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Asian American Men in American Film: Perpetuating an Identity Crisis
Since the beginning of motion pictures, American audiences have been captivated
by the silver screen. From the first nickelodeon programs to modern blockbuster hits,
films act as popular forms of entertainment, education, inspiration, and art. As such an
important and enduring facet of American culture, it is important to see films for more
than their entertainment value. They are historical and cultural artifacts, forever
capturing the social sentiments and climates of different periods in time. They are time
capsules, full of history. When weaved together, these historical images come to life.
They tell us who we were, where we came from, and what we believed in. Today, they
tell us who we are. They continue to tell us the story of us, because at the end of the day,
that’s what films really are: stories about people. All of this helps American films
transcend the realm of mere entertainment into something of much greater importance
and effect.
But therein also lies the danger of films. Everything that makes a movie more
than “just a movie” also allows them to perpetuate, create, or distribute destructive and
sometimes debilitating messages. These negative messages manifest themselves in many
ways, but most prominently in characters as stereotypes. When people are systematically
reduced to specific stereotypes or characteristics, they are dehumanized, invalidated as
true human beings. While these stereotypical images affect most the demographics being
depicted, all parties involved are left worse off. Stereotypes, both “positive “ and
“negative,” can greatly impair our perceptions of others, and of ourselves. But what
happens when a group of people are greatly underrepresented in the media? What
happens when they are not represented at all? I believe that this “systematic annihilation”
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of certain demographics has an even greater negative effect on viewers than so-called
stereotypical representations.
One of the most misrepresented and underrepresented groups in the mass media
is the Asian American male. Through a long history of narrowly defined characters,
traditional Asian stereotypes have been long entrenched in the social sentiments of
America. Especially in recent years, Asian American characters have been absent in both
American film and television. When they are represented, even fewer characters work
against these traditional stereotypes.
Since the Screen Actor’s Guild began analyzing on-screen roles based on
classifications like race and gender in 1998, it has been clear that Asian characters are
highly underrepresented. In the 2008 Casting Data Report released by the Screen Actor’s
Guild, Asian characters represented only 3.8% of all TV/Theatrical roles.i Of all the
recognized ethnic minority groups, Asian characters had the second lowest percentage of
representation, above Native Americans. This figure is greatly eclipsed by the percentage
of roles identified as Caucasian. Caucasian roles, part of a “dominant” ethnic group,
comprise the majority of all onscreen characters, at an overwhelming 70.7%. This
difference in representation becomes even more evident when only lead roles are
examined. The percentage of Asian characters in lead roles drops to 3.5%, whereas the
percentage of Caucasian characters in lead roles rises to 76.0%. While statistically, these
figures are comparable to the U.S. Census breakdown of population by ethnicity,ii we
cannot overlook the stark difference in instances of representation.
The effects of such underrepresentation extend farther than simply putting Asian
American actors out of work. It results in a very real and visceral identity crisis within
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the Asian American community, particularly in Asian American children. According to
the theories of cultivation analysis, the media helps to establish our personal senses of
reality.iii The media tells us what is fashionable, popular. They tell us what is beautiful.
What is important and even normal. In this way, the exclusion of certain demographics
altogether from mainstream media can effectively send the message that these groups are
altogether unimportant. aosjdpfoiasdjf strongly echoes these views in an analysis of her
research on Asian American children. In the documentary, The Slanted Screen, she says,
“Asian kids… were simply quite aware that it was very rare for them to see anybody
Asian on television. And they were quite clear that that felt disempowering. That it felt
invalidating. That if they didn’t see someone like themselves on television that it
suggested that Asians were not important.”iv The lack of Asian American characters in
the American media also suggests that Asian Americans are simply not “real,” that they
do not exist. Despite being American citizens, they are not recognized as a part of the
American population. This effectively strips them of a large part of their cultural
identity, as Asians feel they are not entitled to identify as Americans. For Asians without
strong ties to their cultural heritage, this can leave them without any semblance of a
cultural identity.
