in partner
violence and mental health, which can be used for the development of appropriate mental
health services for couples who are mutually violent towards each other. (PsycINFO
Database Record (c) 2008 APA ) (journal abstract)
Rosen, K. H., et al. (2005). "A qualitative investigation of Johnson's typology." Violence and
Victims. Special Issue: Women's and Men's Use of Interpersonal Violence 20(3): 319-334.
The couple typology described by Johnson and Ferraro (2000) provided the framework
for this analysis of narrative accounts of couples in violent heterosexual relationships.
Participants were 15 bidirectionally violent couples who were interviewed separately for
about 1 hour each. Modified analytic induction guided the analyses. We categorized the
violence in the relationships of these 15 couples in the following ways: 11 were
categorized as "common couple" violence; two as "violent resistance"; one as "mutual
violent control"; and one couple was categorized as what we named "pseudo-intimate
terrorism." We present rich descriptions of each category and motivations for and impacts
of aggressive behavior as well as our rationale for classifying couples the way we did.
Implications for intervention and future research are discussed. (PsycINFO Database
Record (c) 2006 APA ) (journal abstract)
27
Sillito, C. (2012). "Gendered physical and emotional health consequences of situational couple
violence for heterosexual married and cohabiting couples." Feminist Criminology 7(4): 255-281.
Research of intimate partner abuse has not adequately assessed the role of gender in
situational couple violence (SCV). This research examines gendered effects of SCV on
outcomes using longitudinal data from the United States National Survey of Family and
Households. Results show gender asymmetries in physical health, depression, and fear
outcomes of respondents exposed to SCV. Women exposed to physical SCV are less
likely to report good physical health and more likely to report depression and fear than
control-group women. No significant relationships are found for men. Implications
suggest inclusion of outcomes when assessing gender symmetry in intimate partner
abuse.
Simmons, C. A., et al. (2008). "Men's use of controlling behaviors: A comparison of reports by
women in a domestic violence shelter and women in a domestic violence offender program."
Journal of Family Violence 23(6): 387-394.
The current descriptive study seeks to broaden empirical understanding about family
violence by comparing women's reports of their male partner's controlling behaviors in
samples of women in a domestic violence offender's program (N = 77) and women in a
domestic violence shelter (N = 77). Three interesting findings were noted. First, the
majority of women in the IPV offender's program reported their male partner committed
some frequency of physical abuse (84.4%), emotional abuse (85.6%) and/or overall
controlling behaviors (96.4%). However, the majority of the women in the IPV offender's
program reported the frequency of these behaviors occurred "rarely" (53.2%, 36.4%, and
55.8% respectively). Second, the partners of women charged with intimate partner
violence are significantly less violent and controlling than the partners of women seeking
refuge in the shelter. Finally, it appears that women IPV offenders report experiencing
three distinct categories of partner initiated violent and controlling experiences. Practical,
theoretical, and research implications are addressed.
Simpson, L. E., et al. (2007). "Relationship violence among couples seeking therapy: Common
couple violence or battering?" Journal of Marital and Family Therapy 33(2): 270-283.
Relationship violence is highly prevalent among couples seeking therapy (Ehrensaft &
Vivian, 1996; Jouriles & O'Leary, 1985), yet few couple therapists regularly assess for
violence (Dimidjian, Berns, & Jacobson, 1999), and there is limited research on the type
of violence most characteristic of couples in this population. The current study uses latent
class analysis to examine types of violence in a sample of 273 therapy-seeking couples.
The results support a three-class typology, with the groups labeled no violence, low-level
violence, and moderate-to-severe violence. Comparisons between the classes support
hypothesized differences between groups in degree of marital satisfaction and difficulties
in communication, providing further validation of the typology among couples seeking
treatment. Clinical and research implications are discussed.
Stith, S. M., et al. (2011). "Vulnerabilities, stressors, and adaptations in situationally violent
relationships." Family Relations 60(1): 73-89.
Very little research has examined the dynamics within couple relationships that may lead
to situational couple violence (SCV; M. P. Johnson, 2006a; K. H. Rosen, S. M. Stith, A.
28
L. Few, K. L. Daly, & D. R. Tritt, 2005). To enhance understanding of these dynamics,
we conducted a qualitative analysis of interviews with 11 couples previously classified as
engaging in SCV using M. P. Johnson and K. J. Ferraro's (2000) typology of violent
relationships. In this analysis, sensitizing concepts from the vulnerability-stressadaptation Model (B. R. Karney & T. N. Bradbury, 1995) were used to better understand
the experiences of couples who report situational violence in their relationships. Findings
demonstrate ways in which vulnerabilities and stressful events combine to create adaptive
processes in couples, such as compliance, escalation, or withdrawal, which may lead to
violence.
Straus, M. A. and K. L. Gozjolko (2014). ""Intimate Terrorism" and gender differences in injury
of dating partners by male and female university students." Journal of Family Violence 29(1):
51-65.
A version of the partner violence typology developed by Johnson (Journal of Marriage
and the Family 57: 283-294, 1995) that more fully reflects the inherently dyadic nature of
partner violence is presented, as well as a method of using the Conflict Tactics Scales to
identify cases in the typology, including “Intimate Terrorists.” Analysis of 13,877
university student dating relationships found a similar percent of male and female
“Intimate Terrorists.” This is consistent with other studies of general populations and
reflects inadequacies in Johnson’s methodology. Bidirectional violence, including
Intimate Terrorism, was associated with the highest probability of injury, especially for
women. The results suggest that programs to reduce partner violence, including reducing
violence against women, should address violence and coercive control by both partners.
(PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved)(journal abstract)
Problematic operationalization. General sample, mostly SCV.
Swan, S. C. and D. L. Snow (2002). "A typology of women's use of violence in intimate
relationships." Violence Against Women 8(3): 286-319.
Women's use of violence in intimate relationships is not well understood. This study
examined women's violence in relation to their male partners' violence against them. The
sample consisted of 108 women who had used physical violence with a male partner in
the previous 6 months. Almost all the women experienced physical abuse from their male
partners. Whereas the women in the sample used more emotional abuse and moderate
physical violence than their partners, the women were more often victims of sexual
violence, injury, and coercive control. Three types of relationships were identified:
women as victims (34%), women as aggressors (12%), and mixed relationships (50%),
which were of two subtypes-mixed-male coercive (32%) and mixed female coercive
(18%). The study illustrates that women's violence needs to be examined within the
context of male violence and abuse. The implications of the findings are discussed for
researchers and practitioners who work with domestically violent women.
Tanha, M., et al. (2010). "Sex differences in intimate partner violence and the use of coercive
control as a motivational factor for intimate partner violence." Journal of Interpersonal Violence
25(10): 1836-1854.
29
Research argues that coercive control (CC) is a special case of intimate partner violence
(IPV). The present study hypothesized that instead CC is the motivator for other types of
IPV, with control of the victim as the goal. When CC fails, physical types of IPV are
used. This hypothesized relationship was tested using a large matched sample of 762
divorcing couples participating in divorce mediation. Structural equation modeling was
used to analyze the data with CC predicting two latent common factors of the overall
level of victimization separately for men and women. Significant causal relationships
between CC and the latent construct of victimization for both members of the couples
were found. In addition, CC, psychological abuse, sexual assault/intimidation/coercion,
threats of and severe physical violence were disproportionately reported as perpetrated by
men against women whereas reports of physical abuse (e. g., pushing, shoving,
scratching) were not.
Thomson, C. M. (2008). Typologies of male and female adolescent perpetrators of dating
violence: Three subtypes for males and four subtypes for females, and differences among them.
Social Work, University of Southern California. Ph.D.: 155.
The study's purpose was twofold: (i) identify subtypes for adolescent male and female
perpetrators of dating violence, and (ii) examine distal and proximal risk factors of
adolescent dating violence for differing male and female typologies. A cluster analysis
was used to develop perpetrator typologies: 3-clusters emerged for males-generally
violent; situational violent; and non-violent; and 4-clusters' emerged for femalesdepressed attention seeker; hostile controller; undifferentiated controller; and non-violent.
Two separate MANCOVA were conducted, one for males and one for females, using age
and SES as covariates, to test whether the typologies differed by risk factors (dependent
variables). Overall, adolescent perpetrator typologies differed by distal and proximal risk
factors. Typologies differed from one another within their gender as well as between
gender groups (e.g. males vs. females). Generally violent males had higher scores on
parent-child violence and witnessing inter-parental violence, compared to situational
violent and non-violent males. Generally violent males had higher scores on acceptance
of violence, school/community violence, alcohol/drug use, and number of dating partners
compared to non-violent males. Compared to non-violent females, the depressed attention
seeker females had higher scores on school/community violence, seriousness of
relationship, number of dating partners, and length of time dating. The hostile controller
females and undifferentiated controller females had higher scores on parent-child
violence, alcohol/drug use, and number of dating partners compared to non-violent
females. This study suggests a need for clinical findings to be included in initial
assessments and treatment matching for adolescent perpetrator typologies. (PsycINFO
Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Walsh, Z., et al. (2010). "Subtypes of partner violence perpetrators among male and female
psychiatric patients." Journal of Abnormal Psychology 119(3): 563-574.
The goal of this naturalistic study was to examine heterogeneity among female and male
civil psychiatric patients with a history of intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration.
Participants were 567 patients drawn from the MacArthur Violence Risk Assessment
Study (J. Monahan et al., 2001). The authors examined subtype composition among 138
women and 93 men with positive histories of IPV and compared these groups with 111
30
women and 225 men with no histories of IPV. Findings for men and women were
consistent with reports from studies of male perpetrators in forensic and community
settings in that generally violent/antisocial, borderline/dysphoric, and family only/lowpsychopathology subtypes of perpetrators were identified in both men and women. This
study provides preliminary evidence for the generalizability of typologies derived from
nonpsychiatric partner violence perpetrators to psychiatric populations and suggests that
typologies derived from studies of male IPV perpetrators may provide useful guidance
for the investigation of female IPV perpetration.
Zweig, J. M., et al. (2014). "Can Johnson’s typology of adult partner violence apply to teen
dating violence?" Journal of Marriage and Family 76(4): 808-825.
We examined the applicability of Johnson’s typology of adult intimate partner violence to
female and male youth’s reports of teen dating violence. A total of 5,647 youth from ten
schools participated in the survey, of which 3,745 reported currently being in a dating
relationship or having been in one during the prior year (52% female; 74% White). Using
hierarchical cluster analysis to classify youth into high-control versus no-/low-control
violent experiences, we found that Johnson’s typology provides a workable framework
for examining the violent experiences of dating teens. For the one-third of youth in
violent relationships, the most common type of violence perpetrated was situational
couple violence (86% for females and 80% for males), followed by intimate terrorism
(7% for females and 11% for males). Six percent of females and males reported using
violent resistance in their relationships, and 1% of females and 4% of males reported
mutual violent control.