Faculty of Creative Arts,
Humanities and
Education
History
Referral Booklet
2010-2011
University of the West of England
1
Contents
page no.
Instructions
3
Level 1
UPHPK3-30-1
UPHPK4-30-1
UPHPK5-30-1
UPHPGD-30-1
British History from the Black Death to the Present Day
Sources for Courses: History and Evidence
Foundations of the West
International History 1890-2000: Century of the Superpowers
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5
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Level 2
UPHPGL-30-2
UPHPGN-30-2
UPHPGP-30-2
UPHPGQ-30-2
UPHPGV-30-2
UPHPGX-30-2
UPHPHB-30-2
UPHPHC-30-2
UPHPHF-30-2
UPHPLN-30-2
Men and Women in Imperial Britain, c.1700-1800
Theory and Practice of History
International History, 1815-1914
Problems of Power: US History, 1776-Present
Europe and the Wider World, 1450-1750
Crime and Protest, 1750-1930
Themes in the Social and Political History of Fascism
Politics and Society in Ireland since 1750
International History, 1914-1945
Public History: Representations of the past, 1400 to the Present
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10
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12
13
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Level 3
UPHPHS-30-3
UPHPJF-30-3
UPHPJL-30-3
UPHPJQ-30-3
UPHPJR-30-3
UPHPJY-30-3
UPHPKC-30-3
UPHPKG-30-3
UPHPKQ-30-3
UPHPKT-30-3
UPGPKW-30-3
UPHPLA-30-3
UPHPLC-30-3
UPHPLH-30-3
UPHPLL-30-3
UPHPLM-30-3
UPHPLY-30-3
Africa and the Black Diaspora
Crime in America: Organisation and Control
Global Business: Rampant Capitalism or Income for All?
Migration and Minorities in Early Modern Europe, 1550-1700
Migration, Race and Nation: Britain since 1870
Stalin and Stalinism
Dissertation in History
The London-Paris-Berlin Triangle
Crowds, Disorder and the Law in England, 1730-1820
Politics and Violence in 20th Century Ireland
From Cold War to Crime War: US History 1945-the Present
The Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939
War, Culture and Society in Twentieth Century Britain
Arc of Crisis: Great Power Rivalries in the Near East
Tsars and Commissars: Russian Foreign Policy
History in the Public Space
The Urban Experience in Later Medieval England
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25
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Instructions
The work you need to do is set out in this booklet in Level and Module Code order. If you have any
difficulty understanding what you have to do you must contact a Student Adviser immediately,
studentadvisers.hlss@uwe.ac.uk.
Should you need further information, or assistance with your referral you may be able to contact the
module leader by e-mail. Please however, remember that academic staff will not necessarily be
available over the summer vacation; you should not expect to receive additional help.
Please submit the work, using the online coversheet, which you can download from myUWE, by
Monday 8th August at 2.00pm either by hand delivery to the Frenchay or St Matthias reception,
Or, by post addressed to the Faculty Office:
HLSS
UWE St Matthias Campus
Oldbury Court Road
Fishponds
BRISTOL BS16 2JP
HLSS
UWE Frenchay Campus
Coldharbour Lane
Frenchay
BRISTOL BS16 1QY
If you post the work to us you will need to obtain a ‘proof of posting’ which indicates that it was posted
before the 2pm deadline.
Please also remember, it is essential that you keep a copy of the work for your own records.
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LEVEL 1
UPHPK3-30-1
British History from the Black Death to the Present Day
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Article review/comparison (1,500 words) 20%
Choose one of the pairs of journal articles below. You must choose a pair of articles that you
did not work on for your first attempt at this assignment. You should then read the two
articles very carefully, probably several times. You should then critically analyse these two
articles. Your analysis must be a comparative piece of work. As a result you should try to avoid
analysing one article and then moving onto the second. Rather you should compare and contrast
the two articles throughout your analysis. You may wish to use the following points as a focus for
your discussion.
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What are the key arguments in each article?
Where have the articles been published? Is that significant?
What are sources used by the author to write each articles? Did s/he employ a range of
primary sources drawn a variety of archival sources – or simply a few references to primary
sources and some secondary texts? Has newly available archival material been
incorporated?
Are the articles clearly structured and do they have an effective introduction and conclusion?
What would you say are the strong/weak points of each article?
Are the arguments convincing, logical and consistent? If not, why not?
Can you tell us anything about the authors? Has their position/background/training influenced
the way in which they have researched and written the article?
If the articles are intended to contribute to a debate, what is the nature of the debate? And
what contribution does each article make?
Is each of these articles in any way original? If so, how?
Are the articles well written and are they accessible to a wide readership?
Do they use visual aids [diagrams, tables or other methods to convey the information
effectively]? If so, how effectively does each employ these?
Can you establish if these articles have been referred to by other scholars and, if so, whether
those scholars agreed or disagreed with the analysis employed and the conclusions
expressed in your articles?
REMEMBER: you are asked to compare and contrast the two articles. As a rule when
comparing two pieces of work it is best to integrate a discussion of each item around key points.
Your analysis should be no more than 1500 words (plus or minus 10%). You must include full
references (i.e., footnotes) and bibliography. If you fail to include either footnotes or a bibliography
you will fail automatically.
Articles for review:
1. J. De Vries, ‘The industrial revolution and the industrious revolution’, Journal of Economic
History, 54 (1994), pp. 249-70.
G. Clark, ‘The condition of the working-class in England, 1200-2000: Magna Carta to
Tony Blair’, Journal of Political Economy, 113 (2005), pp. 1307-1340.
2. C. Burgess, ‘Wills and pious provision in late medieval Bristol’, EHR, 102 (1987),
pp. 837-58.
R. Whiting, ‘‘For the health of my soul’: Prayers for the dead in the Tudor Southwest’,
Southern History, 5 (1983), pp. 68-94.
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2. Seminar paper (1,000 words) 20%
For this assessment you should write a seminar paper based around either the Political Histories
thematic block or the Cultural Histories thematic block covered during the course. You must
choose a topic that you did not work on for your first attempt at this assignment. You might
like to use the questions and key concepts beneath the headings for seminar topics within that
block as a starting point for your discussion, and you should also consult the reading lists for
those seminars in some depth. As well as the indicated essential reading for a topic, typically
presentations should incorporate a minimum of 6 further readings from the reading lists.
Your paper should aim to be clear, well-informed, authoritative, and succinct. You can use
headings and/or bullet points to structure your argument. The paper must include full references
(i.e., footnotes) and a bibliography. If you fail to include either footnotes or a bibliography you will
fail automatically.
Papers should be no more than 1,000 words in length and may contain images, graphs,
diagrams or other audio-visual aids, which will not count towards the word-length of your paper.
3. Essay (2,500 words) 20%
Your essay should be no more than 2,500 words in length. It should be fully referenced with
accurate footnotes and include a separate bibliography at the end. An essay without notes or
bibliography will automatically fail.
As a Level 1 student you should aim to read, reference and enter into your bibliography at least 8
books and/or journal articles for a 2500 essay. Normally, however, the more you read the more
knowledgeable your answer will be. You will find that the seminar reading lists relating to the
question are a good point from which to start building the bibliography for your essay.
Try to be explicit when reviewing historiography on the topic - name the historians! But also
evaluate their contribution to the debate - in other words critically assess it. Do not simply
summarise their positions, but instead criticise them, play them off against each other, and at the
same time always make it clear where you stand in relation to them, as ultimately it is your own
view on the topic which is important. You may find it helpful to read book reviews and review
articles in the journals. If you can analyse extracts from primary sources - where relevant - so
much the better.
Answer the following question:
To what extent, and with what consequences, has British society been characterised periodically
by social cohesion and by social conflict?
UPHPK4-30-1
Sources for Courses: History and Evidence
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Individual Portfolio (3,000 words) 40%
Using the electronic reports you made and posted to Blackboard during the first term, together with
the notes you made, both in preparation for workshops and during workshop sessions, write an essay
reflecting critically upon the nature and use of primary sources in the writing of history. Additional
advice on how to write such an essay, originally posted in December and January for the First
Assessment Opportunity, will be found under ‘announcements’ on Blackboard.
2. Individual Project based on a theme from term one in which you are required to formulate
and answer a research question, using retrieved and analysed primary evidence from
approved electronic resources 60%
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Follow the advice and guidance given on pp. 9-10 of the handbook. The rules for researching and
writing your Individual Project are the same as those for the Group Project (First Assessment
Opportunity) with these important differences:
 You will select your subject, research it, and write it up alone.
 Your 4,000 word project should include a 500 word introduction and a 500 word conclusion
and be correctly footnoted in Chicago style throughout.
 Your project will make use of four different pieces of primary historical evidence from the
approved list of digital electronic archival sources, and an appropriate number of relevant
secondary texts.
There will be no presentation required.
UPHPK5-30-1
Foundations of the West
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Document Exercise (2,000 words) 20%
Semester One - José de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Seville, 1590) AND The
Travels of Sir John Mandeville (c.1366)
OR
Semester Two - Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, 1789 AND Declaration of the
Rights of Woman, 1791 AND Declaration of the Rights of Man, 1793
2. Literature Review (2,000 words) 20%
Semester One – Kenneth Stow, ‘Conversion, apostasy, and apprehensiveness: Emicho of
Floheim and the fear of Jews in the twelfth century’, Speculum, 76 (2001), pp. 911-933 [JSTOR]
and David Malkiel, ‘Jews and apostates in medieval Europe: boundaries real and imagined’, Past
and Present, 194 (2007), pp. 3-34 [e-journal and library shelf]
OR
Semester Two - Colin Jones, 'Bourgeois Revolution Revivified: 1789 and Social Change', in Colin
Lucas (ed.), Rewriting the French Revolution, 69-118 & Sarah Maza, 'Luxury, Morality and Social
Change', Journal of Modern History 69 (1997), 199-229
3. Essay (2,000 words) 20%
Semester One – ‘Assess social and cultural change in Europe in the period 1348-1618’
OR
Semester Two - 'Assess social and cultural change in Europe in the period 1750-1900.'
UPHPGD-30-1
International History 1890-2000: The Century of the
Superpowers
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,250 words) 25%
To what extent can the origins of the Cold War be traced to the Russian Revolution?
