Dear Delegates,
My name is Blake Goodman, and I will be serving as Governor-General Raoul Salan, the Chair
for the French Far East Expeditionary Corps. I am currently a sophomore in the Elliott School of
International Affairs here at The George Washington University, majoring in International
Affairs, with concentrations in European and Eurasian Affairs and Security Policy Studies, as
well as minors in History and Geographic Information Systems. As well as my involvement in
GW’s Model UN team, I am currently the treasurer of the International Affairs Society, and am a
research intern at the Streit Council for a Union of Democracies.
Running our committee with me will be my lieutenant, your Vice-Chair Sophia Lin, a fellow
sophomore here at GW. Both she and I are looking forward to working with all of you to crush
Ho Chi Minh’s communist Vietnamese rebellion. It will be up to you, the group of political and
military leaders that I have assembled to protect French Indochina, to create lasting solutions to
the political issues in Vietnam, all the while defending French dominance in the region. I am
looking to all of you to come prepared with plans on how we can neutralize the Viet Minh threat,
without becoming tied to help from other nations, and without becoming embroiled in a war with
the rest of communist Asia. We have the upmost faith that you will all make sure that the French
Tricolore will fly in Indochina forevermore.
If you have any questions, please don’t hesitate to contact me at blakeg@gwmail.gwu.edu.
Sincerely,
Blake Goodman
Chair, French Far East Expeditionary Force, JCC: First Indochina War
Hey Delegates!
My name is Jared Greenspan, and I am honored to serve as the Chair for the Viet Minh side of
the French Indochina War Joint Crisis Committee. I am a sophomore at The George Washington
University, studying International Affairs and Public Policy. Some other activities I am involved
in here at GW are my International Strategy internship, the Residential Hall Association where I
serve as Chair of Campus Development and Vice-Chair of my residence hall. I also love being a
part of the International Affairs Society, and love competing in Model United Nations
competitions and going to embassies around Washington, DC.
Your Vice-Chair Rosa Kim and I are really excited to for GWCIA this year and feel like this
Joint Crisis Committee is going to be one of its highlights. The Vietnamese side is going to be all
about trying to win the nation’s independence from France. In order for the Vietnamese people to
earn their freedom, political officials and military commanders are going to have to work
together in order to coordinate attacks and public action. In order to turn the tide of this struggle,
it is going to take military commanders utilizing both private and public directives, and political
officials garnering the support of the Vietnamese people and rallying the Viet Minh. Everyone
will have to play their part and fulfilling their role in order to repel the French devils. We know
our delegates have what it takes in order to win this war, and we can’t wait to see them in action!
If you have any questions, feel free to contact me at jagspan1@gwmail.gwu.edu.
Sincerely,
Jared Greenspan
Chair, Viet Minh, JCC: First Indochina War
Delegates,
My name is Roderick Lee and I will be serving as your crisis director for the First Indochina
War: 1952 Joint Crisis Committee (JCC). I am currently a junior at the Elliott School double
majoring in International Affairs (concentration in security studies) and Asian Studies. I have
served on GWCIA’s staff for the last two years as both a crisis director in 2010 and a chair in
2011. I have also served as a crisis director and chair for our high school conference, WAMUNC,
as well.
Outside of school and MUN, I also work part time in the US Government is Asian Affairs as a
reflection of my general interests. I have a recreational and professional passion for security in
East Asia with a focus on China. Beyond this, I generally enjoy my morning pot of coffee, hikes
in the mountains, and other outdoors activities.
If there are any questions regarding the crisis element of this JCC, please feel free to contact me
at rslee@gwias.com.
I look forward to working with you in a few weeks.
Very respectfully,
Roderick Lee
Crisis Director, JCC: First Indochina War
A Background to Crisis Committees and Joint Crisis Committees
Crisis committees are a substantial deviation from regular Model UN committees in that they are
real-time, highly dynamic committees that rely more upon an individual’s ability to engage in
strategic and tactical reasoning rather than their ability to write resolutions or garner popular
support.
These committees are small, generally consisting of 20 or so delegates. Each delegate is
endowed with “portfolio powers”, which are essentially assets and responsibilities that the
delegate has control over. In this committee, the primary portfolio power at the delegate’s
discretion will be access to military assets. However, the delegate will also be expected to take a
leadership role in a regional basis in terms of advancing political, social and economic goals as
they see fit. This could be through using military assets to build roads, start schools or protect
local villages from violence.
