16th IFFTI Annual Conference 2014
Title : The Power of Fashion: Negotiating Tradition and Modernity in
Contemporary Moroccan Society
Subtheme : The Cultural Aspects of Fashion
Keywords : Morocco, fashion, globalization, tradition, modernity
Note
: I would like to be considered for an IFFTI Initiatives Award as a
Junior Faculty Initiative
Abstract
Although there have been fears thatglobalization would lead to global cultural
homogeneity based on especially a western model, social scientists have contested
this, insisting that receivers of cultural flows are not passive agentsbut that cultural
materials always entail local interpretation, translation and customization on the part
of the receiving subject (Appadurai, 1996; Inda and Rosaldo, 2002; Lechner and
Boli, 2008). A good example is the introduction of western fashion brands on a
large scale in Morocco, which did not threaten the continuity of Moroccan fashion,
but on the contrary,acceleratedits developmentmainlybyintroducing new
consumption and commercialization patterns.Because Moroccan and western
fashion have different values, meet different needs and therefore represent different
markets, they do not compete with one other. The power of fashion lays in the fact
that it allows peopleto negotiatenotions of continuity and change, tradition and
modernity and local and global.
Western fashion brands have, first of all, contributed to an important extent to the
democratization of fashion in Morocco by making fashion trends accessible to a
wider range of social classes through fashion boutiques and advertisement.
Secondly, they have contributed to the commodification of Moroccan fashion,
resulting in a shift from a craft to an industry, consumption based on demand to
consumption based on offer, the commercialization of traditional occasions like
Ramadan and the wedding season and the development of new markets for
Moroccan fashion. Thirdly, by introducing strategies of branding, marketing,
customer services, seasonal fashion, etc., a shift occurred in Morocco from
anonymous workshops of ‘traditional’ tailors to ‘modern’ designers’ boutiques
associated with luxury and glamour and insinuating services that Moroccan
consumers have grown accustomed to through their shopping for western fashion.
But most of all, under the influence of western fashion, traditionalMoroccan fashion
is believed to have become modern.
This paperargues thatnotions of tradition and modernity are not static nor mutually
exclusive and it uses the case study of the Moroccan fashion industryto illustrate
this.While Moroccan fashion is the materialization of important social, cultural,
political and religious changes in contemporary Moroccan urban society, the other
way around, fashion offersa powerful tool to negotiate between local realities and
foreign influences. Where tradition provides people with cultural anchorage,
modernity represents an alternative to some repressive mechanisms of these very
same traditions. As this case-study shows, thegrowing impact of foreign cultural
influences as a result of globalization do not threatenlocal culture, but on the
contrary, leadto are-evaluation of national identity based on local cultural heritage.
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INTRODUCTION [1]
When my close friend Lina [2] got married in 2006, she asked me to help her with
her wedding outfits. The fact that I was writing a PhD on the Moroccan fashion
industry automatically made me the authority on the latest fashion trends. Although
this was far from the case, I gratefully accepted for it was a great opportunity to take
a closer look at the consumption process of contemporary Moroccan fashion. Being
from an upper middle-class family, it was out of the question that she would order
her outfits from an anonymous so-called traditional tailor in the old Arab city centre.
According to her, the tailor would not be up-to-date on the latest fashion trends, he
would most probably not respect the agreed delays and there was no guarantee on
the quality of the work. After extensive enquiries amongst her female family
members and friends, studying Moroccan fashion magazines for months and
visiting a large range of Moroccan stylists and designers[3] in Rabat and
Casablanca, her choice finally fell on a young designer who had just participated as
a new talent to the latest edition of the renowned yearly fashion event Caftan. The
showroom of this young designer was located in a stylish apartment building in
Agdal (a fancy suburb of Rabat), where we were received in a smart salon with the
international channel FashionTV on a flat screen on the wall. After the customary
greetings and compliments, we were shown his latest collection in the Moroccan
fashion magazine Femmes du Maroc, which is also responsible for organizing the
fashion event Caftan. However, it soon became clear that this was not at all what
my friend Lina had in mind and she had actually brought pictures of other people’s
work that she had cut out of fashion magazines to illustrate what she wanted. She
had also brought her own fabrics with her, some of which had been bought by her
mother’s friend during her pilgrimage to Mecca, and others which had been given to
her by her future husband [4]. Over the next three months we would come back four
times for fittings and to supervise the production process. Every time Lina would
bring another set of female family members, female friends and future female inlaws who would vividly contribute with their opinions and suggestions, which did not
necessarily benefit the process. These women also seemed to playa crucialrole in
the negotiation of the price, which turned out to be an important part of the
consumptionpractice. Lina ended up ordering three outfits: a beldi-classique threepieced white tekšiṭato make her entrance on the maria, a beldi-modern three-pieced
blue tekšiṭa, and another beldi-classique three-pieced lavender tekšiṭa. She would
be wearing five outfits in total onher wedding, but the characteristic wedding outfit
from Fes was rented from the neggafa and the final western-style wedding dress in
the touche-marocaine style was rented from the young designer [5].
