DO NOT REMOVE FROM ROOM A203. FOR CLASSROOM USE ONLY.
Unit 1 DBQ Review
When the thirteen British colonies won their independence in 1783 it had the worst possible
consequences for Native Americans. Assess the extent of the validity of this statement.
Document A
“Whereas, His Majesty was graciously pleased to propose to us in the year 1765 that a Boundary
Line should be fixed between the English and us, to ascertain and establish our limits, and prevent those
intrusions and incroachments of which we had so long and loudly complained, and to put a stop to the
many fraudulent advantages which had been so often taken of us in land affairs, which boundary appearing
to us as a wise and good measure, we did then agree to a part of a Line and promised to settle the whole
finally, whensoever Sir William Johnson should be fully empowered to treat with us for that purpose. And
whereas. . . . many uneasinesses and doubts have arisen amongst us which have given rise to an
apprehension that the Line may not be strictly observed on the part of the English, in which case matters
may be worse than before. . . .
. . . . That the lands occupied by the Mohocks around their villages, as well as by any other Nation
affected by this our cession, may effectually remain to them and to their posterity, and that any
engagements regarding Property which they may now be under may be prosecuted and our present grants
deemed valid on our parts, with the several other humble requests contained in our said speech. And
whereas as the settling of the said line it appeared that the Line described by His Majesty's order was not
extended to the Northward of Oswegy, or the Southward of Great Kanawha River.
. . . . In witness weherof, we, the chiefs of the Confederacy, have hereunto set our Marks and seals
at Fort Stanwix the 5th day of November, 1768, in the 9th year of His Majesty's reign.” Treaty of Fort
Stanwix, 1768 Early American Indian Documents: Treaties and Laws: 1607-1789, ed. Alden T. Vaughan,
Vol. V., p. 332-335.
Document B
“. . . . And whereas it is just and reasonable and essential to our interest and the security of our
colonies that the several nations or tribes of Indians with whom we are connected, and who live under our
protection, should not be molested or disturbed in the possession of such parts of our dominions and
territories as, not having been ceded to or purchased by us, are reserved to them, or any of them, as their
hunting grounds. . . . And we do further declare it to be our royal will and pleasure, for the present as
aforesaid, to reserve under our sovereignty, protection, and dominion, for the use of the said Indians, all the
land and territories not included within the limits of our said three new governments, or within the limits of
the territory granted to the Hudson's Bay Company. . . . And we do hereby strictly forbid, on pain of our
displeasure, all our loving subjects from making any purchases or settlements whatever, or taking
possession of any of the lands above reserved, without our special leave and license for that purpose first
obtained.”
. . . . And whereas great frauds and abuses have been committed in the purchasing lands of the
Indians, to the great prejudice of our interests and to the great dissatisfaction of the said Indians; in order,
therefore, to prevent such irregularities for the future, and to the end that the Indians may be convinced of
our justice and determined resolution to remove all reasonable cause of discontent, we do, with the advice
of our Privy Council, strictly enjoin and require that no private person do presume to make any purchase
from the said Indians of any lands reserved to the said Indians. . . .” Proclamation of 1763 The Annuals of
America, Vol. 2, 1755-83, p. 84-86.
DO NOT REMOVE FROM ROOM A203. FOR CLASSROOM USE ONLY.
Document C
Document D
“He has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages,
whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions of
existence. . . . We therefore the Representatives of the United States of America in General Congress
assembled, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these states, reject and renounce all
allegiance and subjection to the kings of Great Britain, and all others who may hereafter claim by, through,
or under them; we utterly dissolve all political connection which may heretofore have subsisted between us
and the people or parliament of Great Britain; and finally we do assert and declare these colonies to be free
and independent states, and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude
peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states
may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our
fortunes, and our sacred honor.” Declaration of Independence, 1776.
DO NOT REMOVE FROM ROOM A203. FOR CLASSROOM USE ONLY.
Document E
Article III.
“The said Indians . . . . do acknowledge all the Cherokees to be under the protection of the United
States of America, and of no other sovereign whosoever.
Article IV.