The Joint Crisis Committee (JCC) element integrates one or more committees interacting with
each other in a crisis dynamic. In this simulation, the two committees involved are the French
Union and the Viet Minh. The interactions of one committee will have a significant impact on
the other. For example, movement of troops by one side to engage the opponent will obviously
impact both sides.
Whereas in general assembly and ECOSOC committees only resolutions are issued, in crisis
committees several tools exist within the crisis delegate’s toolbox (this is not an exhaustive list):
1. Unilateral Action (Personal Directive): Delegates are each allocated personal power
through portfolio powers. They may utilize these powers without consulting others
(though consultation is recommended) by submitting a note to crisis requesting this
action. This action should be as specific as possible and delegates should be prepared to
suffer consequences, both positive and negative of their actions.
2. Group Action: As a subset of the above tool, several committee members may pool their
resources together and engage in a group action. This is achieved by writing a note to
crisis detailing the action that is signed by all the participating delegates.
3. Committee Directive: This is an action issued on behalf of the entire committee. This
requires the approval of the majority of the committee and is generally extensive in
strategic scope.
4. Press Release: This can either be issued by an individual, group or committee as a whole.
These are a means of influencing public opinion of a targeted audience in favor of the
committee or against their opponent.
5. Inquiry: If the delegate has a question regarding an in-simulation issue (such as “what
does reconnaissance say about the French presence at Dien Bien Phu?”) or about crisis in
general, they may submit a note asking to crisis.
The Crisis Dynamic
Perhaps in a deviation from most crisis committees, the French Indochina War: 1952 JCC will
acknowledge the fact that waging war is the primary focus of conflict. This is not to say that
committee members will not have to deal with domestic and foreign issues beyond waging war,
the majority of crisis will be geared towards shifting the ability of either side of the JCC to wage
war. Delegates will have to work with their follow committee members to develop a
comprehensive strategy in waging war against the opposing committee.
The overarching objective of the French Union in this war is to maintain French control over
Indochina. This may be accomplished through the complete destruction of the Viet Minh as an
organized resistance or a partial victory aimed at degrading Viet Minh strength and will to the
point that a diplomatic solution may be reached. The Viet Minh have an unconditional objective
of the relinquishing of French control over Vietnam as well as the removal of all French forces.
As noted previously, this is a war game simulation. However, this does not mean that a purely
military approach will work. Delegates must understand their opponent’s objectives, sources of
strength, and determining factors of will. Only through understanding their opponent and their
own situation in a holistic sense can delegates formulate a military and political policy that can
accomplish their committee’s objectives in the most effective means possible.
Position Papers
While your chairs and crisis staff believe that it is important to thoroughly research and
understand the topic and each delegates individual position, the committees are more focused on
challenging delegates’ leadership and critical thinking abilities. Because of this, as well as the
obscure nature of many of the positions in each committee, the chairs have decided that position
papers are optional, although recommended. As well, the chairs recommend that delegates bring
copies of their position papers with them to committee to serve as policy guides to provide
insight on their positions during the conference. We cannot stress how important adequate
research is to properly prepare for the challenges that will be given to delegates during the course
of this committee. Not only will delegate research guide them on their ways to crafting solutions
to the challenges at hand, but it will also provide much of the confidence necessary to be
effective leaders while in committee.
History of Vietnam
French Hegemony Over Indochina
Beginning in the 1840s, the French slowly took control of Indochina. They established a colony
around the area of Saigon, with many believing that there might be a water route up the Red
River that led all the way to the riches of inland China. It was decided that they would use
Vietnam as a base for further French naval expansion and missions, as well as simply for the
prestige of having overseas colonies. As well, a permanent settlement allowed for easier
conversion of Vietnamese to Catholicism, as well as for the protection of these converts from the
traditionally Confucian Imperial government.
The French organized Indochina into three parts: the Protectorate of Cambodia, the Protectorate
of Laos, and Vietnam. Vietnam itself was broken into three parts as well: the northern
Protectorate of Tonkin, the central Protectorate of Annam, and the southern Colony of
Cochinchina. French protectorates were still controlled by their local indigenous government,
with French “resident superiors” keeping tabs on their daily goings on. Meanwhile, French
colonies were directly under French rule, having Governor-Generals instead of local authorities.
The French exploited much of Indochina for trade purposes, producing and exporting rubber and
rice, with many Vietnamese becoming sharecroppers under French landowners.