What struck me most about the experience with Lina was that she did not actually
choose the young designer because of his work or talent, but rather because of his
image and the fact that he had participated in the high profile fashion event Caftan.
She did not select any of his designs or ideas for her outfits, but imposed her own
ideas and even her own fabrics. Although she claimed to prefer a modern designer
over a traditional tailor based on the conviction that he would be better informed on
the latest fashion trends, two out of the three garments ended up being classic, and
only one so-called modern. This seemingly contradictive behaviour, this negotiation
between tradition and modernity, is the topic of this paper.
FROM THE CRAFTSMAN TO THE DESIGNER
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Prior to the 1990s, the majority of Moroccan garments were produced by
anonymous tailors in anonymous workshops in the medina. Clients were loyal to a
particular tailor, who would usually be a member of the family [6]. New garments
were ordered once every two-three years and consumed for a specific set of
occasions such as weddings and socio-religious celebrations(except for the jellaba,
a long outer coat with long sleeves and a hood, which could also be wornon a daily
basis). Changes were slow and mainly dictated by what fabric merchants and
tailors had onoffer. Cuts, colours and decorations were easily determined based on
age, marital status and the occasion for which the garments were worn.Western
dress,although first adopted by the Moroccan elite in the 1920s,became only truly
part of Moroccan identity in the years after Independence (1956). It was King
Mohamed V who played a crucial role in turningitinto a symbol of (European)
modernity(Daoud, 1993: 245) [7], while Moroccan fashioncame torepresent
Moroccan nationalism, Islam and tradition under King Hassan II (Claire Nicholas,
2005: 111). Public life and the new French city centresbecame associated with
western fashion, while private life and the old Arab city centres remained the
domain for Moroccan garments. However,by the 1960s, heavy brocades, endless
layers, wide cuts, elaborate (metal-thread) decorations and wide heavy brocade
belts that were constituting Moroccan women’s ceremonial dress were no longer
adapted to the active and cosmopolite lifestyles Moroccan elite women had grown
accustomed to [8]. Therefore it is no surprise that the first generation of Moroccan
fashion designers in the mid-1960s were women of the elite. Although they had no
or little formal training in fashion design, they were trained in Moroccan handwork
and accustomedto European haute couture [9]. These women basically did for
Moroccan fashion what Coco Chanel did for European fashion: they ‘liberated’
women by making comfortable and elegant garments with a modern look, suitable
for an active lifestyle. They so-called modernized Moroccan fashion by introducing
European haute couture fabrics and aesthetics, by reducing the amount of layers
and decorations and by reducing the width of the garments. What this generation
probably did not realize is that itwas the first to transform the consumption pattern
of Moroccan fashion by proposing their own creations to their clients, as opposed to
clients telling their tailors what to make; by branding Moroccan fashionthrough
signing their collections with their brand nameand by presenting their work in
fashionable boutiques in luxurious hotels as opposed to imageless workshops.
Nevertheless, their collections were limited to the‘happy few,’ since there was not
yet an industry to trickle down their conceptsto a larger public.
