REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRACY
CONTENT OVERVIEW: Turning Points?
• 1832 Great Reform Act
• 1867 Second Reform Act
• 1872 Ballot Act
• 1883 Corrupt and Illegal Practices and Preventions Act
• 1884/5 Third reform Act:
The Franchise Act (1884) and Redistribution Act (1885)
• 1911 The Parliament Act
• 1918 The Fourth Reform Act The Representation of the People’s Act
• 1928 The Equal Franchise Act (The Flapper Act)
• Causes of all: Popular protest; political expediency; changing
philosophies
• Impact of all on Political Parties: Conservatives, Liberals and Labour
• Pace of change: Why did it take so long for Universal Suffrage:
factors that slowed the pace of change
REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRACY
THE ACTS: WHAT CHANGED AND WHAT STAYED THE SAME?
1832 THE GREAT REFORM ACT
CHANGES
F
FRANCHISE
C
CORRUPTION
U
UNCONTESTED/
CONTESTED
ELECTIONS
K
CONSTITUENCIES
1 in 5 could now vote – nearly doubled to 800,000
8% of electorate could now vote
Boroughs – Middle Classes gained the vote under the
£10 householder franchise
Counties – Tenant farmers also joined
Some rotten boroughs were removed
 An electoral register was introduced
PRESERVED
Working classes could not vote – in
fact fewer working class eligible to
vote after 1832 than before
(abolition of potwalloper etc)
Plural voting still occurred
Women could not vote
No change to corruption of elections:
remained ‘open’, bribery continued and
became more visible, no limit to
election spending and in 1841 election
votes were sold.
The number of contested elections rose above 38%
First election after GRA 74% of elections were
contested
Average 1832-65 = 59% contested elections
22 new boroughs with 2 seats each were created
20 new parl boroughs with 1 seat each created
56 smallest boroughs lost both seats
30 small boroughs lost 1 seat each
County representatives in Parl increased
There remained small towns that
retained representation
After 1832 over 60 constituencies
had fewer than 300 voters
Industrial areas and the N of England
still under represented
The S over -rep
OVERALL:
Middle class in boroughs and tenant farmers in counties gained but vulnerable to eviction if voting outside landlord’s
wishes. Pocket boroughs, aristocratic patrons, violence and intimidation remained.
REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRACY
THE ACTS: WHAT CHANGED AND WHAT STAYED THE SAME?
1867 THE SECOND REFORM ACT
CHANGES
F
FRANCHISE
C
CORRUPTION
1 in 3 could now vote an increase of c. 700,000
Boroughs – male householders 1 yr residency
‘Compounders’ lodgers paying at least £10 rent
Counties – owners or leaseholders of land of a yearly
value of £5 or more or had rateable land of £12 per
year.
7 towns disfranchised for corruption
U
UNCONTESTED/
CONTESTED
ELECTIONS
K
CONSTITUENCIES
PRESERVED
1 yr residency = 40% w/c males could
still not vote
Counties – 40shilling freeholder still
existed
Plural voting still occurred
Women could not vote
House of Commons still dominated by
landowners
No change to corruption of elections
Little change
45 seats taken from boroughs with under 10,000
inhabitants
7 towns disfranchised for corruption
25 seats given to counties
20 seats created for new boroughs
6 boroughs gained 1 extra seat
London Uni given a seat
London, Midlands and North still
underrepresented
Rural south still over represented
E.g. S West = 76,612 electors = 45
MPs
N East = 232,431 electors = 32 MPs
OVERALL:
For the first time the overall electorate contained a majority of working class voters, although its effects were
minimalised as a result of the distribution which still favoured counties.
REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRACY
THE ACTS: WHAT CHANGED AND WHAT STAYED THE SAME?
1872 THE BALLOT ACT
CHANGES
PRESERVED
• Voting became secret
• A cross was placed next to your
choice and placed in a ballot box
• Corruption still existed and in fact
became worse as voters could now
take bribes from both sides
1883 CIPPA
CHANGES
• Corrupt Practices such as treating,
bribery, ‘undue pressure’, abducting and
impersonating were banned and punishable
with imprisonment and fines
• Limits were set on election expenditure
and accounts had to be kept.
PRESERVED
REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRACY
THE ACTS: WHAT CHANGED AND WHAT STAYED THE SAME?
1884/85 THE REFORM AND REDISTRIBUTION ACTS
F
FRANCHISE
1884
CHANGES
PRESERVED
Gave the vote to male householders and £10 lodgers
in the counties (on ‘tenements’) (1 yr Residency
clause)
£10 occupation franchise to those who owned
shops/offices
Counties were given the same franchise
extension that the boroughs had in
1867
Many working class men (as a result of
1 yr residency clause) and all women
could still not vote.
C
CORRUPTION
Corruption dealt with in 1883
U
UNCONTESTED
ELECTIONS
K
CONSTITUENCIES
(REDISTRIBUTION)
1885
Elections more contested as a result of
reduced corruption
160 seats redistributed
79 Boroughs under 15,000 lost 1 seat each
London Constituencies increased from 22 – 55
Other Cities and Counties gained seats
Old County divisions were cut into single member
constituencies
No longer Communities but ‘units’ based on numbers
Universities still had seats
Some imbalance still existed between
constituencies.
OVERALL:
Householder franchise became the main means by which men qualified to vote (1911 84% of men registered under it)
Redistribution was massive and the attempt to address the problems of unbalanced constituencies was probably the
most important aspect of these reforms.
REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRACY
THE ACTS: WHAT CHANGED AND WHAT STAYED THE SAME?
1918 THE FOURTH REFORM ACT: THE REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLES ACT
CHANGES
F
FRANCHISE
Universal male suffrage (reduced residency
qualification)
Women over 30 who were householders or had
husbands who were householders
All men of 19 and above that were in active service
during the war could also vote
C
CORRUPTION
Women under 30 could not vote
5% of adult males did not register to
vote
Plural voting still continued
Corruption dealt with in 1883
U
UNCONTESTED
ELECTIONS
K
CONSTITUENCIES
PRESERVED
Elections more contested as a result
of reduced corruption
Cheaper as ‘returning officer’ was
paid by the state
Remaining smaller parl boroughs lost their seats
Most became single-member constituencies of about
70,000 inhabitants
Some constituencies became predominately ‘working
class’ or ‘middle class’ constituencies
Universities still had seats
Some imbalance still existed between
constituencies.