Resistance to the French
In the early 1900s, the Vietnamese Imperial government’s bureaucrat class, the Mandarins,
attempted to push for Vietnamese independence. Members of the educated classes, like Phan Boi
Chau and Phan Chu Trinh, believed that the Vietnamese had to embrace Western learning, and
that the traditional Confucian view of the world would be unhelpful in engaging their new
Western partners. They looked at the American Revolution, the rise of Japan, and the French
Revolution as examples of ways that Vietnam could grow as a country.
In 1925, a young Vietnamese man using the name Ho Chi Minh established the Vietnamese
Revolutionary Youth Association. The group was always a secret political party, and so it could
live under the repressive French political climate. This group was later reorganized in 1930 as
the Communist Party of Vietnam. In 1928, a group of Vietnamese schoolteachers, policemen,
and clerks formed the Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang (VNQDD). This nationalist party became one
of the most powerful in Vietnam, encouraging an unsuccessful mutiny among Vietnamese
militiamen near Yen Bay in 1930. As a result, the French authorities killed or imprisoned many
of the leaders of the VNQDD. Because of this, the VNQDD went underground, becoming a
secret political party.
Vietnam During & Post-WWII
After the fall of the French government to the Nazis in 1940, the Vichy French gave Indochina to
the Japanese in 1941, where it became a part of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.
Once the war ended, armed nationalist groups, such as Ho’s Viet Minh, who had fought against
Japanese occupation, were fighting against the French recolonizing Vietnam. The British came
from Burma to assist in French recolonization efforts, while Ho’s new government survived
along the northern border due to deals made with the Chinese. Ho’s new government
incorporates nationalists, not just communists, as well as his dissolving of the Vietnamese
Communist Party into the non-political Marxist Study Group.
In January 1946, elections were held in northern Vietnam for a new government, with the
nationalists gaining 70 seats in the legislature. Meanwhile, the Chinese and French had begun
talks about the Chinese pulling their troops out of Indochina, with French troops replacing them
as they are pulled out. In exchange for this deal, Chinese goods would be allowed to travel freely
through Vietnam, and the French would surrender all of their western privileges in China,
including the use of treaty ports like Hong Kong and Shanghai and extraterritoriality.
The First Indochina War
In March 1946, Ho reached an agreement with the French whereby North Vietnam would be a
free state within the French Union, whose final status would be agreed upon later in France. This
meant that French forces would finally be allowed in all of Indochina for the first time after the
end of World War II. However, due to Vietnamese noncompliance, this agreement was quickly
thrown out by the French, with them shelling Haiphong, Ho’s capital, in the same month. By
1948, the French controlled almost all of the large cities and the roads, including Haiphong, but
they could not gain control of the countryside where all of the Vietnamese peasants lived, and
where the Viet Minh had widespread support. To decrease support for the Viet Minh, in 1948,
the French created a rival Vietnamese government, called the State of Vietnam, ruled by the
former emperor Bao Dai. Despite this apparent freedom, though, the emperor had very minimal
powers, including having almost no military, having all of his foreign affairs handled by the
French, and using the French colonial currency.
By 1949, the United States felt it important to push the French to give Bao Dai’s government
more attributes of sovereignty. Thus came the signing of the Élysée Accords. As well, in 1950,
the United States formally recognized the State of Vietnam as the legitimate government of
Vietnam under the French Union. With the begin of the Korean War in June 1950, the United
States began increasing military aid to their French allies in Indochina.
The Chinese were heavily involved in the conflict in Vietnam, with Communist Chinese leader
Mao Zedong believing that the communist Vietnamese under Ho Chi Minh were just carrying on
the global communist revolution. Viet Minh forces were often trained in China, and were
supplied with arms by the Chinese government, much of them supplied by the defeated Chinese
nationalists.
In September 1950, the United States set up the Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG),
who began bringing more American military equipment into Indochina. In October 1950, the
Viet Minh began a series of attacks along Colonial Route 4 (RC4), defeating the French
garrisons at both Cao Bang and Lang Son within the month. This prompted the French
government to install General Jean de Lattre de Tassigny as the new Governor-General of
Indochina.
Using their newfound US aid, the French under de Lattre were successful against the Viet Minh
all throughout 1951, defeating them at Vinh Yen, Mao Khe, Phat Diem, and Ninh Binh. De
Lattre believed that the French should oppose any expanded role for the US in Indochina beyond
providing military aid to the French. As well, he believed in a large-scale expansion of the
Vietnamese National Army, the official armed forces of Bao Dai’s State of Vietnam, that would
be US supplied but not US trained, despite their success doing the same in Korea. As well, he
supported what was called the “de Lattre Line,” which would protect Hanoi and the Red River
delta, not to mention a fall 1952 offensive aimed Hoa Binh. Unfortunately, General de Lattre
died in January 1952, being replaced as Governor-General by General Raoul Salan.