It is only in the late1990s that Moroccan fashion would become democratized in
Morocco, largely due to the success of anational lifestyle press that developed
under the influence of foreign (mainly French) lifestyle magazines available on the
market. This success was largely due to the fact that Moroccan readers had a hard
time identifying with the topics treated in the foreign magazines and had no or
limited access to the consumption goods featuring in them [10]. Their main aim was
to promote a modern Moroccan woman in a modern Moroccan society and
theyplayed an important role in giving Moroccan women a new sense of identity
(Loubna Skalli, 2006: 61). According to Aicha Zaim Sakhri, the first editor-in-chief of
one of the most influential Moroccan lifestyle magazines calledFemmes du Maroc,
‘especially in the early years of the magazine, the idea persisted that everything
that was modern, was coming from Europe. In order to stay true to one’s Moroccan
identity, women thought they had to stay traditional. We wanted to break with this
idea by showing our readers that modernity could come from within (…)’ [11]. In
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order to illustrate their ideas of a ‘Moroccan type of modernity,’ the
magazinesespeciallyused Moroccan fashion. ‘Moroccan dress was something that
was considered truly Moroccan and purely traditional and it was playing an
important role in society. But at the same time, it was also considered a heavy load
on the shoulders of Moroccan women and therefore we believed it had to be
modernized’ [12].In order to stimulate Moroccan fashion designers, who were most
of all designing western fashion at the time, to develop so-called modern Moroccan
fashion collections, theylaunched a yearly fashion event calledCaftan. The main
problem was that Moroccan designers, trained at western fashion schools, did not
master the production and decoration skills to produce Moroccan fashion and
therefore weredependent ontraditional tailors and craftsmen [13]. What they did
master, however, were western designing skills, which they greatlyapplied to
Moroccanfashion, introducing corsets, pants, skirts, etc. They uncontestably owe
their success to the Moroccan press and their fashion events because the fact that
they featured in glamorous fashion spreads and were broadcasted on national
television not only allowed them to reach a much wider audience, but also gave
them star status. The Moroccan magazines, in their turn, contributed to an
important extent to the democratization of Moroccan fashionas well as a remarkable
image change; by taking it out of its original contexts of social and religious
gatherings and putting it on magazine covers and catwalks–the icons of a fashion
industry–Moroccan fashionwas no longer just traditional, it became modern
simultaneously.
FROM A CRAFT TO AN INDUSTRY
The democratization of western fashion in Morocco came at the turn of the 21st
century, when due to the liberalization of the Moroccan textile market and a steadily
growing economy, Moroccowas inundated by foreign fashion brands in the form of
franchises [14]. Ranging from low and middle priced (French and Spanish) brands
like Zara, Massimo Dutti, Mango, Stradivarius, Bershka, Promod and Etam to highend brands including Louis Vuitton, Dior and Yves Saint Laurent, stores were
especially opened in the economic capital Casablanca and the tourist capital
Marrakech. The piece-de-resistance of foreign fashion brandsis theMoroccoMall,
which wasinaugurated at the end of 2011, with a total surface of 250 000 m².It is the
largestshopping mall in North Africa and offers over six hundred brands including
the French Galleries Lafayette, Prada and Gucci, as well as the long expected
Hennes & Mauritz and GAP [15].The introduction and success of these western
fashion brands is uncontestably part of a larger globalization process. The
increasing encounter with western lifestyles through media, travelling and
(temporary) migration has accustomed Moroccans to foreign commodities. Many of
these brands were already familiar, particularly to the middle and upper social
classes, due to their studies and travels abroad. Progressively these commodities
are adjusted and become integrated into Moroccan lifestyles.Although official
numbers are lacking, it is estimated that only ten percent of the Moroccan
population can afford to buy products offered by these foreign fashion brands
(Samuel Vallée, 2006: 33), but nevertheless their introduction on the Moroccan
market has had a significant impact on consumerism in Morocco. Under the
influence of these western fashion boutiques, the anonymous workshops of
traditional tailors and fabric merchants have become overshadowed by so-called
modern boutiques and showrooms of Moroccan stylists and designers. Their
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settings correspond more to an image that has come to inspire clients’ confidence,
suggesting a range of services and qualities Moroccan consumers have grown
accustomed to through their shopping for western fashion. The irony of the story is,
however, that both stylists and designers are still depending on the skills of
Moroccan tailors and craftsmen to produce Moroccan fashion, resulting in large
workshops where the ‘unstylish’ craftsmen are hidden from view. Furthermore, in
the same way that Moroccan customers have grown accustomed to shopping
around for western fashion, they arenow shopping around for Moroccan fashion
and no longer loyal to a specific tailor. Also, under the influence of western fashion
brands, Moroccan fashion has become commoditized whereby a shift occurred
from consumption based on demand to consumption based on offer (Thera Rasing,
1999: 239). And the offer of Moroccan fashion has increased significantly in the last
decade as a result ofthe commercial exploitation ofspecific social and religious
events like the fasting month of Ramadan and the wedding season in summer.