The boundary allotted to the Cherokees for their hunting grounds, between the said Indians and
the citizens of the United States, within the limits of the United States of America, is, and shall be the
following, viz. Beginning at the mouth of Duck river, on the Tennessee; thence running north-east to the
ridge dividing the waters running into Cumberland from those running into the Tennessee; thence
eastwardly along the said ridge to a north-east line to be run, which shall strike the river Cumberland forty
miles above Nashville; thence along the said line to the river; thence up the said river to the ford where the
Kentucky road crosses the river; thence to Campbell's line, near Cumberland gap; thence to the mouth of
Claud's creek on Holstein; thence to the Chimney-top mountain; thence to Camp-creek, near the mouth of
Big Limestone, on Nolichuckey; thence a southerly course six miles to a mountain; thence south to the
North-Carolina line; thence to the South-Carolina Indian boundary, and along the same south-west over the
top of the Oconee mountain till it shall strike Tugaloo river; thence a direct line to the top of the Currohee
mountain; thence to the head of the south fork of Oconee river.
Article V.
If any citizen of the United States, or other person not being an Indian, shall attempt to settle on
any of the lands westward or southward of the said boundary which are hereby allotted to the Indians for
their hunting grounds, or having already settled and will not remove from the same within six months after
the ratification of this treaty, such person shall forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Indians
may punish him or not as they please. . . .
Done at Hopewell, on the Keowee, this twenty-eighth of November, in the year of our Lord one
thousand seven hundred and eighty-five.” Treaty of Hopewell, 1785. United States Statutes at Large, 1785,
p. 18-21.
Document F
“. . . . and to indemnify the United States for the injuries and expences they have sustained during
the war; the said Indian tribes do hereby cede and relinquish forever, all their claims to the lands lying
eastwardly and southwardly of the general boundary line now described; . . . . And for the same
considerations, and as an evidence of the returning friendship of the said Indian tribes, of their confidence
in the United States, and desire to provide for their accommodation, and for that convenient intercourse
which will be beneficial to both parties, the said Indian tribes do also cede to the United States the
following pieces of land; to wit. (1.) One piece of land six miles square at or near Loromie's store before
mentioned. (2.) One piece two miles square at the head of the navigable water or landing on the St. Mary's
river, near Girty's town. (3.) One piece six miles square at the head of the navigable water of the Au-Glaize
river. (4.) One piece six miles square at the confluence of the Au-Glaize and Miami rivers, where Fort
Defiance now stands. (5.) One piece six miles square at or near the confluence of the rivers St. Mary's and
St. Joseph's, where Fort Wayne now stands, or near it. (6.) One piece two miles square on the Wabash river
at the end of the portage from the Miami of the lake, and about eight miles westward from Fort Wayne. . . .
(11.) One piece two miles square at the lower rapids of Sandusky river. (12.) The post of Detroit and all the
land to the north. . . . (13.) The post of Michillimackinac, and all the land on the island, on which that post
stands. . . .” Greenville Treaty of 1795. United States Statutes at Large, 1795, p. 49-54.
DO NOT REMOVE FROM ROOM A203. FOR CLASSROOM USE ONLY.
Document G
“An act to provide for an exchange of lands with the Indians residing in any of the states or
territories, and for their removal west of the river Mississippi.
Sec. 1
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of
America, in Congress assembled, That it shall and may be lawful for the President of the United States to
cause so much of any territory belonging to the United States, west of the river Mississippi, not included in
any state or organized territory, and to which the Indian title has been extinguished, as he may judge
necessary, to be divided into a suitable number of districts, for the reception of such tribes or nations of
Indians as may choose to exchange the lands where they now reside, and remove there; and to cause each
of said districts to be so described by natural or artificial marks, as to be easily distinguished from every
other.
Sec. 3 . . . . . Provided always, That such lands shall revert to the United States, if the Indians become
extinct, or abandon the same.
Sec. 7 . . . . . Provided, That nothing in this act contained shall be construed as authorizing or directing
the violation of any existing treaty between the United States and any of the Indian tribes.
Approved, May 28, 1830.” Indian Removal Act of 1830. United States Statutes at Large, 21st Cong., Sess.
I, Chp. 148, p. 411-412.
Document H
“The regulation of commerce with the Indian tribes is very properly unfettered from two
limitations in the articles of Confederation, which render the provision obscure and contradictory. The
power is there restrained to Indians, not members of any of the States, and is not to violate or infringe the
legislative right of any State within its own limits. What description of Indians are to be deemed members
of a State is not yet settled, and has been a question of frequent perplexity and contention in the federal
councils. And how the trade with Indians, though not members of a State, yet residing within its legislative
jurisdiction, can be regulated by an external authority, without so far intruding on the internal rights of
legislation, is absolutely incomprehensible. This is not the only case in which the articles of Confederation
have inconsiderately endeavoured to accomplish impossibilities; to reconcile a partial sovereignty in the
Union, with complete sovereignty in the States; to subvert a mathematical axiom, by taking away a part,
and letting the whole remain.” The Federalist Papers, by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, John Jay,
1787-1788, in Great Books of the Western World, Editor-in-Chief Robert Maynard Hutchins, Encyclopedia
Britannica, 1952, p. 136-139.