Positions
French Far East Expeditionary Corps
Lieutenant-General François de Linares
Commissioner of Tonkin
François de Linares is the commander of French forces in Tonkin and North Vietnam. He is one
of the major players of this war and has quickly been promoted through Salan’s ranks. With that
being said, he is primarily a political official and has been tasked to represent French interests in
this region. As Commissioner of Tonkin, he serves as a liaison of Salan and French government
to maintain stability in Tonkin.
Lieutenant General Paul-Louis Bondis
Commissioner of South Vietnam
Paul-Louis Bondis also focuses on political approaches to military issues. As a Lieutenant
General, he is more knowledgeable on military issues than the typical political officer, but will
still work primarily through diplomacy to serve as the liaison of French government in South
Vietnam.
Vice-Admiral Philippe Auboyneau
Commander of the Far East Naval Forces
In 1952, France has a strong naval presence not just in Asia, but also around the globe. As
Commander of the Far East Naval Forces, Auboyneau will have access to all relevant naval
assets and will use the strategies of the sea to France’s military advantage.
Lieutenant-General Jean Gilles
Commander of the Far East Air Forces
One of the biggest advantages that France has in this war is exclusive aerial access. As
Commander of the Far East Air Forces, Lieutenant-General Jean Gilles will be imperative in
helping France assert its military dominance in Vietnam. He will, however, have to worry about
the Viet Minh Anti-Aircraft Battalions.
Brigadier-General Louis-Philippe Favreau
Commander of the Far East Colonial Brigade
The Far East Colonial Brigade is a lesser-known force in French military, though it will be
essential in closing out this war. It is a French group of military forces taken from the indigenous
populations of other French colonies, mostly in North and West Africa. Brigadier-General
Favreau will have freedom to use this brigade as he sees fit, and will be able to use the his
soldiers colonial experience to best determine how to keep the Vietnamese people submissive to
French interests.
Colonel Olivier Ponthieux
Commander of the Far East Naval Infantry Brigade
The Far East Naval Infantry Brigade is another lesser-known force in the French military. Naval
Infantry Brigade members are essentially the marines of the French Far East Expeditionary
Corps, specializing in amphibious warfare, something very important in a very coastal nation
like Vietnam. Colonel Ponthieux, a longtime French marine himself, will be able to use all of his
knowledge and resources to keep the coasts and rivers of Indochina safe from the Viet Minh
threat.
General Yves Jean Digo
Commissioner of the Protectorate of Cambodia
Cambodia is a vital location in this conflict, both militarily and politically. His position as
Commissioner of the Protectorate of Cambodia gives General Yves Jean Digo a unique
perspective on maintaining French rule in Indochina, a region facing many of the same issues as
Vietnam. He will use his political power and connections in order to stabilize French control in
the region.
Lieutenant-General Jean Gérard Chartrand
Commander of the French Ground Forces Cambodia
Cambodia is also a vital location in terms of geography and battle strategy. For this purpose,
Lieutenant-General Gérard Chartrand will play a huge role in claiming and maintaining
Cambodia as a strategic point for French forces in Vietnam.
Lieutenant-General Robert Regnier
Commissioner of the Protectorate of Laos
Laos is another key location in the war in Indochina. General Robert Regnier will, using his
contacts in Indochina as well as in France be looking to consolidate French control of the region
before the communists, be they the Russians, the Chinese, or the Viet Minh begin to destabilize
the peace that is there.
Major-General Roland Victor Dauphine
Commander of the French Ground Forces Laos
Laos’s geography will play a huge part in determining the winner of this conflict. It is southwest
of Vietnam and serves as a key area when determining offensive strategy in this war. For this
purpose, Major-General Roland Victor Dauphine will have his work cut out for him in keeping
this area under French rule.
General Léon Benoît Lacroix
Commander of the Far East Ground Forces
General Lacroix will be leading his ground units to battle against many of the Viet Minh infantry
regiments. His adversaries know the location better and have more guerilla style tactics, but his
forces will be better supplied than the Viet Minh rebels.
Brigadier-General Christian de Castries
Commander of the French North Vietnam Ground Forces
Brigadier-General de Castries will be leading his ground units against Viet Minh elements
specifically in Tonkin. While his enemies may know the area better, his forces will be
concentrated in that area, and will not be able to be sent around the country, leading to a
potentially long term conflict in that region.