Since these are traditionally two important occasions when Moroccanfashion is
consumed, the industry has become particularly focused around these periods,
whether it is through an array of fashion events promoting the latest fashion trends,
fashion magazines featuring special editions or boutiques offering special
promotions [16]. Furthermore, niche markets have been created and/or stimulated,
like informal Moroccan fashion for a wider range of occasions and Moroccan
fashion for men and children. For example, two new hybrid clothing categories that
have developed in the last few years are beldi wear and touche marocaine, which
are suitable for informal occasions or daily wear [17]. Furthermore, the market is
stimulating Moroccan mento consumebyincreasing the offer of Moroccan fashion
for men, with aparticular successful for Moroccan prêt-a-porter for men. Also,
specific occasions in the year like cšura[18] are commercially exploited for children
to consume Moroccan fashion and the offer has impressively increased, ranging
from haute couture with brands like Alrazal to prêt-a-porter offered by
Yousra.Nevertheless, Moroccan consumers continue toinsist on two traditions when
it comes to the consumption of Moroccan fashion and that is handwork and
exclusivity. So, under the influence of western fashion brands, western/modern
values like image and service have come to play an important role in the
consumption of Moroccan fashion, but without affecting values of craftsmanship,
which represent an important difference with western fashion.
THE POWER OF FASHION
Although there have been fears that globalization would lead to global cultural
homogeneity based on especially a Western model, social scientists have
contested this, insisting that receivers of cultural flows are not passive agents but
that cultural materials always entail local interpretation, translation and
customization on the part of the receiving subject (Appadurai 1996; Inda and
Rosaldo 2002; Lechner & Boli 2008). As was clearly illustrated above, instead of
threatening the local market, foreign lifestyle magazines inspired a wide range of
successful Moroccan lifestyle magazines, whose added values of proximity and
identity rendered them more popular than foreign magazines (Loubna Skalli, 2006:
61). Additionally, the introduction of western fashion brands on a large scale did not
menace the continuity of Moroccan fashion, but on the contrary, set the trend for
new consumption and commercialization patterns applied to Moroccan fashion. An
important reason why these two clothing styles do not threaten each other’s
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existence is because they have different values, fulfil different needs and therefore
represent different markets. Where western fashion represents aspirations of
change and progress as well as the global, Moroccan fashion fulfils
needsofcontinuity, cultural anchorage and the local; people do not want either/or
but and/both (Kaiser, 2012: 2). They do not feel the need to choose and both
clothing styles are ineluctably connected (Joanne Eicher and Barbara Sumberg,
1995: 303) in the construction of multiple dynamic Moroccan identities.