2. Essay (2,250 words) 25%
Was the Cold War a clash of two systems competing with each other for global economic and
political dominance?
6
LEVEL 2
UPHPGL-30-2
Men and Women in Imperial Britain, c.1700-1800
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Articles analysis (1,000 words) 10%
Analyse the content, approach and arguments of the articles cited below:
R.Shoemaker,
'Male honour and the decline of public violence in eighteenth-century
London'. Social History [London], 26:2 (2001), 190-208.
L. MacKay
A culture of poverty? The St. Martin in the Fields workhouse, 1817' Journal of
interdisciplinary history XXVI:2 (Autumn 1995), 209-23 a pertinent case study
which includes gender in its analysis.
2. Book review (1,500 words) 15%
You may choose from the list of approved books given below. What follows is some guidance to
help you read your book with purpose and write your review with the required focus.
* The most important point is that you should have read the book, thoroughly.
If possible, look for editions with a decent introduction and explanatory footnotes in the text. Look
up your author in a biographical dictionary to get a brief idea of who they were. Only after you
have read the book should you turn to any additional texts-but I’d rather you just read the book
and a bit about the author than to parrot some critic’s idea of the book’s significance.
*The second most important point is to read the book as an historical document. Remember, you
are reading fiction, so in no way can your text be seen as a straight ‘reflection’ of ‘reality’. Still, a
work of creative imagination can tell you a lot about the world view of the author, who is writing in
and probably about the period we have been studying. In addition, the fictional text may also
contain a lot of incidental factual material about the period--how accurate this material is depends
on a number of factors which are indicated in the subsequent points.
* Be sure to reference any allusions to the text itself. Give brief explicit examples from the book to
illustrate any important points you make about the book and footnote these and any additional
references to back up your point.
There are many relevant web sites you might wish to begin with
http://andromeda.rutgers.edu/~jlynch/18th/lit.html
but remember, the main requirement is to read the novel.
Novels which can be reviewed
D. Defoe
Henry Fielding
S. Richardson
Tobias Smollet
F. Burney
F. Burney
F. Burney
M. Edgworth
W. Godwin
Colonel Jack
Amelia
Pamela (part One)
Humphrey Clinker
Evelina
Cecilia
Camilla
Belinda
The Adventures of Caleb Williams
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3. Essay (2,500 words) 25%
Choose ONE essay to answer below.
1) How were the poor treated by the Poor Law c. 1700- 1800? How does a gendered
analysis help us to understand the impact of both poverty and pauperization in this
regard?
D. Valenze
I. Pinchbeck
M. Fissell
T. Henderson
R. Connors
Challus (eds),
G. Mingay
D. Marshall
The First Industrial Woman (1995), Esp Chapters 1 and 7.
Women workers Chapters 4 and 8.
Patients, power and the poor in eighteenth-century Bristol (1992)
Disorderly women in eighteenth-century London prostitution and control in
the metropolis 1730-1830 (1999)
'Poor women, the parish and the politics of poverty' in H. Barker and E.
Gender in eighteenth-century England (1997).
The Agrarian History of England and Wales 1750-1850,vol. VI,Chapter 8 part
2
The English poor in the Eighteenth Century a Study in Social and
Administrative History (1969)
R. Houston and
K. Snell
'Proto-industrialisation, cottage industry, social change and the industrial
revolution,' Historical Journal, 27, 2, (1984).
L. MacKay
A culture of poverty? The St. Martin in the Fields workhouse, 1817' Journal of
interdisciplinary history XXVI:2 (Autumn 1995), 209-23 a pertinent case study
which includes gender in its analysis.
P. Carter
'Poor relief strategies--women, children and enclosure in Hanwell, Middlessex
1780-1816,The local historian, vol. 25, no. 3 (August 1995).
B. Hill
Women, work and sexual politics in eighteenth-century England Chapters 12
and 13
J. Humphries
‘Female-headed households in early industrial Britain: the vanguard of the
proletariant’, Labour History Review, 23, pp.181-194
Beattie,
‘The criminality of women in eighteenth-century England’ Journal of Social
History 8 (1974-5).
M. D. George
London life in the eighteenth century (1925, 1966) Chapter 4 on the female
labouring poor in London.
P. Sharpe
Adapting to Capitalism (1996)
S. Lloyd
‘Pleasure’s Golden Bower: Prostitution, poverty and the Magdalen Hospital in
18th century London’ History Workshop (Spring 1996)
P. King
‘Female offenders, work and life style changes in late 18th century London,
Continuity and Change, 11,1 (1996)
Valenze, Deborah. 'Charity, custom and humanity: changing attitudes towards the poor in
eighteenth-century England'. In Garnett, Jane; Matthew, Henry Colin Gray
(ed.), Revival and religion since 1700: essays for John Walsh (London, 1993)
Landau, Norma.
'The regulation of immigration, economic structures and definitions of the
poor in eighteenth-century England'. Historical Journal,33 (1990), 541-71.
Primary sources
F. Eden
The State of the Poor (3 vols) (1797)-we have facsimile edition in the library and it's
great for getting a feel for contemporary attitudes, look up your local area!
OR
2) Were women excluded from political power and influence in eighteenth-century
England?
L. Colley
R. Shoemaker
Chalus, Elaine.
Britons,Chapter 6
Gender in English Society 1650-1850 (1998) pp227-269
'"That epidemical madness": women and electoral politics in the late
eighteenth century'. In Barker, Hannah Jane; Chalus, Elaine (ed.), Gender in
eighteenth-century England: roles, representations and responsibilities
(London and New York, 1997), 151-78.
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Nicholas Rogers
Crowds Culture and Politics (1998)
Frank O’Gorman,
‘The social meaning of election campaign rituals and ceremonies in England
in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,’ Past and Present, 135 (1992).
'"My Minerva at my elbow": the political roles of women in eighteenth-century
England'. In Taylor, Stephen, 1960-; Connors, Richard; Jones, Clyve (ed.),
Hanoverian Britain and empire: essays in memory of Philip Lawson
(Woodbridge, 1998), 210-28.
*Chalus, Elaine.
K. von den
Steinem
A. Foreman
N. Rogers
K. Jones
E. Chalus
J. Rendall
K. Rogers
J. Bohstedt
B. Hill
M.Wollstonecraft
F. Prochaska
J. Todd
S. Okin
*D. Spender
K. Sutherland
A. Browne
D. Coole
B. Hill
J. Rendall
K. Rogers
J. Todd
S. Okin
UPHPGN-30-2
'The discovery of women in eighteenth-century English political life' in B.
Kanner (ed.) The women of England (1979)
'A politician's politician: Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire and the Whig
party' in H. Barker and E. Chalus (eds), Gender in eighteenth-century
England (1997).
Crowds, Culture and Politics in Georgian Britain (1998) Chapter Ch 7
The Sense of the People (1995) pp. 27-54
‘Elite women, social politics and the political world of late-eighteenth century
England’, Historical journal, vol. 43,no. 3 (September 2000)
The origins of modern feminism Chapter 4
Feminism in eighteenth century England
Gender, household and community politics: women in English riots 17901810', Past and Present, vol. 120, 1989
Republican virago: the life and times of Catherine Macaulay (1992)
The vindication of the rights of women (1792)
'Women in English Philanthropy 1790-1830', International
The sign of Angellica Chapters 11, 12, 13
Women in Western political thought (1979)
Women of ideas and what men have done to (1982) Chapters 7,8,9.
Students (especially female ones) seem to enjoy this polemical book.
‘Hannah More’s counter-revolutionary feminism’ in K. Everest (ed) Revolution
in Writing: British Literary Responses to the French Revolution(1991)
The Eighteenth-century Feminist Mind
Women in political theory Chapter 5
Republican virago: the life and times of Catherine Macaulay (1992)
The origins of modern feminism Chapter 4
Feminism in eighteenth century England
The Sign of Angellica Chapters 11, 12, 13
Women in Western political thought (1979)
Theory and Practice of History
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Portfolio of work (8,500 words) 80%
See Blackboard – fill in all elements online.
2. Secondary sources analysis (1,500 words) 20%
Write a 1,500-word report (plus or minus 10%) surveying the field of research on a topic relevant
to your Theory & Practice linked module. It should be written to maximise communication of
information, so that an intelligent lay reader could quickly learn the essentials about the important
writers, themes and debates on that topic.
Marks will be allocated for presentation as well as for content.
See the Blackboard site for full details.
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UPHPGP-30-2
International History, 1815-1914: The Final Ascendancy of
Europe in World Politics
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,500 words) 25%
To what extent was Britain committed to go to war on behalf of France and Russia in July-August
1914?
2. Document exercise (2,500 words – 625 words for each document exercise) 25%
Analyse the context, content and significance of the following four documents, 625 words each.
1. Lord Lansdowne to Sir Francis Bertie, 12 June 1905
Delcassé’s resignation has, as you may well suppose, produced a very painful impression here.
What people say is that if one of our Ministers had had a dead set made at him by a foreign
Power the country and the Government would not only have stood by him but probably have
supported him more vigorously than ever, whereas France has apparently thrown Delcassé
overboard in a mere fit of panic. Of course the result is that the ‘entente’ is quoted at a much
lower price than it was a fortnight ago.
I gather from what Cambon told me Rouvier will not attend a Conference. I hope he will not,
although if the French are really on the run, we might perhaps extract a not unsatisfactory
settlement out of such a Conference. You will observe that Metternich…represents Germany as
upholding what he calls the legal status of Morocco, an attitude which could scarcely be
reconcilable with a proposal to steal territory from the Sultan.
Source: C.J. Lowe and M.L. Dockrill (eds.), The Mirage of Power: Volume 3 The Documents,
London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972.