OVERALL:
Electorate was increased by over 5 million men and 8 million women
Single-member constituencies roughly created of about 70,000 inhabitants
THE EQUAL FRANCHISE ACT – THE ‘FLAPPER’ ACT OF 1928
•Women over the age of 21 were given the vote on the same terms as men.
THE PARLIAMENT ACT 1911
Throughout the 19th Century the Lords had power of veto over legislation passed by the
Commons.
•The Lords were hereditary
•The Commons were elected
Therefore, the ‘Lords’ was an obstacle to democracy, especially in the eyes of radicals.
Some radicals were interested in its abolition –remember they had tried to block the
1832 Reform Act. There was a permanent Tory/Conservative majority in the House of
Lords.
1906 – A Liberal Government was elected by a landslide victory and wanted to carry out
an extensive social reform agenda. They had trouble with the Conservative dominated
Lords.
1909 – Major clash over the budget put forward by Lloyd George, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, who proposed more tax on the wealthy to finance the reforms e.g. OAP
scheme.
The Lords rejected the budget, which was unheard of before. There was an unwritten
agreement that the Lords never interfered with financial matters.
The Liberal Government, led by Asquith decided to take the Lords on: The authority of
the elected house had been challenged therefore the Government attempted to reduce
the power of the Lords.
The power of the Lords was not an issue in the 1906 election, therefore Asquith held an
election in 1910 to seek a mandate from the electorate. The Liberals lost their overall
majority but stayed in power because of Labour MPs and the Irish.
THE PARLIAMENT ACT 1911
The Parliament Bill- was introduced to:
•Remove the power of veto
•Replace the veto with the power of delay up to 2 years for non-financial bills
•No power over financial bills
•The period between elections was reduced from 7 to 5 years
The King was asked to create enough new peers to swamp the Tory majority in
the Lords (remember Grey in 1831/32), but the King was reluctant. He wanted
another General Election instead before he would finally agree.
1910 – December election had a very similar result, but the King did agree to
create new peers to push the bill through, as the ‘lesser of two evils’.
The Bill became ‘The Parliament Act’. It was limited reform. It could have
gone further and have questioned the undemocratic right of hereditary peers
to sit in the Lords, or it could even have got rid of the Lords altogether. It
was ultimately more conservative as limited reform was thought to be
sufficient at the time, even though it would have been more democratic to go
further.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE LABOUR PARTY
PRE-WAR
Most working class men could not vote until 1867 and 1884/5
1885 – Redistribution of seats helped Labour.
It created 89 Constituencies which had a clear majority of working class electors. Many were
targeted by the Labour Party in early attempts to gain seats. E.g. Mining areas, cotton and woollen
towns and E. End of London.
But this was not always successful as a result of ‘Lib-Labism’ e.g. miner’s union from 1870s were
sponsoring MPs under the Liberal Party.
1892 – Keir Hardie was the first Independent Labour MP elected for West Ham. But progress was
slow, he was defeated in 1895 but re-elected in 1900 with a Labour Representation Committee
Member.
1893 – ILP – the Independent Labour Party was formed after pressure for a Party to represent
working classes, led by Keir Hardie.
1895 – ILP did badly in the elections.
1900 – Growing Trade Union support. The Labour Representation Committee was founded with TUs
playing a key role to work for the establishment of a Labour group in parliament.
1903 – ‘Lib-Lab’ Pact – Gladstone (lib) and Ramsay Macdonald (secretary of the LRC) agreed they
would not put up candidates against each other as they did not want to split the anti-Conservative
vote.
1906 – As a result of the ‘Lib-Lab’ Pact in the 1906 elections 29 LRC (Labour) candidates were
elected.
1910 – Miner’s Unions switched support to Labour – 42 Labour MPs were elected.
So, before the war, Labour had difficulty in building up support. Of the 40% of male adults that still
could not vote, most showed no signs of supporting ‘radical’ Labour. Instead the Party’s strengths lay
in Industrial areas, therefore they were appealing to the same skilled and politically conscious
members of the population as the Liberals.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE LABOUR PARTY
POST WAR.
1918 – The Representation of the People Act.
Full adult suffrage was a benefit to Labour in the Long Term, but not immediately.
Representation of Labour in the Commons was not significantly different to that of
1910. So, there is no automatic correlation between extending the franchise and
increasing the Labour vote. But, Labour was more effective at taking advantage of new
opportunities presented by the new electoral system.
1918 – A new party structure was introduced – the LRC with a loose alliance with the
ILP was not as effective. The ‘new’ Labour Party had individual membership in
constituency parties, linked by strong central organisation (but constituency parties not
fully established until 1923).
Women’s sections drew support. Labour was also more effective at propaganda, with
mass rallies, public meetings and poster campaigns. They made essential links with the
Trade Unions as Union Membership had grown throughout the war. Conservative and
Liberal Governments had failed to deal with unemployment. So, the Conservatives and
Labour took advantage of the ‘first-past-the-post’ electoral system.
1920s – the Liberals found themselves the 3rd party and losing out in both the
countryside (to the cons) and Industrial Towns (to Lab).
The Liberals acquired the image of a party in decline.
Middle Class Liberals converted to the Conservatives
Working Class Liberals converted to Labour
CAUSES OF CHANGE
THE ROLE OF POPULAR PROTEST
THE GREAT
REFORM ACT
2ND REFORM
ACT
SECRET BALLOT
AND CIPPA
3RD REFORM ACT
4TH REFORM
ACT
PROTEST
- Econ probs fuelled
discontent in 20s
- 1816 Spa Fields,
1817 March of the
Blanketeers, 1817
Pentridge Rising,
1819 Peterloo
Massacre, 1820 Cato
St Conspiracy, Swing
Riots 1831, riots in
Bristol after failed
franchise bill.
- Econ downturn in
1860s = increased
unrest
- Hyde Park Riots
July 1866
- Trade union
outrages in
Sheffield 1866
- increasing
demands for
reform from all
classes
- increased
violence during
elections
- Miners in
counties e.g.