Simultaneously, it is not (any longer) a matter of Moroccan versus western fashion
and new (hybrid) clothing categories have developed,whereby dress today is rather
categorized according to four categories, ranging frombeldi-classique andbeldimoderne tobeldi-wear/touche marocaine and modeEuropéenne. From ninety
interviews with Moroccan consumers in three major cities, it became clear that the
categorization of dress is based on the degree of traditionality/localness and/or
modernity/foreignnessbased on thecut, fabrics, colours and decorations. The power
of fashionisthat it enables people to constantly negotiate an ambiguous balance in
general betweencontinuity and change, between tradition and modernity and
between the local and the global, which can lead toambiguous and
contradictivebehaviour.For example, the majority of the respondents heavily
criticized the work of contemporary Moroccan fashion designers, saying that they
are altering the ‘essence’ of Moroccan fashion and accusing them of not being
Moroccan/traditional and/or too European/modern. But yet the majority agreed that
it isbecause of these same designers and their modernizing ideas, that Moroccan
fashion has become so successful. Most of them acknowledged that they use the
ideas of these designers as a source of inspiration for their own garments because
it especiallypermits them to createan exclusive andindividualstyle. It was also
testified that fashion trends allow people to challenge customs related to colours,
shapes, fabrics and decorations. For example, according to tradition married
women are not supposed to draw attention to their person by wearing
dark/sobercolours, less ostentatious decorations and more modest cuts. But since
especially women do not like to be considered old/on the periphery of society, they
use fashion as an excuse to bend the rules. Also, despite the unprecedented
success of Moroccan fashion, a large majority of the respondents, both men and
women, considered Moroccan fashion to be uncomfortable, expensive and timeconsuming to purchase, testifying that it is only tradition that keeps them from
adopting western fashion during socio-religious celebrations. Coming back to the
example of my friend Lina at the beginning of this paper,on the one hand, people
are attracted by the modern designers as opposed to the traditional tailors, because
of theimage and professionalism they inspire, while on the other hand, Moroccan
consumers are not willing to compromise on certaintraditions particular to tailormade, such as bringingtheir own fabrics, imposing their own ideas and
negotiatingthe price.
CONCLUSION: MODERNITY FUELS TRADITION
This paper aimed to demonstrate that the growing impact of foreign cultural
influences as a result of globalization, do not automatically threaten local culture,
but on the contrary, can lead to a general re-evaluation of national identity based on
local cultural heritage. Moroccan fashion has never been this popular and it is
exploited to a maximum, from advertisement, to entertainment on television. A wide
variety of companies, from telephone providers to tile producers, are using modern
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Moroccan fashion in their advertisements to sell their products; it has become the
symbol by excellence of this ‘Moroccan type of modernity,’ combining the best of
(foreign) modernity and (local) tradition. The term beldi, the Moroccan Arabic word
for ‘traditional/local/authentic’ as opposed to rumi meaning ‘new/foreign/industrial,’
has come to represent everything that is ‘good’ about Morocco, from grandmother’s
homemade bread to Moroccan handcrafts. Beldi allows people to dream of the
unique skilful crafts from Fez, which is considered the capital of Moroccan
civilization, where Moroccan handwork was invented and raised to perfection in the
course of centuries. Where beldi only a few years ago was still associated with the
countryside, backwardness and old-fashionedness, today, in a rapidly developing
urban society, beldi allows people to escape for a moment and dream about
Morocco’s glorious past. This search for authenticity, as Marilyn Halter (2000: 17)
puts it, is very much related to nostalgia for an idealized and fixed point in time
when folk culture was supposedly untouched by the corruption that is automatically
associated with commercial development. Hence, she says, the more artificiality,
anonymity and uncertainty apparent in a postmodern world, the more driven are the
quests for authentic experiences and the more people long to feel connected to
localized traditions seeking out the timeless and true. Moroccan fashion sells a
fantasy materialized by Moroccan fashion designers through the skills of Moroccan
artisans. Loubna Skalli (2006: 56), in her turn,argues that an ideological
‘retraditionalization’ refers to a politicization of tradition to combat, in a selfconscious defence, traditional norms that are threatened by others.
Furthermore, this paper aimed to argue that notions of tradition and modernity are
not static nor mutually exclusive. When we take a closer look at what the
modernization of Moroccan fashion has meant in the last fifty years, it most of all
refers to the integration of western fashion components and aesthetics in Moroccan
fashion, which clearly reflects western influences on Moroccan society in general.
However, just as notions of tradition are constantly changing, notions of modernity
are just as much continuously (re)invented, (re)defined and adjusted to new
circumstances. For example, in the years after independence, modernity in
Morocco was mainly associated with ideologies of progress and a European type of
modernity, while notions of tradition were rather linked to values of conservatism
and regression. However, by the turn of the 21st century, notions of modernity had
rather become associated with (too much) foreign influences, industrialisation and a
possible threat to local identity, while as a counter reaction, tradition became
related to national proud and authenticity. The way Toby Slade (2009: 4-5) explains
it, in modernity progress is constantly sought, yet constantly questioned,
undermined and remodelled. Therefore the perceived unstoppable trajectory of
modem progress, he says, results in nostalgia and, if not an overt longing for the
past, then at least a formless melancholy and regret that some essence or
intangible element have been lost. Modernity everywhere, he adds, repeatedly
clothes itself in reconstructions of the past, recreating national fashions and
inventing traditions to authenticate this past and to authenticate the very idea of a
nation itself.