2. William Tyrrell to Sir Charles Hardinge, 21 July 1911
We are in the midst of an Anglo-German crisis: far more severe than the Algeciras Conference
one of 1906. I am not sure that ‘the Powers that be’ appreciate the real inwardness of the German
move; it is to test the Anglo-French entente. It should be viewed from that point of view alone:
everything else is a side issue on this occasion. Bertie has been sent for from Paris and I have
great hopes he will carry the day. I can’t tell how I wish you were here. I should feel ever so much
happier. It is depressing to find out that after six years’ experience of Germany the inclination here
is still to believe that she can be placated by small concessions…What she wants is the
hegemony of Europe. The French game in Morocco has been stupid and dishonest, but it is a
vital interest for us to support her on this occasion in the same way in which the Germans
supported the Austrian policy of 1908 in Bosnia. It is going to be a narrow shave and we may pull
it off again but that is about all that I feel about it at present.
Source: C.J. Lowe and M.L. Dockrill (eds.), The Mirage of Power: Volume 3 The Documents,
London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972.
3. Sir Edward Grey To Sir Francis Bertie, 1 August 1914
After the Cabinet meeting today, I told M. Cambon that the present position differed entirely from
that created by the Morocco incidents. In the latter, Germany made upon France demands that
France could not grant, and in connection with which we had undertaken special obligations
towards France. In these, public opinion would have justified the British Government in supporting
France to the utmost of their ability. Now, the position was that Germany would agree not to
attack France if France remained neutral in the event of war between Germany and Russia. If
France could not take advantage of this position, it was because she was bound by an alliance to
which we were not parties, and of which we did not know the terms. This did not mean that under
no circumstances would we assist France, but it did mean that France must take her own decision
at this moment without reckoning on an assistance that we were not now in a position to promise.
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M. Cambon said he could not transmit this reply to his Government and he asked me to
authorise him to say that the British Cabinet had not yet taken any decision.
I said we had come to a decision: that we could not propose to Parliament at this moment to
send an expeditionary military force to the continent. Such a step had always been regarded here
as dangerous and doubtful. It was one that we could not propose and Parliament would not
authorise unless our interests and obligations were deeply and desperately involved.
M. Cambon said that the French coasts were undefended. The German fleet might come
through the Straits any day and attack them.
I said that might alter public opinion here, and so might a violation of the neutrality of Belgium.
He could tell his Government that we were already considering the point about French coasts. He
could say that the Cabinet had not yet taken any decision on these points.
Source: Imanuel Geiss (ed.), July 1914: The Outbreak of the First World War: Selected
Documents, London: Batsford, 1967.
4. Prince Philipp zu Eulenburg-Hertefeld to Wolfgang Gans Edler Herr zu Pulitz, 9
September 1914
But was the war at the same time an aggressive war, or was it not?
‘It was an aggressive war on Russia’s part’, my countrymen will roar back in unison and in
total conviction, acquainted as they are with the officially published documents.
This too is of supreme importance for the national conscience: ‘We were forced into the war
by Russia’; so people think – and so they are supposed to think…..
…..But who was it who wrote the note to Serbia, to which Serbia replied by declaring war,
which inflamed Russia and after four weeks kindled the world conflagration?
I was for so many years Ambassador in Vienna, in close contact with the statesmen there,
that I can assert with confidence that in all the crown-lands of Austria there is not a single
statesman who could have written a note with that content, form and manner of expression, they
are one and all too soft – quite apart from the fact that there would have been immense difficulties
in gaining the aged Emperor Franz Josef’s assent, had he not already been convinced of the
necessity of war after firm agreements with Kaiser Wilhelm and the murdered Archduke Franz
Ferdinand.
The note was Prussian to the marrow….
….What is undeniable, however, is that the note was the provocation. Shrewdly aimed at
Russia, who had already begun to move her Cossack hordes to the west……
……That Russia moved up her troops, an act that was stupidly denied (for our General Staff
must have been aware of it), now means to us that she attacked – and it was indeed
provocative to bring more than a million soldiers to the borders in peacetime.
We had a right to claim that we had been forced into the war by Russia.
All this, after our provocative move, was no more than a charade.
Source: John Röhl (ed.), 1914: Delusion or Design? The Testimony of Two German Diplomats,
London: Elek, 1973.
UPHPGQ-30-2
Problems of Power – US History 1776-Present
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,000 words) 20%
In trying to assess 20th century American domestic history should we stress national consensus
based on prosperity or conflicts based on race, class and ethnicity?
2. Essay (2,000 words) 20%
What were the main objectives of the policy of containment and how did US Cold War presidents
set out to achieve them?
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UPHPGV-30-2
Europe and the Wider World, 1450-1750
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,000 words) 20%
“Spanish identity depended on duality” (Mia Rodriguez Salgado). Discuss with reference to
relations between Christians, Moors and Moriscoes in early modern Spain.
2. Essay (2,000 words) 20%
“The Black Robes’ belief that the divine imprint could be read in native cultured fostered a dialogic
relationship with the peoples they encountered” (Peter Dorsey). Is this a fair assessment of the
Jesuits’ conversion strategy in Canada and in China?
3. Document exercise (1,000 words) 10%
This exercise is designed to develop and test your ability to read original documents critically and
closely. Write an analysis of the document below which should be approximately 1000 words in
length, in prose style and supported by a bibliography and footnote/endnote references, as in a
standard essay.
In the analysis you should:
1.) State what the document is, ie: what kind of document is it (eg. diary entry, letter, court
record, history, act, proclamation etc.)? Who wrote it? Why was it written? Are there specific
terms, names, places, institutions or references that need to be explained?
2.) Place the document in historical context (not just chronological, but also with reference to the
relevant historical debates).
3.) Interpret the detail. Every document is likely to contain a number of individual points which
contribute to the debate and to an understanding of the document within that debate. This
internal evidence needs to be brought out and its significance discussed.
4.) Explain the significance. Why is this document important?
Maryland establishes slavery for life
An Act concerning Negroes & other Slaves
Bee itt Enacted by the Right Honble the Lord Proprietary by the aduice and Consent of the upper and
lower house of this present Generall Assembly That all Negroes or other slaues already within the
Prouince And all Negroes and other slaues to bee hereafter imported into the Prouince shall serue
Durante Vita .. And all Children born of any Negro or other slaue shall be Slaues as their ffathers were
for the terme of their liues... And forasmuch as divers freeborne English women forgettfull of their free
Condicon and to the disgrace of our Nation doe intermarry with Negro Slaues by which alsoe diuers
suotes may arise touching the isse of such woemen and a grate damage doth befall the Masters of
such Negroes for preuention whereof for deterring such freeborne women from such shamefull
Matches Bee itt further Enacted by the Authority advice and Consent aforesaid That whatsoever free
borne woman shall inter marry with any slaue from and after the Last day of this present Assembly
shall Serue the master of such slaue dureing the life of her husband. And that all the Issue of such
freeborne woemen soe marryed shall be Slaues as their fathers were... And Bee itt further Enacted
that all the issues of English or other freeborne woemen that haue already marryed Negroes shall
serve the Masters of their Parent till they be Thirty yeares of age and noe longer.
(Willi Lee Rose (ed.), A Documentary History of Slavery in North America, New York 1976, p.24.)
12
UPHPGX-30-2
Crime and Protest, 1750-1930
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Document exercise (3,000 words) 35%
What does this document* reveal about attitudes to women and infanticide; the living conditions of
the poor and the nature of the criminal justice system at this time?
*The document can be accessed at http://www.oldbaileyonline.org/. The case is Amy
Gregory/murder/25 March 1895, ref. t18950325-341.
2. Essay (3,000 words) 40%
What evidence is there to support the view that the 1926 General Strike was a direct challenge to
the legitimacy of the state? See the guidance given on the Crime and Protest website regarding
the use of primary as well as secondary sources for this assignment.
UPHPHB-30-2
Themes in the Social and Political History of Fascism,
Europe, 1890-1945
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,500 words) 25%
How was a crisis of state authority significant in the taking of power by Fascism in Italy and
Nazism in Germany?
2. Essay (2,500 words) 25%
What similarities were there in the experience of occupation in France during the period 1940-44
and of civil war in Spain, 1936-39?
UPHPHC-30-2
Politics and Society in Ireland Since 1750
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Book Review (1,500 words) 20%
Choose one of the following books to review, following the guidelines in the Module Handbook.
You may not choose a book that you have previously reviewed for this module:



Christine Kinealy, This Great Calamity: the Irish Famine, 1845-52 (1994)
Fergus Campbell, Land and Revolution: Nationalist Politics in the West of Ireland, 18911921 (2004)
Keith Jeffery, Ireland and the Great War (2000)
2. Essay (2,500 words) 30%
Essay title: 'Assess the contribution of either Charles Stewart Parnell or Padraig Pearse to the
development of Irish nationalism'.
Please construct your bibliography and email it to me (Philip.Ollerenshaw@uwe.ac.uk) at least
two weeks before the submission date.
13
UPHPHF-30-2
International History 1914-1945: The End of European
Dominance in World Politics
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,500 words) 25%
Critically assess the benefits of the Nazi-Soviet Pact (23 August 1939) for both Germany and the
Soviet Union.
3. Document exercise (2,500 words – 625 words for each document exercise) 25%
Analyse each of the following four documents, explaining context, content and significance, 625
words each.
1. Meeting between Hitler and his Generals, 3 February 1933
The sole aim of general policy is the regaining of political power. The whole State administration
must be geared to this end (all departments!)
1. Domestic policy: Complete reversal of the present domestic political situation in Germany.
Refusal to tolerate any attitude contrary to this aim (pacifism !). Those who will not be converted
must be broken. Extermination of Marxism root and branch. Adjustment of youth and of the whole
people to the idea that only a struggle can save us and that everything else must be subordinated to
this idea....
2. Foreign policy: Battle against Versailles. Equality of rights in Geneva; but useless if people do not
have the will to fight. Concern for allies....
3. Building up of the armed forces: Most important prerequisite for achieving the goal of regaining
political power. National Service must be reintroduced. But beforehand the State leadership must
ensure that the men subject to military service are not, even before their entry, poisoned by
pacifism, Marxism, Bolshevism or do not fall victim to this poison after their service.
How should political power be used when it has been gained? That is impossible to say yet.
Perhaps fighting for new export possibilities, perhaps - and probably better - the conquest of new
living space in the east and its ruthless Germanization. Certain that only through political power and
struggle can the present economic circumstances be changed. The only things that can happen
now - settlement - stopgap measures.