Northumberland
and Durham
campaigned for
Libs in 1874, some
violence
- Riots were
relatively small and
few
- Suffragettes
violent action
particularly against
property
FEAR
- Fear of revolution
like France
- Fear of w/c
violence led to double
agents to uncover any
plots
- Middle classes also
feared the w/c would
get the vote and not
use it wisely
- PM Liverpool tried
repressive policies
1812-27 and it
didn’t seem to work
- less fear of w/c
as the skilled
became more
affluent, but it
still existed
- violence at
elections led to
fear of it
escalating out of
control
- less fear here
as w/c in the
counties were
asking for the
same terms as the
boroughs
- prior to war
feared women
would not use vote
wisely as they
were ‘irrational,
emotional and
weak’ less fear
after war
CAUSES OF CHANGE
THE ROLE OF POPULAR PROTEST
THE GREAT
REFORM ACT
2ND REFORM
ACT
PRESSURE
GROUPS
- Radicals e.g.
Paine, Wade,
Hunt, Cartwright,
Cobbett
- Corn Law
interest groups
- Hamden Clubs –
forums for political
discussion
- Dissenters – nonconformists
- Husskissonites –
wanted reform and
supported Home
Rule
- Reform Union –
middle class
- Reform League –
Working class
- Chartists
- Individuals e.g.
Gladstone
WAR
- Napoleonic War
increased fear in
Britain and led to
repressive policies
- 1848 Revs in
Europe were
feared in Britain
and calls for
change were made
SECRET BALLOT
AND CIPPA
3RD REFORM ACT
4TH REFORM
ACT
- Chartist
demands for a
secret ballot
- Miners in N
counties
- Radicals in 1883
holding meetings to
gain support
- Suffragists
(National Union of
Women’s Suffrage
Society) under
Millicent Fawcett
- Suffragettes
(Women’s Social
and Political Union)
under Emmeline
Pankhurst
- First World
War. Women’s
contribution to the
war effort led to
female suffrage
CAUSES OF CHANGE
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL EXPEDIENCY
TORIES/
CONS.
THE GREAT
REFORM ACT
2ND REFORM ACT
SECRET
BALLOT
AND CIPPA
3RD REFORM
ACT
4TH REFORM
ACT
- After 1830 the
Tories lost power
over splits within
the party (Liberals
and Ultras) over
Catholic
Emancipation under
Liverpool’s
Government
- 1830-33 unity
disintegrated and
policy direction was
lost
- They opposed the
Whig’s Reform
proposals
- Disraeli’s Bill of 1867 was
introduced to exploit the
differences within the Liberal
Party. They were keen to
find a way to gain favour
with the public.
- Disraeli and the
Conservatives took credit for
reform and expected to gain
votes as a result
- They had cooperated with
the Adullamites to defeat the
‘moderate’ Liberal Bill and
then introduced a more
extreme one.
- It was a ‘Leap in the Dark’
as the skilled artisans were
usually Liberal but the
Conservatives hoped they
would vote for them instead
- Both
Parties
supported the
idea of a
reduction of
corruption as
it would
benefit both
in terms of
reduced
election
expenses.
- Salisbury hated
reform but believed
that redistribution
would benefit the
Conservatives.
- Extension of the
Franchise wouldn’t
benefit them so
they needed the
balance with
redistribution.
- The Arlington
Street Compact was
the agreement
reached which gave
the Conservatives
redistribution.
- The ‘Primrose
League’ had actively
involved women in
elections and the
conservatives had
done more than any
other party to
involve women at
local level. They
therefore believed
that women over 30
would vote
Conservative.
However,
Conservative
backbenchers still
did not want to give
women the vote.
CAUSES OF CHANGE
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL EXPEDIENCY
WHIGS/
LIBERALS
THE GREAT
REFORM ACT
2ND REFORM ACT
SECRET
BALLOT
AND CIPPA
3RD REFORM ACT
4TH REFORM
ACT
- Lord Grey led the
Government from
1830. He was keen
on reform to keep
power. Wanted both
redistribution and
extension of the
franchise.
- Many Whigs were
from the Middle
Classes
- They took
advantage of the
disarray of the
Tories
- The Liberals were in
disarray as Palmerston’s
supporters refused to join
the Government which
provided a real opportunity
for the Tories.
- Gladstone believed in the
moral case for reform and
initially brought in the first
bill which extended franchise
to £7 householders which was
defeated by the Tories,
which led to a further split.
- Palmerston’s death in 1865
signalled a new era as he had
been resolutely against
reform
- See above
- Gladstone
needed
radical
support to
push reform
through and
appointed
Bright t his
cabinet
1868-1874.
- Jo Chamberlain
called for a new
Liberal Radicalism in
the aftermath of
the Irish Issue. He
called for a Radical
Programme of social
reform and greater
powers for local
Gov.
- Gladstone was less
radical and believed
1867 Act had
created an
imbalance that
needed to be
rectified. He saw
the extension of the
Franchise in the
Counties as
benefiting the
Liberals as the 2nd
Reform had done in
the boroughs.
- Arlington Street
Compact was the
compromise reached
with the Tories
- Asquith had failed
to bring in the
Conciliation Bill of
1911 which had led
to an increase of
suffragette
militancy. However,
the backbench
Liberals were more
in favour of women’s
suffrage than the
Conservatives
- Women left Lib
Party in 1886 in
protest of lack of
reform
- The Women’s
Liberal Federation
1887 appeased
women
- Lloyd George
introduces
Representation of
the people’s Bill due
to women’s
contribution during
the War. He had
always been in
favour of female
suffrage.
CAUSES OF CHANGE
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL EXPEDIENCY
THE GREAT
REFORM ACT
RADICALS/
LABOUR
- Individual
Radicals pushing
for reform e.g.
Cobbett, Hunt,
Paine - but not a
party at this
time.
2ND REFORM ACT
- Pressure from the Left
e.g. radicals like John
Bright, Foster and
Stansfield.
SECRET
BALLOT AND
CIPPA
3RD REFORM ACT
4TH REFORM
ACT
- See above
Radicals believed
they would gain
if the vote was
secret and
therefore
pushed for both
reforms
- The Radicals were
trying to control the
Liberal Party after
Bright had been
taken into the
Cabinet. Chamberlain
also had a lot of
support
- The New Labour
Party was developing
along with Trade
Unions as the newly
enfranchised working
classes needed a
new party to suit
their interests.