Document I
“I appeal to any white to say, if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat:
if ever he came cold and naked and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long bloody war,
Logan, remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my
countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, 'Logan is the friend of white men.’ I had even thought to have
lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Col. Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked,
murdered all the relations of Logan; not even sparing my women and children.There runs not a drop of my
blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it. I have killed
many. I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace. But do not
harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his
life. Who is there to mourn for Logan?-Not one!” Logan's Speech, c.1774. Great Documents in American
Indian History, ed. Wayne Moquin with Charles van Doren, p. 126.
DO NOT REMOVE FROM ROOM A203. FOR CLASSROOM USE ONLY.
Document J
Article V.
“The two high contracting parties shall, by all the means in their power, maintain peace and
harmony among the several Indian nations who inhabit the country adjacent to the lines and rivers, which,
by the preceding articles, form the boundaries of the two Floridas. And the better to obtain this effect, both
parties oblige themselves expressly to restrain by force all hostilities on the part of the Indian nations living
within their boundary: so that Spain will not suffer her Indians to attack the citizens of the United States,
nor the Indians inhabiting their territory; nor will the United States permit these last-mentioned Indians to
commence hostilities against the subjects of his Catholic Majesty or his Indians, in any manner whatever.
And whereas several treaties of friendship exist between the two contracting parties and the said
nations of Indians, it is hereby agreed that in future no treaty of alliance or other whatever (except treaties
of peace) shall be made by either party with the Indians living within the boundary of the other, but both
parties will endeavour to make the advantages of the Indian trade common and mutually beneficial to their
respective subjects and citizens, observing in all things the most complete reciprocity, so that both parties
may obtain the advantages arising from a good understanding with the said nations, without being subject
to the expence which they have hitherto occasioned.” Pinckney Treaty of 1795.Treaties and Other
International Agreements of the United States, 1774-1947, ed. Charles I. Bevans, p. 138-151.
Document K
“. . . . I perceive dayly more and more that our manner of giving Liberty to some very idle and
dissolute Men to go and Trade in the Indian Settlements 600 or 800 Miles from us where they commit
many Enormities & Injustices is a great Obstruction to our best designs. I have tryed to get some free
Indians to live with me and wou'd Cloath them but they will not consent to it, nor part with their Children
tho' they lead miserable poor lives. It is reported by some of our Inhabitants lately gone on Indian Trading
that they excite them to make War amongst themselves to get Slaves which they give for our European
Goods. I fear it is but too true and that the Slaves we have for necessary Service, (for our white Servants in
a Months time prove good for nothing at all) are the price of great many Sins. . . .
. . . . I gave you an account in my last of the desolate Condition of Renoque. it was in Octobr. or
the latter End of September that the Tuscararo's Indians liveing near Cape fair Cutt off 137 of our people,
most of them Palatines and some Switzers. I am not able to declare whether they were sett on by some of
the partys that have been long at variance in that place or whether they were provoked by some great
Injustice & taking their Land by force, it is so reported among us. our forces are Actualy marched to
Suppress those Murderers. . . . Generall Called Barnewell and 16 White men, whome 6 or 700 Indians have
Joined and they are to meet the Virginians. Many wise men in this Province doubt of the Success. It is
evident that our Traders have promoted Bloody Warrs this last Year to get slaves and one of them brought
lately 100 of those poor Souls. It do's not belong to me to say any more upon those Melancholy Affaires I
submit as to the Justice of those Proceedings to Your Wisdom. When I am asked how we are to deal with
those unfortunate slaves, I content my selfe to Exhort that they be used with Xtian Charity and yt. we
render their Condition as tollerable as we can. . . .
The Indian traders have always discouraged me by raising a world of Difficultyes when I proposed
any thing to them relating to the Conversion of the Indians. It appears they do not care to have Clergymen
so near them. . . . poor women and children, for the men taken prisoners are burnt most barbarously. I am
Informd It was done So this Last year & the women and children were brought among us to be sold.” A
Missionary Denounces the Treatment of the Indians in South Carolina (1708) Frank J. Klingberg, ed., The
Carolina Chronicle of Dr. Francis Le Jau:1706-1717 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1956), pp.
41-116.