Armed forces most important and most Socialist institution of the State. It must stay unpolitical and
impartial. The internal struggle not their affair but that of the Nazi organizations. As opposed to Italy
no fusion of Army and SA intended - most dangerous time is during the reconstruction of the Army.
It will show whether or not France has statesmen: if so, she will not leave us time but will attack us
(presumably with eastern satellites).
Source: Adamthwaite (ed.), Making of the Second World War and J. Noakes and G. Pridham (eds),
Nazism 1919-1945: 3: Foreign Policy, War and Racial Extermination (University of Exeter Press,
Exeter 1988).
2. Sir George Clerk to the Foreign Office, 7 August 1936.
I asked Minister for Foreign Affairs to see me this afternoon. I told him that my visit was a personal
one and made because I was profoundly disturbed about the situation in Spain and hoped that he
might possibly have some comfort to give me. What was his latest information from Rome, Berlin,
Lisbon and Moscow in regard to the French proposal for non-intervention? M. Delbos said that the
Soviet Government was favourable, that from Rome he had had nothing since the Italian
communiqué of 6th August....Herr von Neurath had expressed a personal agreement in principle,
but M. Delbos had had no official reply of any sort; and Lisbon had included in its answer the
14
conditions that the Soviet Governrnent should also accept fully the French proposal and that the
French and British Governments should guarantee the safety of Portugal if that safety was
threatened by the conflict in Spain. M. Delbos continued that he would be very grateful for any
support that His Majesty's Government could give the French proposal in Berlin, where he felt that
at the moment we carried more weight than the French Government. As regards the Portuguese
request, he presumed that our treaty with Portugal was a sufficient answer so far as we were
concerned and France would, of course, act up to her obligations under the Covenant.
Turning to another aspect of the question, I said that I understood that the French Government,
though they were still maintaining their refusal to deliver ammunition or war material to the Madrid
Government, had felt that they could not refuse to allow five Dewoitine aircraft, which it was said had
been ordered before the troubles began, to be delivered, and the departure of the five machines had
accordingly been authorised. M. Delbos admitted that that was so. He said that, in face of the
already known provision of Italian aircraft to the insurgents and of the despatch of twenty-eight
German aeroplanes from Hamburg to the same destination, of which information had reached the
French Government, though it was not known whether the machines had yet arrived, the French
Government considered that it was not possible for them to maintain their embargo. But this showed
the urgent need for agreement on the French proposal. I said that, while I could understand the
reasoning of the French Government, there were two points that occurred to me: One was, how
could he hope to reconcile the despatch of French aircraft to Spain with the holding up in France of
British aircraft designed for Portugal? The other point was, was he sure that the Government in
Madrid was the real Government, and not the screen behind which the most extreme anarchist
elements in Spain were directing events? M. Delbos made no attempt to reply to my first question,
though he made a note of it. As regards my second point, he said that it might be so in Catalonia,
but law and order ruled in Madrid, and the Government was functioning unhampered by Extremists.
I asked him if he considered that the forcible entry into a foreign Legation and the dragging out and
shooting of two Spanish gentlemen was an instance of law and order. He had no reply. (This
incident was reported to the Embassy this morning by Captain Charles, formerly commercial
secretary in Madrid and manager of Rio Tinto, who has just returned from the Spanish frontier. The
victims were the two sons of the Conde de Casa Valencia, at one time Spanish Ambassador in
London.)
I concluded the interview by expressing the hope that the French Government, even though,
pending an agreement of non-intervention, they might feel themselves precluded from stopping
private commercial transactions with Spain, would do what it could to limit and retard such
transactions as much as possible. I asked M. Delbos to forgive me for speaking so frankly, and I
repeated that all I had said was entirely personal and on my own responsibility, but I felt that in so
critical a situation I must put before him the danger of any action which might definitely commit the
French Government to one side of the conflict and make more difficult the close co-operation
between our two countries which was called for by this crisis. M. Delbos said that, on the contrary,
he thanked me for speaking so openly and that he and his colleagues wished for nothing more than
that the two Governments should act together as closely as possible. He viewed the situation with
the gravest anxiety. He had every reason to fear that General Franco had offered the bait of the
Balearic Islands to Italy and the Canaries to Germany, and if that materialised, good-bye to French
independence.
I realise my responsibility in speaking to the Minister for Foreign Affairs as I did without instructions,
but I had reason to believe that the Extremists in the Government were putting increasing pressure
on M. Blum and I felt sure what I said might strengthen the hands of the moderate and sober
elements.
Source: Adamthwaite (ed.), Making of the Second World War and Documents on British Foreign
Policy, 1919-1939, 2nd series, Vol. XVII.
15
3. Diary Entry Ernst von Weiszäcker, 9 October 1938
....We appeared to have won the game when Chamberlain announced his visit to the Obersalzburg
in order to preserve peace. This represented a rejection of Czechoslovakia's crisis politics. One
could have reached an agreement without difficullty, on the basis of English mediation, about how
the Sudetenland was to be split off and transferred to us in a peaceful manner.
However, we were dominated by the determination to have a war of revenge and destruction
against Czechoslovakia. Thus, we conducted the second phase of discussions with Chamberlain in
Bad Godesberg in such a way that, despite our basic agreement, what had been decided was
bound to fail. The group who wanted war, namely Ribbentrop and the SS had nearly succeeded in
prompting the Führer to attack. Among numerous similar statements made by the Führer in my
presence during the night of 27-28 September was one to the effect that he would now annihilate
Czechoslovakia. Ribbentrop and I were the sole witnesses of these words; they were not designed
to have an effect on a third party.
Thus, the assumption that the Führer was intending a huge bluff is incorrect. His resentment
stemming from 22 May, when the English accused him of pulling back, led him on to the path of
war. I have not quite managed to establish what influences then finally decided him to issue
invitations to the four power meeting in Munich on 28 September and thereby to leave the path of
war. Naturally one can find 100 different reasons for this change of course. Herr von Neurath is
quite wrong to describe himself as one of them because, in a dereliction of duty, he failed to make
his voice heard in the months of June-September, including the 27-29 September.
Two factors were probably decisive: (a) His observation that our people regarded the approach of
war with a silent obstructiveness and were far from enthusiastic. (Dr Goebbels said that loudly to the
Führer at table in the Reich Chancellery over the heads of all those present), and (b) Mussolini's
appeal at the last moment, i.e. on the morning of the 28th, when the mobilisation was planned for 2
p.m. The idea of a four power conference was first mentioned in my presence by the Führer and
received general and warm approval with the exception of those referred to above. Herr von
Ribbentrop was still working against the agreement on the evening of the 28th and on the 29th since
he obviously considered war to be the best solution.
The fact that the 29th could be an important date for the future orientation of Europe was clear to
everyone. However, such a shift did not accord with the aims of Germany i.e. its decision-makers.
This was already apparent in the negotiations in the International Commission where, for reasons
which are not clear, we pushed through the boundary settlement in a rapacious fashion instead of
letting the plebiscite on the Sudetenland border go ahead. To ensure the permanence of the
boundary over the long term the latter procedure would undoubtedly have been better.
Source: Noakes and Pridham (eds), Nazism, 1919-1945: Vol. 3.
4. Paul Schmidt's Recollections of the Reception of the British Ultimatum by the Nazi
Leaders, 3 September 1939
....I then took the ultimatum to the Chancellery, where everyone was anxiously awaiting me. Most of
the members of the Cabinet and the leading men of the Party were collected in the room next to
Hitler's office. There was something of a crush and I had difficulty in getting through to Hitler.
`What's the news?' anxious voices asked. I could only answer: `Class dismissed'.
When I entered the next room Hitler was sitting at his desk and Ribbentrop stood by the window.
Both looked up expectantly as I came in. I stopped at some distance from Hitler's desk, and then
slowly translated the British Government's ultimatum. When I finished, there was complete silence.
Hitler sat motionless, gazing before him. He was not at a loss, as was afterwards stated, nor did he
rage, as others allege. He sat completely silent and unmoving.
16
After an interval which seemed an age, he turned to Ribbentrop, who had remained standing by the
window. `What now?' asked Hitler with a savage look, as though implying that his Foreign Minister
had misled him about England's probable reaction.
Ribbentrop answered quietly: `I assume that the French will hand in a similar ultimatum within the
hour.'
As my duty was now performed, I withdrew. To those in the anteroom pressing round me I said:
`The English have just handed us an ultimatum. In two hours a state of war will exist between
England and Germany.' In the anteroom also this news was followed by complete silence.
Göring turned to me and said: `If we lose this war, then God have mercy on us!'
Goebbels stood in a corner, downcast and self-absorbed. Everywhere in the room I saw looks of
grave concern, even amongst the minor Party people.
Source: Noakes and Pridham (eds), Nazism 1919-1945: Vol. 3.
UPHPLN-30-2
Public History: Representations of the Past, 1400 to the
Present
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Literature review (2,000 words) 15%
Read:



Ludmilla Jordanova, History in Practice (London, 2000), chapter 6 (‘Public History’)
John Tosh, Why History Matters (Palgrave, 2008), chapter 6 (‘History goes public’)
Jerome de Groot, Consuming History: Historians and Heritage in Contemporary Popular
Culture (Routledge, 2009)
To what extent do their understandings of ‘public history’ differ, and why?
3. Essay 1 (2,500 words) 20%
Write a 'critical reflection on one of the sites of public history'. The sites we examined this term
included: commemoration, memory (inc oral history), archives, media, heritage sites/museums,
political discourses. Choose ONE site, either one of those just listed or a very specific site of your
own choosing if you feel you have enough to say about it. Think of a specific question that
interests you, or see if any of the general comments you have made in your reflective pieces
might usefully be applied to a specific site. This essay must have footnotes and a bibliography, as
normal.
4. Essay 2 (2,000 words) 15%
Write a critical reflection on aspects of the public history of Bristol and/or a comparable city or
cities, drawing on Sessions 5-9 from Term Two. Subjects covered included: the use of the past in
constructing urban identities and representations, how various constituencies deal with
controversial aspects of urban histories, the radical challenge to established civic identities and
representations, and museums and public spaces as means of communicating messages about
the past of a particular city. This essay must have footnotes and a bibliography, as normal.