Lieutenant-General Étienne Manigault
Commander of the French South Vietnam Ground Forces
Similar to Brigadier-General de Castries, Lieutenant-General Manigault will be fighting
alongside his troops against the Viet Minh specifically in South Vietnam. Concentrating on that
area, he may be able to keep control of the region more readily than would a more mobile force.
Major-General René Cogny
Commander of the French Armored Forces
Major-General Cogny leads one of the most well equipped forces in the French military. He had
served as a defense strategist for years in France and had a close relationship with former
Indochinese Governor-General de Lattre. He has many contacts back at French and can request
resources easier and with more efficacy than other military officers.
Colonel Pierre Saint Romain
Commander of the French Engineer Platoon
Technology is an advantage for the French, which is why Colonel Saint Romain is going to be a
major asset for French forces in Indochina. His platoon is essential in terms of providing
demolition, transportation, and infrastructure support to the French. As well, his men are able to
set and clear minefields before battles occur, and are responsible for setting up field defenses.
His men are also capable of basic combat operations.
Lieutenant-General Edmond Grall
Commander of the GCMA
Lieutenant-General Grall is in charge of the GCMA, which is a counter-intelligence taskforce
consisting mostly of air support and paratroopers. Grall will be essential in jamming Viet Minh
intelligence, as well as retrieving enemy intelligence. He and his men will therefore be able to
work with multiple commanders in conjunction.
Brigadier-General Nguyen Van Hinh
Chief of Staff of the Vietnamese National Army
Nguyen Van Hinh has been fighting in wars his entire life and staunchly opposes the communist
party. He was educated in France and served in many political posts before assuming his current
position. He is one of Salan’s most trusted advisors and is one of the most respected members of
French Forces in Vietnam.
Lieutenant-General Phan Thanh Quan
Commander of the Ground Forces of the Vietnamese National Army
Phan Thanh Quan is the leader of Ground Forces of the Vietnamese National Army. While not as
well equipped as the French forces, it is more equivocal to the Viet Minh and should be able to
balance military tactics against their infantry units.
Lieutenant-General Nguyen Huu Due
Commander of the Air Force of the Vietnamese National Army
While the Vietnamese National Army only has a basic air force, it will gain tremendous power
by cooperating with its French ally on joint missions. The purpose of the VNA’s air force is very
much in reconnaissance, transport of men and supplies, and in planning and logistics of French
air missions. It also has more air capabilities than its foes, and therefore can perform basic
attacks and intelligence operations on its own.
Rear-Admiral Nguyen Gia Quoc
Commander of the Navy of the Vietnamese National Army
The Navy of the Vietnamese National Army possessed several varieties of smaller sea fairing
vessels such as landing craft infantry, and Rear-Admiral Nguyen Gia Quoc will need to utilize
them to the best of his abilities in order to give the VNA the naval support the army needs.
Colonel Đinh Tien Quan
Commander of the Marine Troops of the Vietnamese National Army
Colonel Đinh Tien Quan’s small group of well-balanced troops performed a versatile series of
actions. They were modeled after the French marines, and were capable of covert operations.
Viet Minh
Vo Nguyen Giap
Commander of the Viet Minh
Vo Nguyen Giap is the right-hand man of Ho Chi Minh, and is going to be in charge of uniting
all of the battalions, regiments, and officers together against the French Threat. He is going to
have a tremendous amount of power and influence and at times will work directly with Ho Chi
Minh in making battle plans. He is going to need to take risks and be offensive in order to drive
out the French.
Hoang Minh Tao
Commander of Infantry Division 304
Hoang Minh Tao emerged as a top military official for the Viet Minh. He was trained by the
Communist Chinese in war, and will play a tremendous role in shaping Vietnamese military
strategy. His area of expertise is invasion operations targeting French strongholds in South
Vietnam.
Tran Van Quang
Political Officer of Infantry Division 304
Tran Van Quang has served in numerous political posts since 1946, most recently as Political
Commissioner of the General Union and as Director General of enemy shipping. He is
considered a star in the communist party and should look to expand his political and military role
throughout this war.
Vuong Tua Vu
Commander of Infantry Division 308
Division 308 is regarded as an avant-garde division of the Viet Minh Army, and general Vuong
Tua Vu was known as one of the best commanders on the Viet Minh side. He excelled at leading
defensive charges, and sneak attacks. His unit consisted of trained military officers from the
communist party, but also had Czech and East German volunteers.