DO NOT REMOVE FROM ROOM A203. FOR CLASSROOM USE ONLY.
Document L
“. . . We said we knew the English said the Indians wronged them and the Indians said the English
wronged them, but our desire was [that] the quarrel might rightly be decided in the best way. . . . The
Indians owned that fighting was the worst way, then they propounded how right might take place, we said
by arbitration. They said all English agreed against them, and so by arbitration they had had much wrong,
many miles square of land so taken from them, for English would have English arbitrators, and once they
were persuaded to give in their arms. . . . [then] the English having their arms would not deliver them as
they had promised
. . . . We knew it to be true. . . . [and] . . . . Therefore we consented to hear them. They said they
had been the first in doing good to the English, and the English the first in doing wrong, said when the
English first came their king's father [Massasoit] was as a great man and the English as a little child, he
constrained other Indians from wronging the English and gave them corn and showed them how to plant. . .
. Another grievance was when their kings sold land, the English would say it was more than they agreed to
and a writing must be proof against all them, and some of their kings had done wrong to sell so much. . . .
Another grievance, the English were so eager to sell the Indians liquor that most of the Indians spent all in
drunkenness and then ravened upon the sober Indians . . . . .” A Rhode Island Quaker Sympathizes with the
Indians (1675) John Easton, "A Relation of the Indian War," in Charles H. Lincoln, ed., Narratives of the
Indian Wars, 1675-1699 (New York: 1913), p. 11.
Document M
DO NOT REMOVE FROM ROOM A203. FOR CLASSROOM USE ONLY.
Document N
Cherokee Women Protest to Their Chiefs and Warriors, 1817
“The Cherokee ladys now being present at the meeting of the chiefs and warriors in council have
thought it their duty as mothers to address their beloved chiefs and warriors now assembled.
Our beloved children and head men of the Cherokee Nation, we address you warriors in council.
We have raised all of you on the land which we now have, which God gave us to inhabit and raise
provisions. We know that our country has once been extensive, but by repeated sales has become
circumscribed to a small track, and [we] never have though it our duty to interfere in the disposition of it till
now. If a father or mother was to sell all their lands which they had to depend on, which their children had
to raise their living on, which would be indeed bad & to removed to another country. We do not wish to go
to an unknown country [to] which we have understood some of our children wish to go over the
Mississippi, but this act of our children would be like destroying your mothers.
Your mothers, your sisters ask and beg of you not to part with any more of our land. We say ours.
You are our descendants; take pity on our request. But keep it for our growing children, for it was the good
will of our creator to place us here, and you know our father, the great president [Monroe], will not allow
his white children to take our country away. Only keep your hands off of paper talks for its our own
country. For [if] it was not, they would not ask you to put your hands to paper, for it would be impossible to
remove us all. For as soon as one child is raised, we have others in our arms, for such is our situation & will
consider our circumstance.” Petition of the Cherokee Women, 1817. “A Cherokee Women’s Petition,” May
2, 1817, in Theda Perdue and Michael D. Green, eds., The Cherokee Removal (Boston: Bedford Books, St.
Martin’s Press, 1995), pp.124-126.
Document O
Tecumseh Complains of White Injustices, 1810
“...The being within, communing with past ages, tells me, that once, nor until lately, there was no
white man on this continent. That it then all belonged to red man, children of the same parents, placed on it
by the Great Spirit that made them, to keep it, to traverse it, to enjoy its productions, and to fill it with the
same race. One happy race. Since made miserable by the white people, who are never contented, but
always encroaching.... The white people have no right to take the land from the Indians, because they had it
first; it is theirs.... It belongs to the first who sits down on his blanket or skins, which he has thrown upon
the ground, and till he leaves it no other has a right.” Speech to Governor William Henry Harrison at
Vincennes, August 12, 1810 given by Tecumseh (Shawnee).
Document P
The Mohegan tribal leaders complained to the legislature of Connecticut [1789] that their conditions of life
had suffered greatly under the influence of white settlers.
“...The times are Exceedingly Alter'd, Yea the times have turn'd everything upside down, or rather
we have Chang'd the good Times, Chiefly by the help of the White People, for in Times past, our ForeFathers lived in Peace, Love, and great harmony, and had everything in Great plenty.... But alas, it is not so
now, all our Fishing, Hunting and Fowling is entirely gone....”
Harry Quaduaquid and Robert Ashpo to the Most Honourable Assembly of the State of Connecticut, May
14, 1789.
DO NOT REMOVE FROM ROOM A203. FOR CLASSROOM USE ONLY.
Document Q