17
LEVEL 3
UPHPHS-30-3
Africa and the Black Diaspora
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
**Essay questions for the 1,500 word essay, plus full instructions for the other elements of
Component B are available on the Blackboard referral run for this module.**
1.
2.
3.
4.
Essay (1,500 words) 20%
Question formulation (500 words) 10%
Presentation Materials 5%
Extended Essay (5,000 words) 40%
UPHPJF-30-3
Crime in America: Organisation and Control
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay 1 (2,500 words) 25%
'In many ways organized crime is the most sinister kind of crime in America. The men who
control it have become rich and powerful by encouraging the needy to gamble, by luring the
troubled to destroy themselves with drugs, by extorting the profits of honest and hardworking
businessmen, by collecting usury from those in financial plight, by maiming or murdering those
who oppose them, by bribing those who are sworn to destroy them. Organized crime is not merely
a few preying upon a few. In a very real sense it is dedicated to subverting not only American
institutions, but the very decency and integrity that are the most cherished attributes of a free
society. As the leaders of Cosa Nostra and their racketeering allies pursue their conspiracy
unmolested, in open and continuous defiance of the law, they preach a sermon that all too many
Americans heed: The government is for sale; lawlessness is the road to wealth; honesty is a pitfall
and morality a trap for suckers.' (President Johnson's Commission on Law Enforcement and
Adminstration of Justice, 1967) Discuss.
2. Essay 2 (2,500 words) 25%
'Set beside the achievements of late 19th century American industrialists any crimes they may
have committed pale into insignificance.' Discuss.
UPHPJL-30-3
Global Business: Rampant Capitalism or Income for All?
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Historiographic Essay (3,250 words) 40%
Compare and contrast the contributions to the development of business history made by
Louis Galambos and Alfred Chandler.
2. Source-related exercise (2,250 words) 30%
Assess the historical sources used by scholars whose research has investigated the emergence
of 'Big Business'.
18
UPHPJQ-30-3
Migration and Minorities in Early Modern Europe, c.15501700
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,000 words) 15%
What impact did exile and migration have on the development of Protestantism in early modern
Europe?
2. Essay (2,000 words) 15%
“Middling sort” or “common people”? Account for the social composition of English emigrants to
North American colonies.
3. Document exercise (1,000 words) 20%
This exercise is designed to develop and test your ability to read original documents critically and
closely. Write an analysis which should be approximately 1,000 words in length, in prose style
and supported by a bibliography and footnote/endnote references, as in a standard essay.
In the analysis you should:
1.) State what the document is, ie: what kind of document is it (eg. diary entry, letter, court
record, history, act, proclamation etc.)? Who wrote it? Why was it written? Are there specific
terms, names, places, institutions or references that need to be explained?
2.) Place the document in historical context (not just chronological, but also with reference to the
relevant historical debates).
3.) Interpret the detail. Every document is likely to contain a number of individual points which
contribute to the debate and to an understanding of the document within that debate. This
internal evidence needs to be brought out and its significance discussed.
4.) Explain the significance. Why is this document important?
George L. Burr, ed., The Witch Persecutions
in Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, 6 vols.
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania History Department, 1898-1912) vol. 3, no. 4, pp. 28-29
In August, 1629, the Chancellor of the Prince-Bishop of Würzburg thus wrote in German to a friend:
As to the affair of the witches, which Your Grace thinks brought to an end before this, it has
started up afresh, and no words can do justice to it. Ah, the woe and the misery of it--there are
still four hundred in the city, high and low, of every rank and sex, nay, even clerics, so strongly
accused that they may be arrested at any hour. It is true that, of the people of my Gracious Prince
here, some out of all offices and faculties must be executed: clerics, electoral councillors and
doctors, city officials, court assessors, several of whom Your Grace knows. There are law
students to be arrested. The Prince-Bishop has over forty students who are soon to be pastors;
among them thirteen or fourteen are said to be witches. A few days ago a Dean was arrested; two
others who were summoned have fled. The notary of our Church consistory, a very learned man,
was yesterday arrested and put to the torture. In a word, a third part of the city is surely involved.
The richest, most attractive, most prominent, of the clergy are already executed. A week ago a
maiden of nineteen was executed, of whom it is everywhere said that she was the fairest in the
whole city, and was held by everybody a girl of singular modesty and purity. She will be followed
by seven or eight others of the best and most attractive persons. . . . And thus many are put to
death for renouncing God and being at the witch-dances, against whom nobody has ever eise
spoken a word.
19
To conclude this wretched matter, there are children of three and four years, to the number of
three hundred, who are said to have had intercourse with the Devil. I have seen put to death
children of seven, promising students of ten, twelve, fourteen, and fifteen. Of the nobles -but I
cannot and must not write more of this misery. There are persons of yet higher rank, whom you
know, and would marvel to hear of, nay, would scarcely believe it; let justice be done . . .
P. S.-Though there are many wonderful and terrible things happening, it is beyond doubt that, at a
place called the Fraw.Rengberg, the Devil in person, with eight thousand of his followers, held an
assembly and celebrated mass before them all, administering to his audience (that is, the
witches) turnip-rinds and parings in place of the Holy Eucharist. There took place not only foul but
most horrible and hideous blasphemies, whereof I shudder to write. It is also true that they all
vowed not to be enrolled in the Book of Life, but all agreed to be inscribed by a notary who is well
known to me and my colleagues. We hope, too, that the book in which they are enrolled will yet
be found, and there is no little search being made for it.
UPHPJR-30-3
Migration, Race and Nation: Britain since 1870
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Document analysis (1,500 words) 15%
Analyse the extract from Enoch Powell’s ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech and comment on the ways in
which he uses language to appeal to his audience.
ENOCH POWELL
Speech made at Annual General Meeting of the West Midlands Area Conservative Political Centre,
Birmingham, England, April 20, 1968.
‘A week or two ago I fell into conversation with a constituent, a middle-aged, quite
ordinary working man employed in one of our nationalized industries. After a sentence
or two about the weather, he suddenly said: ‘If I had the money to go, I wouldn’t stay in
this country.’ I made some deprecatory reply, to the effect that even this Government
wouldn’t last for ever; but he took no notice, and continued: ‘I have three children, all
of them have been through grammar school and two of them married now, with family.
I shan’t be satisfied till I have seen them settled overseas. In this country in fifteen or
twenty years’ time the black man will have the whip hand over the white man.’
I can already hear the chorus of execration. How dare I say such a horrible thing?
How dare I stir up trouble and inflame feelings by repeating such a conversation? The
answer is that I do not have the right not to do so. Here is a decent, ordinary fellow
Englishman, who in broad daylight in my own town says to me, his Member of Parliament, that this country will not be worth living in for his children. I simply do not have
the right to shrug my shoulders and think about something else. What he is saying,
thousands and hundreds of thousands are saying and thinking—not throughout Great
Britain, perhaps, but in the areas that are already undergoing the total transformation to
which there is no parallel in a thousand years of English history.
…………………………………………………………………………………….
It almost passes belief that at this moment twenty or thirty additional immigrant
children are arriving from overseas in Wolverhampton alone every week—and that
means fifteen or twenty additional families of a decade or two hence. Those whom the
gods wish to destroy, they first make mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation
to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependants, who are for the most
part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population. It is like
watching a nation busily engaged in heaping up its own funeral pyre.
20
……………………………………………………………………………
All Members of Parliament are used to the typical anonymous correspondent; but what surprised and
alarmed me was the high proportion of ordinary, decent, sensible people, writing a rational and often
well-educated letter, who believed that they had to omit their address because it was dangerous to
have committed themselves to paper to a Member of Parliament agreeing with the views I had
expressed, and that they would risk either penalties or reprisals if they were known to have done so.
The sense of being a persecuted minority which is growing among ordinary English people in the
areas of the country which are affected is something that those without direct experience can hardly
imagine. I am going to allow just one of those hundreds of people to speak for me. She did give her
name and address, which I have detached from the letter which I am about to read. She was writing
from Northumberland about something which is happening at this moment in my own constituency:
Eight years ago in a respectable street in Wolverhampton a house was sold to
a Negro. Now only one white (a woman old-age pensioner) lives there. This is her story. She lost her
husband and both her sons in the war. So she turned her seven-roomed house, her only asset, into a
boarding house. She worked hard and did well, paid off her mortgage and began to put something by
for her old age. Then the immigrants moved in. With growing fear, she saw one house after another
taken over. The quiet streets became a place of noise and
confusion. Regretfully, her white tenants moved out. The day after the last one left, she was
awakened at 7 a.m. by two Negroes who wanted to use her phone to contact their employer. When
she refused, as she would have refused any stranger at such an hour, she was abused and feared
she would have been attacked but for the chain on her door. Immigrant families have tried to rent
rooms in her house, but she always refused. Her little store of money went, and after paying her rates,
she had less than £2 per week. She went to apply for a rate reduction and was seen by a young girl,
who on hearing she had a seven-roomed house, suggested she should let part of it. When she said
the only people she could get were Negroes, the girl said ‘racial prejudice won’t get you anywhere in
this country’. So she went home. The telephone is her lifeline. Her family pay the bill, and help her out
as best
they can. Immigrants have offered to buy her house—at a price which the prospective landlord would
be able to recover from his tenants in weeks, or at most in a few months. She is becoming afraid to go
out. Windows are broken. She finds excreta pushed through her letterbox. When she goes to the
shops, she is followed by children, charming, wide-grinning piccaninnies. They cannot speak English,
but one word they know. “Racialist’, they chant. When the new Race Relations Bill is passed, this
woman is convinced she will go to prison.
And is she so wrong? I begin to wonder.
………………………………………………………………………………..
Like the Roman, I seem to see ‘the River Tiber foaming with much blood’. That tragic and intractable
phenomenon which we watch with horror on the other side of the Atlantic but which there is
interwoven with the history and existence of the States itself, is coming upon us here by our own
volition and our own neglect. Indeed, it has all but come. In numerical terms, it will be of American
proportions long before the end of the century. Only resolute and urgent action will avert it even now.
Whether there will be the public will to demand and obtain that action, I do not know. All I know is that
to see and not to speak, would be the great betrayal.