- The new Labour
Party was increasing
in influence and the
NUWSS supported
Labour with a
fighting fund and
the Liberals lost out
as a result.
- The Labour Party
took the advantage
in supporting female
suffrage in the hope
the newly
enfranchised women
would vote for
them.
CAUSES OF CHANGE
THE ROLE OF CHANGING PHILOSOPHIES
MIDDLE
CLASSES
THE GREAT
REFORM ACT
2ND REFORM
ACT
SECRET BALLOT
AND CIPPA
3RD REFORM
ACT
4TH REFORM
ACT
- With the Industrial
Revolution many of the
Middle Classes became
incredibly wealthy.
They therefore held an
economic stake in the
country and became
closer to the
aristocracy than ever
before.
- The GRA was a
reform intended to
preserve aristocratic
power
- The Middle Classes
with their new money
was seen as safe and
indeed once they had
the vote they were as
guilty as the
aristocracy in helping
to preserve the old
order.
- They had caused
no problems or
changes to the
balance of power as
a result of the GRA
and therefore led to
a changing attitude
towards reform in
general.
- no problems since
GRA
- no problems since
- no problems since
GRA
- some Middle Class
MPs
the GRA
CAUSES OF CHANGE
THE ROLE OF CHANGING PHILOSOPHIES
WORKING
CLASSES
THE GREAT
REFORM ACT
2ND REFORM
ACT
SECRET BALLOT
AND CIPPA
3RD REFORM
ACT
4TH REFORM
ACT
- They were not
educated and were
seen as dangerous
especially as they were
growing in number as a
result of the population
explosion
- Many believed they
should accept Gentry
rule and be humble
- Liverpool had quelled
any potential violence
thoroughly using force
- However, they were
growing more politically
aware
- The use of ‘the
Reform League’
increased their
standing
- The Government
feared it was
dangerous not to
concede to them as
a result of the
Hyde Park Riots
- Gladstone was
impressed by the
more affluent
skilled workers who
worked hard, saved
money and who
believed in sobriety
and religious
morality
- They still believed
the ‘Residuum’ was
corrupt, uneducated
and undeserving of
the vote.
- Politicians feared
violence at elections
through drunkenness
and treating.
- The skilled
artisans in the
Boroughs had not
caused any problems
since 1867 Act. It
appeared there was
an unfair imbalance
in the franchise and
that skilled workers
in the counties were
‘safe’ to
enfranchise.
- They were seen as
a low risk group to
have the vote
- They had also
become more
organised in protests
e.g. the Miners and
Tom Burt MP
- The War was the
key factor here. If
soldiers returning
from war could not
have the right to
vote due to the 1
year residency
clause there would
be mass protests.
- Almost all
politicians were in
support of changing
the 1 year
residency clause as
a result.
CAUSES OF CHANGE
THE ROLE OF CHANGING PHILOSOPHIES
THE GREAT
REFORM ACT
WOMEN
- Separate ‘spheres of
influence’
- Lots of politicians
against women’s
suffrage e.g.
Gladstone, Bonar Law,
Asquith. Even Queen
Victoria opposed it.
2ND REFORM
ACT
- As before
SECRET BALLOT
AND CIPPA
- As before
3RD REFORM
ACT
- They were
expected to be
included in reform
and they were
shocked when they
weren’t.
4TH REFORM
ACT
- Suffragists were
respected by many
politicians
- Suffragettes were
generally not
respected by
politicians, but did
keep the idea of
female suffrage in
the public eye.
Perhaps hindered
progress of female
suffrage.
- The War changed
the overall opinions
of women – they
were seen to be
reliable and
dependable as a
result of their war
efforts
CAUSES OF CHANGE
THE ROLE OF CHANGING PHILOSOPHIES
IDEA OF
REFORM
THE GREAT
REFORM ACT
2ND REFORM
ACT
SECRET BALLOT
AND CIPPA
3RD REFORM
ACT
4TH REFORM
ACT
- Catholic Emancipation
had proved that
reform may not be as
dangerous as first
feared.
- Politicians were
divided – some thought
that reform was
necessary to prevent
violence – whereas
others thought it would
cause violence.
- Interest in Italian
Unification and US
Civil War increased
demands for change
at home.
- Attitudes were
becoming more
flexible to change.
- Reformers had
called for a secret
ballot since the
1770s
- Elections of 1868
were very violent
and corrupt =
committee of
enquiry
- Society was
generally less
violent and brutal
and more politically
conscious
- Politicians came to
expect further
change and to even
out the differences
between the
counties and
boroughs
- War made reform
necessary for both
men and women.
- By this time the
franchise was
extended with few
criticisms or hassle.
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE GREAT REFORM ACT
IMPACT ON POLITICAL PARTIES IN GENERAL:
There continued to be loose party unity and the ‘Whig’ and ‘Tory’ labels were attached to groupings
of politicians
As a result of the abolition of rotten boroughs patronage declined
Party organisation at local and National Level therefore became more important
Voters had to be registered as a result of the GRA and this made organisation even more essential.
TORIES:
Established the Carlton Club in 1832 which was the first Central Organisation
Knew that if they remained a party of Anglican Landowners they would not survive with the new
Middle Class Voters and the new boroughs in the Industrial towns
Radicals under Oastler wanted an alliance with working class but this wasn’t acceptable by the
majority
Peel wrote the Tamworth Manifesto of 1834 he said he accepted the GRA but saw it as the last
reform of the ‘Constitutional Question’, but did admit they were prepared to look at Middle Class
grievances and perhaps reform them. But reasserted Tory belief of tradition and respect. This was
the first Conservative Manifesto which set out new principles for the party
The party continued to resist whole sale changes to established institutions like the church and
monarchy but were prepared to consider cautious and limited change if necessary
WHIGS:
Founded their National Headquarters the Reform Club in 1836
Through tactical necessity the Whigs under Lord Melbourne made an alliance with the Irish and the
Radicals to get rid of Peel’s new conservative Government called the Lichfield House Compact. It was
only intended to be short-term but ended forming the basis of the Victorian Liberal Party
OVERVIEW:
GRA led to politics becoming dominated by the two major parties: Conservatives and the Liberals
Newspapers began to report election results in Liberal or Conservative gains for the first time
Manifestos, National Headquarters, and local organisations were set up for the first time
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE GREAT REFORM ACT
COMPOSITION OF PARLIAMENT AFTER ACT:
Over 70% of MPs were aristocrats
Less than 22% of MPs were middle-class businessmen
No working class MPs
Of the 8 PMs 1832-65 only Sir Robert Peel came from non-aristocratic
background (but privately educated)
Most ministers were aristocrats
WHY?