NOTES
[1] The research for this paper was part of my PhD project, for which I conducted
ten years of field, archival and collection research and ninety interviews with
respondents in Fez, Casablanca and Marrakesh between 2000 and 2010. It
8
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
[6]
[7]
[8]
[9]
[10]
[11]
[12]
[13]
represents the urban situation, and is not in any way representative for the
rural areas.
The name of my friend is changed in this article for privacy reasons.
A major problem of the Moroccan fashion industry, is the lack of structure and
with it a lack of clear differentiation between a tailor, a stylist and a designer.
Normally, the first one is a craftsman who executes his client’s wishes, while
the second does the same but can advise the client based on his or her
training in fashion styling. A designer, on the other hand, is an artist who
creates conceptual and innovative collections, which initiate new trends that
are adopted by a large public.
This is a new interpretation of an old custom. It is not certain when this change
occurred, but at least throughout the 20th century brides would receive fabrics
from their husbands as part of their wedding gift on the day of their wedding.
Now, since contemporary brides want to use these fabrics for their wedding
outfits, they usually receive them before the actual wedding.
The tekšiṭa is an outfit that consists of minimum two long T-shaped garments,
usually with long sleeves, and held together with a belt. It is worn by women
for formal socio-religious gatherings. The maria is a heavily decorated
platform that is used to carry the bride. This is also a new interpretation of an
old custom, whereby the bride used to be carried from her father’s house to
her future husband’s house through the streets, hidden from view by curtains.
Now it is just a way to offer the bride a grand entrance. The neggafa is the
Moroccan version of the wedding planner. Beldi-classique, beldi-modern and
touche-marocaine are new (hybrid) categories of Moroccan fashion (see
further down the article).
Mostly for practical reasons since the contact between men and women who
were not related was problematic.
King Mohamed V particularly used his children as role models to promote (a
European type of) modernity by having them portrayed in western dress, living
a modern European life.
According to Tamy Tazi (Moroccan fashion designer), interview with author,
Casablanca, July 9, 2004, notes on file with author.
Girls of the Moroccan elite learned to sew and embroider as part of their
respectful upbringing and grew up surrounded by luxurious Moroccan
ceremonial garments. Simultaneously, due to their social status, they were
able to shop in Europe’s fashion capitals; According to Tamy Tazi, Moroccan
fashion designer, interview with author, Casablanca, July 9, 2004, notes on
file with author).
According to Aisha Zaim Sakhri, first editor-in-chief of the Moroccan lifestyle
magazine Femmes du Maroc, interview with the author, Casablanca, Dec. 15,
2006, notes on file with author.
Aisha Zaim Sakhri, first editor-in-chief of the Moroccan lifestyle magazine
Femmes du Maroc, interview with the author, Casablanca, Dec. 15, 2006,
notes on file with author.
Aisha Zaim Sakhri, first editor-in-chief of the Moroccan lifestyle magazine
Femmes du Maroc, interview with the author, Casablanca, Dec. 15, 2006,
notes on file with author.
According to Albert Oiknine, Moroccan fashion designer, interview with the
author, Casablanca, July 9, 2004, notes on file with author. The craft of
9
[14]
[15]
[16]
[17]
[18]
Moroccan fashion was learned through apprenticeship from a young age with
a master craftsmen or women.
The licenses are in their majority obtained by two large Moroccan investment
companies, Aksal and Nesk.
www.moroccomall.net
According to Meryam Al Alami, director of the fashion department of College
Lasalle, interview with the author, July 13, 2006, notes on file with author.
Beldi wear is less luxurious and elaborate Moroccan fashion adapted for daily
use, while touche marocaine is western fashion with characteristic Moroccan
decorations.
This is a religious celebration that had almost disappeared for which children
are offered sweets, toys and new clothes.
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