2. Essay (1,500 words) 15%
How did government policy with regard to ‘aliens’ change in the period 1905 to 1919?
3. Essay (2,000 words) 20%
Examine the ways in which emigration was encouraged in order to reinforce the British identity of
white settler dominions. Discuss with reference to a specific historical period.
21
UPHPJY-30-3
Stalin and Stalinism
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Document Analysis (1,000 words) 15%
The published draft of the U.S.S.R. Constitution of 12 June 1936 is one of the most precious gifts
from Soviet authority to the peoples of the Union since its rule began.
If the coming congress of soviets will see fit to approve it in its entirety after a general discussion,
a new era in life will indeed begin for the peoples of the U.S.S.R., because the thoughts and
aspirations of the progressive minds of the old and new world will be realized and implemented.
(letter from kolkhoznik V. Mel’nikov to Krest’ianskaia Gazeta, 1936)
2. Book Review (1,000 words) 15%
Robert Tucker, Stalin in Power
3. Essay (2,500 words) 20%
Were the Great Purges a form of social cleansing?
UPHPKC-30-3
Dissertation in History
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Dissertation (10,000 words) 100%
UPHPKG-30-3
The London-Paris-Berlin Triangle: International Relations
1933-1940
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,500 words) 25%
Critically assess the responses of Britain, France and Germany to the Czechoslovak crisis of
September 1938.
2. Document exercise (2,500 words total – 625 words each) 25%
Analyse each of the four documents (625 words each) by emphasizing the context, the content and
significance.
1. Admiral Sir A. Ernle Chatfield to Sir Robert Vansittart, 8 August 1935
We had an important meeting of the Chiefs of Staff this afternoon to draw up our report as to the
measures to be taken at once, and other measures that require Cabinet approval, in view of the
Mediterranean situation. I was surprised to find how very unready the other two Services were and
how long it would take them before they could give any effective resistance to Italian action by land
or air. The Naval situation is bad enough, as you are well aware, and consequently we have put an
22
important covering letter to our Report which it is most necessary that the Secretary of State, Eden
and yourself should see before you go to Paris. We also think that the Prime Minister should receive
a copy, if possible. Cabinet secretaries will arrange this I think.
Apart from our proposals as to steps to be taken the sense of our feeling is that everything
possible should be done to avoid precipitated hostilities with Italy until we are more ready. It would
be a serious business if the great League of Nations, having at last agreed to act together, was able
to be flouted militarily by the nation whom it was trying to coerce. The Navy will, of course, do its
best provided you give us time and enough warning, but it would be a dangerous prospect for us to
go to war with Italy with the British Fleet unmobilised and the Home Fleet on leave and scattered. It
would indeed be the greatest foolishness if anything of the sort happened. Further, we are
exceedingly anxious lest you should obtain the moral support of France without a definite assurance
of her military support also and some knowledge of what that military support would be, which
indeed ought to be concerted beforehand in London or Paris. War is not a light measure which we
can go into blindfold trusting to luck.
I only want to be sure that the Foreign Office are fully apprised of the military situation and they
do all they can to delay the danger of hostilities, meanwhile authorising us to prepare. When the
meeting at Geneva takes place and if all this is going to happen it would be equally important to
obtain the military support of all the Mediterranean Powers as we shall want to use their harbours
and to have the assistance of their naval forces. Further, it must not be forgotten that the United
States and Germany can completely frustrate Article 16 of the Covenant if they are not approached
beforehand and their benevolent neutrality obtained.
I am sure you realise all I have written in this letter but I only do it to relieve my conscience
before going off on leave and to make sure that you do see and carefully measure the Chiefs of
Staff Report. Little has seen this letter.
Source: Anthony Adamthwaite (ed.), The Making of the Second World War and Documents on
British Foreign Policy 1919-1939, 2nd series, XIV.
2. Announcement Justifying the Reoccupation of the Rhineland, March 1936
The German Government has continually emphasized during the negotiations of the last year
its readiness to observe and fulfil all the obligations arising from the Rhine Pact so long as the other
contracting parties are ready on their side to maintain the pact. This obvious and essential condition
can no longer be regarded as being fulfilled by France. France has replied to Germany's repeated
friendly offers and assurances of peace by infringing the Rhine Pact through a military alliance with
the Soviet Union directed exclusively against Germany. In this manner, however, the Locarno Rhine
Pact has lost its inner meaning and ceased in practice to exist. Consequently, Germany regards
herself for her part as no longer bound by this dissolved Treaty. The German Government is now
constrained to face thc new situation created by this alliance, a situation which is rendered more
acute by the fact that the Franco-Soviet Treaty has been supplemented by a Treaty of Alliance
between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union exactly parallel in form. In accordance with the
fundamental right of a nation to secure its frontiers and ensure its possibilities of defence, the
German Government has today restored the full and unrestricteci sovereignty of Germany in the
demilitarized zone of the Rhineland.
In order, however, to avoid any misinterpretation of its intentions and to establish beyond doubt
the purely defensive character of these measures, as well as to express its unalterable longing for a
real pacification of Europe between states equal in rights and equally respected, the German
Government declares itself ready to conclude new agreements for the creation of a system of
peaceful security for Europe.
Source: Jeremy Noakes and David Pridham, Nazism, 1919-1945: Vol. 3.
3. Neville Chamberlain to Ida Chamberlain, 20 March 1938
....with Franco winning in Spain by the aid of German guns and Italian planes, with a French
government in which one cannot have the slightest confidence, and which I suspect to be in closish
touch with our Opposition, with the Russians stealthily and cunningly pulling all the strings behind
the scenes to get us involved in war with Germany (our Secret Service doesn't spend all its time
23
looking out of windows), and finally with a Germany flushed with triumph , and all too conscious of
her power, the prospect looked black indeed. In face of such problems, to be badgered and pressed
to come out and give a clear, decided, bold, and unmistakable lead, show `ordinary courage', and all
the rest of the twaddle, is calculated to vex the man who has to take reponsibility for the
consequences. As a matter of fact, the plan of the `Grand Alliance', as Winston calls it, had occurred
to me long before he mentioned it....I talked about it to Halifax, and we submitted it to the Chiefs of
the Staff and the F.O. experts. It is a very attractive idea; indeed, there is almost everything to be
said for it until you come to examine its practicability. From that moment its attraction vanishes. You
have only to look at the map to see that nothing that France or we could do could possibly save
Czechoslovakia from being overrun by the Germans, if they wanted to do it. The Austrian frontier is
practically open: the great Skoda munitions works are within easy bombing distance of the German
aerodromes, the railways all pass through German territory, Russia is 100 miles away. Therefore we
could not help Czechoslovakia - she would simply be a pretext for going to war with Germany. That
we could not think of unless we had a reasonable prospect of being able to beat her to her knees in
a reasonable time, and of that I see no sign. I have therefore abandoned any idea of giving
guarantees to Czechoslovakia, or the French in connection with her (sic) obligations to that country.
Source; Adamthwaite (ed.), Making of the Second World War, Feiling, Life of Neville
Chamberlain.and Robert Self (ed.), Neville Chamberlain Diary Letters, Vol. 4. The Downing Street
Years, 1933-1940
4. Directive `Operation Barbarossa', 18 December 1940
....The German Wehrmacht must be prepared to crush Soviet Russia in a quick campaign
(Operation Barbarossa) even before the conclusion of the war against England.
For this purpose the Army will have to employ all available units, with the reservation that the
occupied territories must be secured against surprises.
For the Luftwaffe will be a matter of releasing such strong forces for the eastern campaign in
support of the Army that a quick completion of the ground operations can be counted on and that
damage to eastern German territory by enemy air attacks will be as slight as possible. This
concentration of the main effort in the east is limited by the requirement that the entire combat and
armament area dominated by us must remain adequately protected against enemy air attacks and
that the offensive operations against England, particularly against her supply lines, must not be
permitted to break down.
The main effort of the Navy will remain unequivocally directed against England even during an
Eastern campaign.
I shall order the concentration against Soviet Russia possibly eight weeks before the intended
beginning of operations.
Preparations requiring more time to get under way are to be started now, if this has not yet been
done, and are to be completed by 15 May 1941.
It is of decisive importance, however, that the intention to attack does not become apparent.
The preparations of the High Commands are to be made on the following basis:
I. General Purpose
The mass of the Russian Army in Western Russia is to be destroyed in daring
operations, by driving forward deep armoured wedges; and the retreat of units capable of
combat into the vastness of Russian territory is to be prevented.
In quick pursuit a line is then to be reached from which the Russian air force will no
longer be able to attack the territory of the German Reich. The ultimate objective of the
operation is to establish a cover against Asiatic Russia from the general line Volga-Archangel.
Then, in case of necessity, the last industrial area left to Russia in the Urals can be eliminated
by the Luftwaffe.
In the course of these operations the Russian Baltic Sea Fleet will quickly lose its bases
and thus will no longer be able to fight.
Effective intervention by the Russian Air force is to be prevented by powerful blows at
the very beginning of the operation.
II. Probable allies and their tasks
24
1. On the wings of our operation the active participation of Romania and Finland in the war
against Soviet Russia is to be expected.
The High Command will in due time arrange and determine in what form the armed forces of
the two countries will be placed under German command at the time of their intervention.
2. It will be the task of Romania to support with selected forces the attack of the German
southern wing, at least in its beginnings; to pin the enemy down where German forces are not
committed; and otherwise to render auxiliary service in the rear area.
3. Finland will cover the concentration of the German North Group (parts of the XXI Group)
withdrawn from Norway and will operate jointly with it. Besides, Finland will be assigned the task
of eliminating Hango.
4. It may be expected that Swedish railroads and highways will be available for the
concentration of the German Fourth Group, from the start of operations at the latest....
Source: Noakes and Pridham (eds), Nazism, 1919-1945:Vol. 3; Documents on German
Foreign Policy, 1918-1945, series D, Vol. XI; and H.R. Trevor-Roper (ed.), Blitkrieg to Defeat:
Hitler's War Directives, 1939-1945, (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964).