Middle Classes still voted for their ‘social superiors’
Aristocrats had time to attend parliamentary debates
Up to 1858 county members had to have land - £600 and borough members
had to have a £300 estate
MPs did not earn a salary
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE SECOND REFORM ACT
OUTCOME OF ELECTIONS:
1868 – Liberal win
1874 – Conservative win
1880 – Liberal win
1868 – Liberal win and Disraeli resigns. Why significant?
Now he recognised the electorate were more important than the patronage of the King.
Previously only the King dismissed and appointed Prime Ministers. Disraeli was almost
ignoring this tradition by recognising the importance of the election result.
1880 – ‘The first Modern Election’?
84% seats were contested
Gladstone’s ‘National Campaign’ – the first leader to ‘tour the country’ and canvass votes
Clear cut policies of the two parties for the first time: Disraeli’s Conservatives: ‘foreign
and imperial policy based on national self-interest and military expansion’; or Gladstone’s
Liberals: ‘Moral principals and conciliation of foreign power’.
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE SECOND REFORM ACT
EFFECTS IN GENERAL:
Party discipline tighter through the use of ‘party whips’.
Longer parliamentary sessions.
Governments suffered fewer defeats in debates.
More organised at constituency level
Propaganda and persuasion took the place of influence and patronage.
Supporters were registered as voters and many contested 1 yr residency stipulation.
LIBERAL PARTY:
The Liberal ‘Caucus’ (after Disraeli’s clause of 2 votes for 3 MPs) In Birmingham Joseph Chamberlain
countered this measure by identifying Liberal supporters and telling them which candidates to vote
for to keep the Conservatives out. This was so successful that it was copied elsewhere in the
country.
The Liberal Registration Association set up in 1860
In 1877 the new ‘National Liberal Federation’ (NLF) was set up to adopt the Birmingham caucus
methods elsewhere. This was the attempt by ‘rank and file’ Liberals to radicalise and to establish
democratic control over the party’s leaders.
THE CONSERVATIVES:
1867 the ‘National Union of Conservative Constituency Associations’ (NUCCA) was set up to organise
conservative working class voters. This brought working men’s clubs under its jurisdiction as well. Its
first ‘Annual Conference’ was held in 1868.
The Conservative ‘Central Office’ was created by John Gorst to encourage new constituency
associations, maintained contact with local parties and drew up lists of candidates.
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE SECOND REFORM ACT
THE CONSERVATIVES:
1867 the ‘National Union of Conservative Constituency Associations’ (NUCCA) was set up to organise
conservative working class voters. This brought working men’s clubs under its jurisdiction as well. Its
first ‘Annual Conference’ was held in 1868.
The Conservative ‘Central Office’ was created by John Gorst to encourage new constituency
associations, maintained contact with local parties and drew up lists of candidates.
HOW DID THE LIBERALS APPEAL TO WORKING CLASS VOTERS?
Operatives Liberal Associations – arranged annual outings, social activities, ‘Burial funds’ and
political education of their working class supporters to gain their long-term support.
The majority of the new working class voters were Liberal as they were impressed by their
policies of free trade, low taxation, reform of education and limited franchise reform
Gladstone tried to cooperate with the Trade Unions but with limited success.
HOW DID THE CONSERVATIVES APPEAL TO WORKING CLASS VOTERS?
Conservative Working Men’s Associations involved drinking, billiards, brass bands, football teams,
sickness and burial funds and political education.
1/3rd of working class men consistently supported the Conservatives after 1867 especially in
Liverpool, West Lancashire, Birmingham, West Midlands and the East End of London.
WHY? – because of deference, patriotism, dislike of foreigners, Liberal weaknesses and Conservative
policies.
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE BALLOT ACT 1872 AND CIPPA 1883
IN GENERAL:
Parties needed more professional election agents who knew the Law. (A result of bribery
being punishable by fines, imprisonment or loss of seat).
Parties needed more volunteers who could undertake the more mundane work. (A result
of limits to election expenses)
THE LIBERALS:
The liberals had a large number of volunteers. However, the Liberal decline (split over
Irish home rule) - after 1886 meant they were difficult to hold on to. The traditional
‘whigs’ tended to ally with the Conservatives.
To get back into power ‘New Liberalism’ ensured a landslide victory in 1906 but faced
another split in 1916.
LABOUR (Less important as a short-term consequence of the 1880 reforms, but they
did have an impact in the longer term):
1900 the Labour Representation League was founded and worked with the Trade Unions.
This was in response to the working classes getting the vote in 1867 and 1884, but also
as a result of secret ballot and CIPPA as the working classes could now use their vote as
they wanted to. Therefore a working class party was now called for.
This eventually led to 29 Labour MPs being elected in 1906 under the ‘New Labour’ Party
(although Liberals kept them in check through the Lib-Lab pact).
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE BALLOT ACT 1872 AND CIPPA 1883
THE CONSERVATIVES:
Reacted more to the reforms of 1880s than any other party.
The ‘Primrose League’ was founded in 1883.
This recruited party volunteers.
It promoted the church, landed classes and the Empire. It was founded by
Lord Randolph Churchill and named after Disraeli’s favourite flower (Disraeli
was elevated to a Tory icon).
It rebuilt the Tory Party as a ‘True Union of the Classes’
Male members were called ‘Knights’ and females ‘Dames’. Branches were called
‘Habitations’
It was incredibly successful: In 1886 there were 237,000 members; in 1891
there were over 1 million members and in 1910 there were over 2 million
members.
The League organised social activities and over half its members were women.
The League proved to be an ideal organisation to encourage popular
participation in the Conservative Party, without actually involving the ‘rankand-file’ members in decision making. Therefore all decisions remained with the
Tory Leaders.