Song Hao
Political Officer of Infantry Division 308
As the Lead Political Officer of Division 308, Song Hao has a tremendous amount of influence
in the Viet Minh policy arena. He should be able to rally the people and the party around the idea
of common defense and serve as a motivator near Camau.
Le Trung Tan
Commander of Infantry Division 312
The nickname for Division 312 among the Viet Minh was victory, due to its success rate in the
various skirmishes this unit was involved in. Accordingly, Commander Le Trung Tan has been
amassing political and military support because of his victories. His goal is to move up in
military rankings as committee goes on.
Tran Do
Political Officer of Infantry Division 312
Tran Do’s goal is to use the prominent success of Division 312 and use for the Viet Minh’s as
well as his own personal goals. By politicizing the victorious nature of his forces, he can be
reaching out for foreign support and aid against the tyrannical French regime. He should also be
the one serving as the Division’s liaison, and talk to the other political officers.
Van Tien Dung
Commander of Infantry Division 320
This Division was formed from the South Delta Base and consisted of many recruits from the
area. Its commander was a former weaver. He is much more defensive in tactics and his forces
are a lot newer.
Tran Quy Ha
Commander of Infantry Division 325
Another brand new division that was established in 1951, but only became fully operational in
1952. Commander Tran Quy Ha is going to face some adversity at first, but if he can develop his
forces over time, he may be the one to turn the tide of war.
Gal Hu Vien
Commander of Artillery Division 351
Gal Hu Vien is an artillery specialist, meaning the resources he is endowed with are going to be
significantly different than the other military generals. His goal is going to be working with the
commanders of infantry units in order to help them in the fighting with his weapons.
Nguyen Kha
Political Officer of Regiment 57
Head of Intelligence Company 20
Nguyen Kha is going to be one of the most important actors on the Vietnamese side of this war.
His role as the political officer of regiment 57 is going to huge in garnering support for the Viet
Minh. His role as Head of Intelligence is essential in providing the entire committee with updates
on enemy forces.
Mai Hien
Commander of Infantry Regiment 57
Mai Hien is going to have to work closely with Nguyen Kha in order to help the Viet Minh
succeed. Regiment 57 has the strength necessary to protect its intelligence capabilities, and will
need to work with larger forces to provide strategic attacks.
Minh Van
Commander of Infantry Regiment 66
Infantry Regiment 66 is little known, but Minh Van is a very well trained general. He is going to
have to coordinate attacks with other committee members in order to get the best results. What’s
most important for Minh Van is that he protects the Viet Bac Area.
Son Hung
Political Officer of Infantry Regiment 66
Son Hung’s responsible for protecting the political aspirations of the Viet Bac Area. He is going
to have to advocate for the people of his region, and make sure their interests and security are
represented in this body.
Le Hy
Commander of Headquarters Security 77
Le Hy’s position is very heavily associated with security and national defense. He will fight for
what he believes in and is going to be huge in protecting the Vietnamese people against the
French, but security and protection are going to be his number one priority.
Manh Tai
Infantry Commander AA Battalion 533
One of the biggest advantages the French Forces possess over the Vietnamese rebels is the
possession of aircrafts. Manh Tai’s job is to level the playing field, as his battalion specialized in
defending against attacks from the air. It is because of this unique specialization, that he is going
to be of value to this committee, and he should constantly be talking with members of the
military to prevent air force damage.
Nguyen Can
Political Officer AA Battalion 533
Nguyen Can is a bright star and has the potential to be a tremendous diplomat at both the
domestic and international levels. His communication to gain more anti-aircraft resources and
coordinate the use of this technology is going to be instrumental in protecting the Vietnamese
people against French advantages.
Le Si Uyen
Engineer Battalion
In comparison with the French, the Vietnamese lack many of the resources and much of the
technology necessary to effectively compete. This is why Le Si Uyen and his battalion are going
to be so important to the closure of this war. It is up to the work him and his regiment due, not
only fighting, but repairing technology, engineering new weapons and arming and providing
support for the infantry units is essential in leveling the playing field against the French.
Nguyen Bao
Training Battalion 505
Nguyen Bao’s battalion is the newest battalion at our disposal. What his troops lack in
experience, they gain in fundamentals and training. Nguyen Bao’s specialty is military education
and not only does he have the capability to improve the tactics of his own troops, he also has the
potential to take an active role in affecting military training policy of the entire army.