UPHPKQ-30-3
Crowds, Disorder and the Law in England, 1730-1820
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,000 words) 30%
Town Country and Custom: The Bristol Turnpike Riots of 1749. Use the documents printed in
the handbook on pages 33-38, and the reading list on page 32. Citing, and quoting extensively
the evidence offered in the documents, write an essay on the following question: To what extent
should these disturbances be understood as a conflict between town and country?
2. Essay (3,000 words) 40%
Public Opinion and the Gagging Bills, 1795. Using the reading list supplied on pp.47-48 of the
handbook, and then primary sources retrieved from digital archives in the e-library, write an essay
on the following question: Why were opponents of the Two Bills of 1795, both in and outside of
parliament, unable to prevent their passage into law? NB. The Two Bills, or 'Gagging Bills',
measures designed to suppress the London Corresponding Society and its allies, were fiercely
debated in the public sphere and in parliament in the weeks following the attack on the King's
Coach in October 1795. Your essay should make extensive use of, and quote extensively from,
primary evidence found in the e-library. The collections you will find most useful are: ECCO, the
Burney Newspaper Collection, and the Eighteenth Century Parliamentary Papers.
UPHPKT-30-3
Politics and Violence in 20th Century Ireland
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Book Review (2,250 words) 25%
Review one of the following books, following the guidelines in the Module Handbook. You must
not review any book that you have previously reviewed for this module.



Michael Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence (2002)
Michael Hopkinson, Green Against Green: The Irish Civil War (2004)
Richard English, Armed Struggle (2003)
25
2. Document Analysis (2,250 words) 25%
Analyse the following document, following the guidelines in the Module Handbook.
A meeting was held at No. 10 Downing Street this evening between the Prime Minister, Mr.
Harold Wilson, the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Mr. Michael Stewart, the Home
Secretary, Mr. James Callaghan, the Secretary of State for Defence, Mr. Denis Healey, and the
Minister of State at the Home Office, Lord Stonham, and the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland,
Major Chichester-Clark, the Deputy Prime Minister, Mr. J. L. 0. Andrews, the Minister of Home
Affairs, Mr. R. W. Porter, and the Minister of Development, Mr. Brian Faulkner.
In a six-hour discussion the whole situation in Northern Ireland was reviewed. It was agreed that
the GOC Northern Ireland will with immediate effect assume overall responsibility for security
operations. He will continue to be responsible directly to the Ministry of Defence but will work in
the closest co-operation with the Northern Ireland Government and the Inspector-General of the
Royal Ulster Constabulary. For all security operations the GOC will have full control of the
deployment and tasks of the Royal Ulster Constabulary. For normal police duties outside the field
of security the Royal Ulster Constabulary will remain answerable to the Inspector-General who
will be responsible to the Northern Ireland Government.
The GOC will assume full command and control of the Ulster Special Constabulary for all
purposes including their organisation, deployment, tasks and arms. Their employment by the
Northern Ireland Government in riot and crowd control was always envisaged as a purely
temporary measure. With the increased deployment of the Army and the assumption by the GOC
of operational control of all the security forces, it will be possible for the Special Constabulary to
be progressively and rapidly relieved of these temporary duties at his discretion, starting in the
cities. The question of the custody of Special Constabulary arms will similarly be within his
discretion. Consideration will be given to the problem of country areas and the defence of vital
public service installations.
The Northern Ireland Ministers agreed that an appeal should be made to all members of the
public to hand in unauthorised weapons under an amnesty.
In order that British troops can be withdrawn from the internal security role at the earliest possible
moment the two Governments will discuss as a matter of urgency the future of the civilian security
services of Northern Ireland which will take over when the troops withdraw.
Major Chichester-Clark said that it was the intention of the Northern Ireland Government to set up
forthwith an impartial investigation into the recent grave public disorders. Further details will be
announced very shortly by the Northern Ireland Minister of Home Affairs.
The United Kingdom Ministers proposed and the Northern Ireland Ministers readily agreed that
two senior civil servants from London should be temporarily stationed with the Northern Ireland
Government in Belfast
to represent the increased concern which the United Kingdom Government had necessarily
acquired in Northern Ireland affairs through the commitment of the Armed Forces in the present
conditions.
The question of detainees was discussed.
26
The two Governments agreed to a joint Declaration on the principles which should govern their
future actions.
The Ministers agreed to meet again early in September.
10 Downing Street, S.W.1,
19th August, 1969.
DECLARATION
(1) The United Kingdom Government re-affirm that nothing which has happened in recent weeks
in Northern Ireland derogates from the clear pledges made by successive United Kingdom
Governments that Northern Ireland should not cease to be a part of the United Kingdom without
the consent of the people of Northern Ireland or from the provision in Section I of the Ireland Act
1949 that in no event will Northern Ireland or any part thereof cease to be part of the United
Kingdom without the consent of the Parliament of Northern Ireland. The Border is not an issue.
(2) The United Kingdom Government again affirm that responsibility for affairs in Northern Ireland
is entirely a matter of domestic jurisdiction. The United Kingdom Government will take full
responsibility for asserting this principle in all international relationships.
(3) The United Kingdom Government have ultimate responsibility for the protection of those who
live in Northern Ireland when, as in the past week, a breakdown of law and order has occurred. In
this spirit, the United Kingdom Government responded to the requests of the Northern Ireland
Government for military assistance in Londonderry and Belfast in order to restore law and order.
They emphasise again that troops will be withdrawn when law and order has been restored.
(4) The Northern Ireland Government have been informed that troops have been provided on a
temporary basis in accordance with the United Kingdom's ultimate responsibility. In the context of
the commitment of these troops, the Northern Ireland Government have re-affirmed their intention
to take into the fullest account at all times the views of Her Majesty's Government in the United
Kingdom, especially in relation to matters affecting the status of citizens of that part of the United
Kingdom and their equal rights and protection under the law.
(5) The United Kingdom Government have welcomed the decisions of the Northern Ireland
Government in relation to Local Government franchise, the revision of Local Government areas,
the allocation of houses, the creation of a Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration in
Northern Ireland and machinery to consider citizens' grievances against other public authorities
which the, Prime Minister reported to the House of Commons at Westminster following his
meeting with Northern Ireland Ministers on May 21 [1969] as demonstrating the determination of
the Northern Ireland Government that there shall be full equality of treatment for all citizens. Both
Governments have agreed that it is vital that the momentum of internal reform should be
maintained.
(6) The two Governments at their meeting at 10 Downing Street today [19 August 1969] have reaffirmed that in all legislation and executive decisions of Government every citizen of Northern
Ireland is entitled to the same equality of treatment and freedom from discrimination as obtains in
the rest of the United Kingdom irrespective of political views or religion. In their further meetings
the two Governments will be guided by these mutually accepted principles.
27
(7) Finally, both Governments are determined to take all possible steps to restore normality to the
Northern Ireland community so that economic development can proceed at the faster rate which
is vital for social stability.
[This Joint Declaration later became known as the 'Downing Street Declaration', a name which
was then applied to another document on 15 December 1993.]
UPHPKW-30-3
From Cold War to Crime War: U.S. History, 1945-the Present
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook for guidance
on the assignments.
1. Essay 1 (2,000 words) 20%
Does ‘McCarthyism’ adequately describe American anti-communism of the 1950s?
2. Essay 2 (2,000 words) 20%
Why did the peaceful protests of the Civil Rights movement give way to the militancy of Black
Power?
UPHPLA-30-3
The Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
**See Blackboard for relevant documents.**
1. Document Analysis (1,500 words) 25%
Creation of Popular Tribunals - What was the political and social significance of the decision
of the Spanish Republican government to create Popular Tribunals in August 1936?
2. Document Analysis (1,500 words) 25%
Joint Letter of the Spanish Bishops to the Bishops of the Whole World Concerning the War in
Spain, 1 July 1937 - To what extent would it be reasonable to describe the collective letter of
the Spanish Bishops merely as political propaganda?
UPHPLC-30-3
War, Culture and Society in Twentieth century Britain
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,500 words) 25%
Although the people of Britain expressed a common sense of national identity during World War
Two they did not agree about what it meant to be British or what it meant to be a citizen. Discuss.
2. Document analysis (2,500 words) 25%
Write a critical analysis of the following document. You should aim to evaluate the significance of
the document, including what it can tell the historian about the subject or debate being studied.
28
Letter to the Prime Minister, H.H. Asquith, in The Common Cause, vol. VIII, no. 383, August 11,
1916, p.227.
In reply to a request from fourteen Constitutional Societies (members of the Consultative Committee
of Constitutional Women's Suffrage Societies) to receive a deputation, the Prime Minister asked for a
statement in writing of the case they wished to present. The statement was accordingly drawn up at a
meeting of representatives of the Societies, on August 4th, and forwarded to Mr. Asquith at once.
In acknowledging the statement, the Prime Minister's Secretary writes that it has had "his serious
consideration."
August 4, 1916
Sir,
While much regretting that you are unable to see us personally, we now, as suggested by your letter
of the 1st inst., have the honour to submit the following statement of the principal points which we
desired to lay before you.
We desire to make it plain that this issue is not of our raising, but it has been forced upon us by the
declared intention of the Government to deal with questions of registration possibly including electoral
reform.
If these intentions are limited to ensuring that men who are already on the Parliamentary Register
should not be disqualified by reason of absence on war service, we should not oppose such
legislation.
But if the proposals made are such as to establish a new qualification, or by means of change in the
period of residence to add a number of new names to the register, then we feel that our own issue is
inextricably involved, and that we cannot stand aside. Our reasons for holding this view are, briefly, as
follows :
 (1) Parliament does not lightly touch the thorny question of electoral reform, and if dealt with
now a fresh consideration may be indefinitely postponed.
 (2)The inclusion of great numbers of new men voters intensifies the injustice and anomaly of
exclusion of all women.
 (3)The injustice of such exclusion - always great and for long keenly felt - will become more
intolerable that ever after the war, when the problem of the readjustment of men's and
women's labour has to be faced. It is impossible to ignore the fact that the entry of large
numbers of women into skilled occupations hitherto closed to them, and the discovery by
employers of the great value of thier labours, may possibly produce an apparent clashing of
interests between the sexes, and that in solution of the problems that will arise the aid of
Parliament may be invoked. It is contrary to every principle of British justice, as well as of
democratic government, that such an issue should be dealt with by a body upon which two or
three parties to the dispute - employers and the men workers - are fully represented, but over
which the women workers have no control.