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE THIRD REFORM ACT - THE FRANCHISE ACT 1884
IN GENERAL:
Farm Labourers gained the vote in 1884 and forced parties to develop new ways of
reaching rural voters.
Conservatives tended to do best in the countryside but no party was taking this for
granted especially after the Secret Ballot Act.
THE LIBERALS:
The Liberals had been largely an Urban political force apart from when Liberal
Landowners had secured votes in their communities.
They had to rely on ‘political missionaries’ from the towns to carry the radical
message to the country villages.
Mobile vans bringing speakers, leaflets and lantern shows were sent to the countryside
by political organisations such as the ‘Land Nationalisation Society’ and the ‘Land
Restoration League’. Cycling clubs were also popular.
The Liberals did give more attention to Rural issues after 1884. Radical Liberals
believed that farm labourers would need economic independence through small farm
holdings, if they were to use their vote independently. Leaders like Joseph
Chamberlain therefore talked about ‘land reform’ in his ‘Unauthorised Programme’ of
1885. In this he called for labourers to get smallholdings (dubbed “Three Acres and a
cow”). His proposals were rejected by Gladstone but rewarded in the 1885 General
Election where the Liberals made gains.
THE IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE THIRD REFORM ACT – THE FRANCHISE ACT 1884
THE CONSERVATIVES:
Conservatives did traditionally have a stronger hold in the countryside – but
even they were not complacent.
Primrose League ‘Dames’ could combine exercise with political missionary work
by joining the Primrose Cycling Corps.
The Conservatives also introduced a number of reforms focusing on rural issues
(landholding and local government) in 1886. Elected county councils were
introduced in 1888 – a concession to democratic principles.
They also introduced the Allotments Act in 1887 and a Smallholding Act in
1892 under which local councils could purchase land and lease it in small plots
to earn rent.
LABOUR:
The Labour Party was now beginning to emerge in the 1890s as for the first
time the working classes were in the majority of voters in some areas.
They also tried to appeal in the counties by using cycling clubs – theirs was
called the ‘Clarion Cycling Club’, especially popular in Northern industrial areas.
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE THIRD REFORM ACT – THE REDISTRIBUTION ACT 1885
IN GENERAL:
Redistribution meant that for the first time single-member constituencies were
established. This was to have far-reaching consequences for both the Conservatives and
the Liberals.
THE WHIGS AND LIBERALS:
An unforeseen consequence was that the Whigs suffered serious damage. Most Whigs
had broken with the Liberal Party in 1886 over the issue of Home Rule and many stood
as Independent candidates or defected to the ‘Liberal Unionists’.
Previously, in large urban constituencies that had returned 2 or 3 MPs the Whigs had
shared the vote with the Liberals.
In single-member constituencies this no longer happened and the Whigs didn’t get voted
in as they were seen to be too radical. Liberal MPs were voted for instead.
THE CONSERVATIVES:
The Conservatives made significant gains of seats in the large urban areas in elections
after 1885.
Salisbury had insisted on a Redistribution Act because the Conservatives had been
gaining ground among the middle classes in the suburbs since 1874 (so called ‘VillaToryism’). If single-member constituencies were created that divided towns along class
lines then the Tories could convert votes into seats.
One of the major factors in the electoral success of the Conservative Party 1886-1906
was its ability to win extra seats in the former Liberal heartlands of Industrial areas.
THE IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE THIRD REFORM ACT – THE REDISTRIBUTION ACT 1885
THE LABOUR PARTY:
The Redistribution Act created 89 constituencies which had a clear majority of working class voters.
Many of these were targeted by the Labour Party in the early attempt to win seats. (E.g. Mining
areas, woollen towns and the East End of London)
SHORT-TERM CONSEQUENCES:
However, their success was often hindered by the Trade Unions who were still dubious of the new
Party and instead continued to sponsor working-class candidates to stand under the Liberal Party –
‘Lib-Labism’. It was not until 1909 that the unions decided to affiliate to the Labour Representation
Committee.
Labour was also hindered by the fact that a large portion of the working class could still not vote
after the franchise extensions of 1867 and 1884. (1 Year Residency clause). The first Independent
Labour MP elected was Keir Hardie in 1892 and after that it remained a slow process.
LONG-TERM CONSEQUENCES:
After 1900 with increasing trade union support and the signing of the ‘Lib-Lab’ Pact (the Liberals and
Labour agreed not to split the anti-conservative vote by standing against each other), the LRC began
to make significant breakthroughs.
In 1906 29 LRC candidates were elected.
1909 Miner’s Unions switched support from Liberal Party and in 1910 42 Labour MPs were elected.
However, before 1914 the Labour Party did not pose a serious threat to the Liberal Party. Labour’s
strengths lay in the Industrial areas. But generally they were appealing to the same groups of voters
that the Liberals were.
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE THIRD REFORM ACT 1884-5
HOW DID THE COMPOSITION OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS CHANGE?
Gradual reduction of landowning MPs increased after 1885.
Less Liberal MPs were now landowners (only 7% by 1910)
Liberal Middle Class MPs had increased from 67% to 89%.
The pace was slower with the Conservatives. Landowners still made up 38% of
the party in 1900. In 1910 this was still 26%. It was not until 1911 that a
leader was chosen that was Middle Class.
The first working men to be elected to the Commons under Lib-Labism was in
1874.Until 1885 this did not rise above 2. But, the Radicalisation of the
Liberal Party after 1886 and the growths of the unions this had risen to 12 by
1895.
1906 was the first marked increase with 29 Labour MPs and 24 Lib-Lab MPs.
Overall the Commons still had a ‘gentleman’s club’ feel to it.
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE FOURTH REFORM ACT 1918
IN GENERAL:
The Act radically changed the electorate which now meant working classes were in the majority. It
also radically changed Redistribution.
Parties now had to appeal to this new mass electorate.
LIBERALS:
The split in the Liberal Party in 1916 really affected efforts to curtail Labour’s threat.
Lloyd George continued his ‘Coalition Government’ with the Conservatives until he was ditched in 1922.
Asquith attempted to maintain an independent Liberal Party in opposition to Lloyd George.