Upon this and other problems of reconstruction after the war, we claim the right of women to a direct
influence upon Parliament.
If a new qualification is to be extablished based on services in the war, then the claim of women to
share in such a qualification cannot be ignored. The services they have rendered to the country have
been so amply acknowledged, both by the Ministers mainly responsible for the direct conduct of the
war and by those responsible for the maintenance of the country's industry, that we need not labour
this point. We cannot believe that the compliments that have been paid to women have been empty
words.
But there is another body of women who deserve, we think, even better of the country that the
munitions and industrial workers and field labourers, and they are women who have given their
husbands and sons ungrudgingly to its defence.
Our organisations remain unweakened and our belief in our cause, inspired as it has always been by
our desire for fuller service, has only deepened in intensity during this time of trial.
In settlement of the problems that lie in the future we claim our share, and we claim that women have
proved themselves worthy of it. - We have, sir, the honour to be,
Your obedient servants,
(Signed) Mary Whitty, Actresses' Franchise League
29
Florens Roch, Catholic Women's Suffrage League
F. Shewell Cooper, Church League for Women's Suffrage
Maud Selborne, Conservative and Unionist Women's Franchise Association
Jane E. Strickland, Church League for Women's Suffrage
J. Spring Rice, Irish Women's Suffrage Federation
Eva McLaren, Liberal Women's Forward Union
Herbert Jacobs, Men's League for Women's Suffrage
Evelyn M.L. Atkinson, National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies
Adeline M. Chapman, New Constitutional Society for Women's Suffrage
Annie G. Ferrier, Scottish Churches League for Women's Suffrage
Frances H. Simson, Scottish University Woman Suffrage Union
Bertha Brewster, United Suffragists
UPHPLH-30-3
Arc of Crisis: Great Power Rivalries in the Near East,
c.1828-1991
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,500 words) 25%
How great a threat did the Berlin-Baghdad Railway present to British strategic interests in the
Middle East before 1914?
2. Document Analysis (2,500 words) 25% - **See Blackboard for relevant documents.**
Refer to guidance on pages 36-37 of the module handbook for 2010-11. You must analyse both
of these documents, and locate and analyse two further documents, not obtained from an internet
source, which may relate to any subjects covered by the module.
UPHPLL-30-3
Tsars and Commissars: Russian Foreign Policy, 1853-1953
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Essay (2,300 words) 25%
Why was control of the Straits such an important issue to the Russian Empire between 1853 and
1914, and what moves were taken by Britain to prevent it being realized?
2. Essay (2,300 words) 25%
To what extent was Soviet foreign policy in the 1930s the product of bureaucratic infighting?
30
UPHPLM-30-3
History in the Public Space
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Logbook 20%
2. Presentation* (30 minutes) 20%
3. Report (5,000 words) 60%
* This will normally be a 30-minute presentation to tutors
All three elements of assessment are based on the student’s placement experience.
The LOGBOOK is kept during the placement and provides the raw material – supplemented by
reading and discussion – for the report and presentation. The following are guidelines for the
structuring of material for the logbook, but these will also be useful to bear in mind when producing
the other two elements.
SESSION INFORMATION
DATE
DURATION
CO-WORKERS/ASSOCIATES/CLIENTS
LOCATION
ACTIVITY
WHAT WAS PURPOSE OF THE ACTIVITY?
WHAT WAS MY ROLE?
HOW DID THIS ACTIVITY FIT IN WITH THE DAY’S ACTIVITY?
HOW DID THIS ACTIVITY FIT IN WITH THE BROADER PROJECT?
REFLECTION
HOW WERE THE OUTCOMES MEASURED?
WERE THE AIMS ACHIEVED?
IF NOT ENTIRELY, WHY NOT?
HOW DID I CONTRIBUTE?
HOW COULD MY PERFORMANCE HAVE BEEN IMPROVED?
WHAT HAVE I LEARNED ABOUT HISTORY AND THE PUBLIC TODAY?
OTHER NOTES
THINGS TO REMEMBER FOR THE FUTURE
THINGS TO DO FOR THE FUTURE
The REPORT and PRESENTATION should both relate the placement experience, as recorded in
the logbook, to wider issues, such as those covered in the Level Two Module, ‘Public History’.
31
UPHPLY-30-3
The Urban Experience in Later Medieval England, c.13001540
Requirement: You are required to complete all elements of this component, regardless of
whether you have passed any previously. Please refer to your Module Handbook and
Blackboard for guidance on the assignments and documents.
1. Literature Review (2,500 words) 25%
On the basis of at least five items from the following list (you need not restrict yourself to this list),
answer the following question:
‘Why has the subject of ‘oligarchy’ given rise to some much discussion among later medieval
urban historians?’
Peter Fleming, 'Telling tales of oligarchy in the late medieval town', in Michael A. Hicks (ed.),
Revolution and Consumption in Late Medieval England (The Fifteenth Century, 2, Woodbridge:
Boydell, 2001), 177-93
R. Horrox, ‘The urban gentry in the fifteenth century’, in J.A.F. Thomson (ed.), Towns and
Townspeople in the Fifteenth Century (Gloucester, 1988), pp. 22-44
J. Kermode, ‘Obvious observations on the formation of oligarchies in late medieval English
towns’, in J.A.F. Thomson (ed.), Towns and Townspeople in the Fifteenth Century (Gloucester,
1988), pp. 87-106
M. Kowaleski, ‘The commercial dominance of a medieval provincial oligarchy: Exeter in the late
fourteenth century’, in R. Holt & G. Rosser (eds.), The Medieval Town: A Reader in English Urban
History,1200-1540 (Longman, 1990), pp. 184-215
S. Reynolds, ‘Medieval urban history and the history of political thought’, Urban History Yearbook
(1982), pp. 14-23
S.H. Rigby, ‘Urban “oligarchy” in late medieval England’, in J.A.F. Thomson (ed.), Towns and
Townspeople in the Fifteenth Century (Gloucester, 1988), pp. 62-86
M. Rubin, ‘Small groups: identity and solidarity in the late middle ages’, in J. Kermode (ed.),
Enterprise and Individuals in Fifteenth-Century England (1991), pp. 132-50
David Gary Shaw, 'Social networks and the foundations of oligarchy in medieval towns', Urban
History, 32:2 (2005), 200-22
2. Document Exercise (2,500 words) 25%
Discuss the following two passages as evidence for the organisation and function of craft guilds in
later medieval towns.
What problems and opportunities do these passages present to the historian of later medieval
towns?
In your answer explain any references, words or phrases whose meaning is not immediately
apparent, and put the document in its appropriate context.
1) Ordinances made in the time of William Spencer, Mayor, The Nineteenth Year of the Reign of
King Edward IV after the Conquest [Red Books of Bristol, 1479]
Bowyers and Fletchers
First it is ordained and assented that two able persons of the said craft of bowyers and
fletchers be chosen by common assent of all the masters of the said craft or the more part of
them every year the morrow after the feast of St Michael [29 September] as two wardens of
the said craft and their names to be presented and they sworn upon a book before the mayor
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of Bristol for the time being within fifteen days next after the said feast yearly in plain court
held in the Guildhall of Bristol to search and survey duly and truly all manner of trespasses
and defaults that shall be done by any man of the same craft within the said town and
suburbs. And if any trespass or default be found or done by any man of the said craft,
burgess or other within the franchise of the said town that then all such trespasses and
defaults to be corrected and amended by the discretion of the mayor of Bristol and the two
wardens that shall be for the time after the tenor and effect of the present articles.
Item it is ordained and assented that if any man of the said craft despise or revile any of the
said two wardens being for any thing that they do or shall do for execution of the said
ordinances and that duly proved before the mayor for the time being shall pay as often times
as he does it 3s 4d that is to say that one half to the Chamber of the said town and that other
half to the contribution of the said craft.
2) Articles of the Cordwainers [London Letter-Book H, 1375]
(Presented to the Mayor of London and the Aldermen on the Monday after the Feast of St.
Andrew the Apostle)
To the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London pray the good folks of the trade of
Cordwainers of the same city, that it may please you to grant unto them the articles that
follow, for the profit of the common people; that so, what is good and right may be done unto
all manner of folks, for saving the honor of the city and lawfully governing the said trade.
In the first place, that if any one of the trade shall sell to any person shoes of bazen as being
cordwain, or of calf-leather for ox-leather in deceit of the common people, and to the scandal
of the trade, he shall pay to the Chamber of the Guildhall, the first time that he shall be
convicted thereof, forty pence; the second time, half a mark; and the third time the same, and
further, at the discretion of the mayor and aldermen.
Also, that no one of the trade shall keep house within the franchise if he not be free of the city
and one knowing his trade, and that no one shall be admitted to the freedom without the
presence of the wardens of the trade bearing witness to his standing on the pain aforesaid.
Also, if any one of the trade shall be found offending touching the trade, or rebellious against
the wardens therof, such person shall not make complaint to any one of another trade, by
reason of the discord or dissension that may have arisen between them ; but he shall be ruled
by the good folks of his own trade. And if he shall differ from them as acting against them,
then let the offense be adjudged upon before the mayor and the aldermen; and if he be found
rebellious against the ordinance, let him pay to the Chamber the sum above mentioned.
Also that no one of the trade shall entice or purloin the servant of another from the service of
his master by paying him more than is ordained by the trade, on the pain aforesaid.
Also, that no one shall carry out of his house any wares connected with his trade for sale in
market or elsewhere except only at a certain place between Soperslane and the Conduit; and
that at a certain time of day, that is to say, between Prime and Noon. And that no shoes shall
exceed the measure of seven inches, so that the wares may be surveyed by the good folks of
the trade, because of the deceit upon the common people that might ensue and the scandal
on the trade, on the pain aforesaid.
Also, that no one shall expose his wares openly for sale in market on Sundays at any place,
but only within his own dwelling, to serve the common people, one the pain aforesaid.
Also, that if any one sells old shoes, he shall not mix new shoes among the old in deceit of
the common people and to the scandal of the trade, on the pain aforesaid.
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