They reunited in 1923 but by then the damage was irreparable. In 1929 the Party only won 59
seats.
CONSERVATIVES:
The Conservatives were the most successful party 1918-31 and were in office for 10 of the 13
years.
Conservative strength was at least partly due to the divisions between Asquith’s Liberals, LloydGeorge’s Liberals and Labour.
Conservatives gained as a result of redistribution. The growth of suburban area seats definitely
helped the Conservatives.
Granting of votes to women over 30 was on balance more favourable to the Conservatives than the
other two. They had taken care to cultivate women voters.
Many of the new working class voters also voted Conservative.
Probably most important though was that the Conservatives adapted its organisation more effectively
than the others to turn opportunities into achievements.
The Conservatives had a large mass membership which gave them an army of volunteers. Particularly
successful in involving women who were given active roles in canvassing. By the late 1920s the
Conservatives had over 1 million women members.
IMPACT OF REFORM ON POLITICAL PARTIES
THE FOURTH REFORM ACT 1918
CONSERVATIVES: continued
They also had an efficient Party Organisation ensuring all campaigns were run
professionally. It had more full time agents than the others. They could also identify
their supporters and get them to the polling booths.
It was also able to adapt its policy to the changed complexion of the electorate and
embrace more positive social reforms.
LABOUR:
Labour only made modest gains in the short-term. But the creation of more
constituencies in the Industrial areas did benefit them because this was their main area
of support.
They did take better advantage of the changed electoral system than the Liberals.
1918 saw a new Party structure. The new Labour Party had individual membership in
constituency parties and a strong central organisation.
Women’s sections drew female supporters to the party.
They held effective propaganda campaigns e.g. mass rallies and poster campaigns.
Links with the Trade Unions were essential financially and in reaching a mass electorate.
They also exploited the failure of the Conservative and coalition Governments to deal
with unemployment.
They also took advantage of the ‘first-past-the-post’ electoral system and eventually
became the ‘second party’ at the expense of the Liberals.
WHY DID IT TAKE SO LONG TO ACHIEVE UNIVERSAL
MANHOOD SUFFRAGE?
1.The desire of the Ruling Elite to maintain their power:
The Great Reform Act was a product of Whig opportunism against their
Conservative opponents and a need to quieten the forces of change. The limited
franchise of the middle classes doubled the electorate but advanced the numbers
who could vote to a mere 6% of the adult population.
The Act achieved its purpose. Middle class leaders were brought into the system
and were divorced from the masses. Moreover, this was achieved at little cost to
the old order. Little was altered. Corruption remained rife. Rotten boroughs and
Pocket boroughs continued. The essential safeguards of true democracy, a secret
ballot and punishment for corruption, weren’t introduced until 1872 and 1883
respectively. Representation remained unequal between north and south, town and
shire. The ruling elite had maintained its position at little cost.
Throughout the next 100 years, concessions were made only when they had to be
made and, until 1918, the elite believed that they would concede no more. The
domination of old Whigs such as Palmerston ensured no reform before 1867 (he
died in 1865) and Salisbury viewed the 1884 Reform Act as the final step on the
road of democracy. The composition of the House of Commons did change from land
to professional but slowly; not until 1885 was there a significant drop in landed
MP’s. Salisbury was able to be Prime Minister in the Lords as late as 1902.
WHY DID IT TAKE SO LONG TO ACHIEVE UNIVERSAL
MANHOOD SUFFRAGE?
2. The expansion of the ruling elite to include the middle class
The middle class was as guilty as the old aristocratic class in helping to preserve the old order. Having
gained the vote in 1832, they too were concerned at limiting the franchise. With the bulk of the population
working class, they were concerned that manhood suffrage, demanded by the Chartist movement in the
1830’s and 1840’s, would result in a radical shift in power.
The granting of the vote to the top end of the working class in 1867 was once again designed to split the
leaders of reform from the bulk of their followers. Once again, this tactic was successful. The National
Reform League and The Reform Union were spent forces following 1867. However, the refusal to pay MP’s
ensured that working class men couldn’t afford to become MP’s. Instead, political parties became adept at
harnessing this energy through movements like the Primrose League.
3. The political parties’ resistance to reform
The Conservative Party was the natural refuge of the ruling elite. Disraeli’s 1867 Second Reform Act was
accidental. He and Derby had been instrumental in rejecting a milder bill in 1866 and had introduced a bill in
1867 for pure political gain. This had been hijacked by Gladstone and John Bright. From this point on, the
Tories had been as intransigent over reform as they always had been.
Whilst the Liberals had a better track record, introducing acts in 1832, 1872, 1883, 1884 and 1885, their
problem was more acute at the turn of the century. Once the Trade Unions had decided to form the Labour
Party, the Liberal Party recognised that manhood suffrage might potentially mean the end of themselves
and were reluctant to grant it. The war proved to be the vital factor as many recognised the validity of
such a case. Indeed, a similar argument can be put forward explaining the reluctance to grant female
suffrage. The Liberals could see the benefits to both the Conservative and Labour parties if women gained
the vote. However, as the party in government, they could see themselves being squeezed. No matter how
powerful the argument being put forward, few governments have a natural desire to commit electoral
suicide. However, the contribution of both the working class and women to the war effort made it
impossible to halt electoral progress. Those who feared the ‘leap in the dark’ taken in 1867 had finally had
their misgivings justified.
WHY DID IT TAKE SO LONG TO ACHIEVE UNIVERSAL
MANHOOD SUFFRAGE?
4. The failure of revolutionary factors
In other European countries such as France and Russia, economic circumstance had acted as a catalyst to
radical reform and revolution. Not so in Britain. Whilst it is true that poor economic conditions in the
1820s, 1860s and in the first ten years or so of the twentieth century had all helped to create an
atmosphere that induced concessions from the political parties, nevertheless the leaders of reform failed
to press home their advantage. Furthermore, the working class didn’t necessarily identify franchise reform
with an improvement in their living and working conditions. Instead, their priority was immediate social and
welfare reform, which they believed could be achieved from within the current system. Indeed in 1868 the
TUC specifically rejected the idea of a working class party but formed the Parliamentary Committee whose
objective was to put pressure on both the Conservative and Liberal Parties. They did wring out a number of
concessions particularly between 1868 and 1880 and it was not until the Tory dominated 1890’s that the
Trade Unions finally recognised that significant gain could only be made through the formation, and
accession to power, of the Labour Party.
The history of Britain’s progress towards democracy is one of a stout, effective rear-guard action by the
ruling elite. Concessions made at the right time, the inverted snobbery of both the middle class and the
upper tier of the working class ensured that politics continued to be dominated in 1900 by the men of a
similar background to those who had ruled in 1800. Whilst economic depressions undoubtedly created
pressure for reform throughout this period, nevertheless it was easy for the old order to divorce the
leaders of the movements for democracy from the bulk of their supporters by limited concessions. The
idea of political revolution as a method of securing better conditions didn’t seriously gain support in Britain.
Syndicalism and communism, prevalent on the continent at the turn of the century, gained few supporters in
Britain. Britain’s natural conservatism ensured that the pace of change would be sedate.
WHY DID IT TAKE SO LONG FOR WOMEN TO GET THE
VOTE?
1. Individual politicians were opposed to female suffrage.
There were a large number of males who resolutely set their face against female suffrage purely on the
grounds of male superiority (or chauvinism). Gladstone, Liberal leader from 1868 – 1893 was simply against
the idea, formally opposing it in 1884. Yet the removal of Gladstone from the political scene still left many
others who opposed women’s suffrage within both major parties. These included Bonar Law (Tory), Curzon,
F.E. Smith and Asquith (Liberal Prime Minister from 1908, who opposed the Conciliation Bill (1910) which
would have given women householders the vote).
2. Other influential figures also opposed female suffrage.
Other prominent figures also lent their support to opponents of the right of women to vote including Queen
Victoria and Sir Almroth E Wright who wrote ‘The Unexpurgated Case against Women’s Suffrage’. There
was even an anti-WSPU women’s movement founded in 1908 by Octavia Hill (the Women’s Anti Suffrage
League). Throughout all major professions but particularly medicine and law, women met absolute
discrimination and obstruction.
3. The attitude of the political parties
The Liberals believed that a limited form of female suffrage embracing the top end of society could but
benefit the Tories. Whilst achieving a land slide victory in 1906, the election revealed that the margin of
error, on average about 700 votes in each seat, could be under-mined if wealthier women gained the vote.
Yet it would be politically unacceptable to extend women’s franchise to the same level as the men in one go.
The Labour Party was reluctant to support the women’s cause believing that it might delay or undermine the
case for universal male suffrage, a key demand of the Trade Unions.
The Liberal Party also faced many other political problems, which they considered to be more important. By
1909 they were involved in a constitutional crisis over the House of Lords which dominated proceedings
until the 1911 reform. Subsequently, they had to turn their attention to Ireland which was on the brink of
civil war, face the threat posed by militant trade unions and the run up to war in 1914. These were huge and
intractable problems and they had lost their majority in 1910. Even before the Lords crisis they were
trying to pass substantial and ground-breaking social legislation (e.g. Old Age Pensions). Women’s suffrage
was controversial and they had other priorities.
WHY DID IT TAKE SO LONG FOR WOMEN TO GET THE
VOTE?
4. The tactics of the Suffragists.
The tactics used by women’s suffrage movements such as the WSPU (best described as ‘direct action)’
raised the profile of the cause but was probably a major factor in the failure of women to get the vote.
Amongst many others, the WSPU’s actions included chaining themselves to railings, riots in Parliament
Square (1912), setting on the Prime Minister and his colleagues (the Battle of Downing street Nov 1912),
slashing pictures in the National Gallery, Emily Davidson’s death at the 1913 Derby as she sought to stop
the King’s horse, setting fire to letter boxes, horse whipping Winston Churchill and an arson attack on
Lloyd-George’s house. Such actions almost certainly had a detrimental effect on the cause of women’s
suffrage.
There was an alienation of key sections of society. Politicians who were favourably disposed towards giving
women the vote felt that they couldn’t do so under duress. This included Lloyd George who believed that
Christabel Pankhurst was mad! Sympathetic newspapers (e.g. The Guardian) also withdrew overt support.
Some believed that the WSPU suffered from ‘diseased emotionalism’. Middle class women were alienated by
their actions. By 1914 Sylvia Pankhurst had been expelled from the movement and Christabel/Emmeline
were seen to be too dominant. However, there were other reasons why the WSPU proved to be
unsuccessful.
5. The First World War.
By 1914, women seemed to have lost the argument to be enfranchised. A combination of mis-placed tactics,
other political priorities and male chauvinism conspired to deny them a natural right. Yet the work of the
WSPU had placed women’s suffrage firmly at the front of public awareness. Ironically, it was the war and
the recognition of the assistance and co-operation given by women so crucial to the eventual victory
together with the fundamental shift in attitude towards many walks of life engendered by the bloodiest
conflict in world history that was to see women rewarded with the vote on a scale that the even the WSPU
perceived to be impossible so quickly.
EXAMPLE EXAM QUESTIONS:
•‘How far do you agree that changes in the distribution of parliamentary seats had the most influence
on making the British parliamentary system more representative of the British population in the
period 1830-1931?’
•‘How far do you agree that the most influential factor in the development of political parties in
Britain in the period 1830-1931 was the extension of the franchise?’
•‘How far do you agree that the key factor in the development of political parties in Britain in the
period of 1830-1931 was the elimination of corruption?’
•‘ To what extent did developments in political parties reflect the changes made to the size and
composition of the electorate in Britain in the period 1830-1931?’
•‘To what extent was the First Reform Act of 1832 a turning point for the British parliamentary
system in the period 1830-1931?’
•‘To what extent was the Corrupt and Illegal Practices and Prevention Act a turning point in British
parliamentary democracy in the period 1830-1931?’
•‘To what extent was popular protest a catalyst for reforms to the British parliamentary system in
the period 1830-1931?’
•‘To what extent was political rivalry between political parties a fundamental reason for reforms to
the British Parliamentary system in the period 1830-1931?’
•‘To what extent was the maintenance of the political power of the elite a key factor in why
universal suffrage took so long to achieve in the period 1830-1931?’
•‘To what extent was the declining political power of the aristocracy the key factor in the
development of a representative system of parliamentary government in Britain in the years 18301931?’