When Asian Americans, and specifically Asian American men, are depicted in the
mass media, it is more often than not in narrowly defined, stereotypical roles. In his
essay The Social Psychology of Stereotypes: Implications for Media Audiences, Gorham
defines a stereotype as a structure in our mind called a schema. These schemas help us
quickly and instinctively categorize the world around us, and rest upon an elaborate
history of personal interactions. Social stereotypes arise from a similar, yet even older
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history of interactions. In order to see where these Asian stereotypes come from, we
must look at the history surrounding their development.
In the late 19th century into the 20th century, the Western United States saw a large
influx of predominantly Chinese immigrants. These immigrants were received, if not
well, and took to working in the gold rush boom of California and later on the
construction of the Pacific Railway. As a result of the downturn of the gold rush, many
Asian immigrants began moving into more urban areas to search for jobs, becoming a
competitive market with white Americans. As the Chinese moved into cities, they were
forced to create “bachelor societies”v because of the unavailability of Chinese women. It
is during this time that organizations like the “Workingman’s Party of California” vilified
the Asian population as an economic threat. Reduced to doing “women’s work” such as
cooking and laundry, it is here that we can first see the emasculation of the Asian male.
The threat posed by Asian immigrants would later be extended to include a threat to the
white social order, and anti-Asian sentiments would manifest themselves in antiimmigration legislation like the Chinese exclusion act of 1882. The media played a large
role in intensifying these anti-Asian feelings, first in the depiction of the “yellow peril” in
journalism, and later in anti-Asian WWII propaganda. Early depictions of Asians in film
either echoed or harkened back to these anti-Asian sentiments, especially in the more
iconic and stereotypical images of the early 20th century.
Asians first began appearing on screen around the turn of the 20th century.
Featured in early “nickelodeon” programs, they were seen in various scenes from the
“Orient,” both authentic and staged. With titles like Massacre of the Christians by the
Chinese, these filmic predecessors depicted the Chinese as savage heathens, a violent
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threat to white, Anglo-America. Interestingly, during the silent film era, Japanese born
actor Sessue Hayakawa would see great success in Hollywood, playing countless
romantic leads. He became an iconic romantic figure, as popular as Charlie Chaplin in
his prime, and making just as much money.vi When Hayakawa decided to go into
independent theatre, the success he enjoyed would not pass to any other Asian American
actors. Perhaps a result of intensifying anti-Asian sentiments, no other Asian actor would
ever come close to Hayakawa’s success as a romantic lead.
In 1931, Fox Film Corporation cast Warner Oland as Charlie Chan in Charlie
Chan Carries On, the first success for a Charlie Chan Film. Oland’s portrayal of the
“fortune-cookie” Asian would set a precedent of “yellow face” actors for years to come.
Characters like Charlie Chan and later Fu Manchu would perpetuate stereotypes such as
the effeminate or asexual Asian man.vii Their “yellow face” actors would also play a part
in the “systematic annihilation” of authentic Asian characters. In the 1970s, the Kung Fu
movie would become popular in America, and give rise to Kung Fu action stars like
Bruce Lee. Bruce Lee’s monumental fame highlighted a new stereotype almost
overnight, the stereotype that all Asian men know Kung Fu. While to many Asian men
the rise of Kung Fu stars would be seen as empowering, the portrayal of these characters
would only perpetuate preexisting stereotypes about Asian masculinity.
The stereotype of Asian men as asexual, effeminate, and eunuchs is a complex
one with different origins. As I have previously discussed, some of these origins can be
seen in history, both in the history of Asian immigrants and Asian representation in
American film and media. The stereotype also arises, I believe, from the West’s view of
the East, one that stems from a colonial view of an exotic and mysterious “Orient.” In
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many ways, East Asia has always represented a “mysterious other” to Western
civilization. They have been defined by what the West is not. If the West, in all of its
colonial glory, is masculine, dominant, and strong, than the East is feminine, subservient,
and weak. Much of this stems from feelings of a Western entitlement to conquering new
lands and new peoples, ideas like “Manifest Destiny.” David Henry Hwang’s M.
Butterfly is just one example that artfully displays this relationship between East and
West.
There are countless examples of emasculated and asexual Asian men in American
films. From the effeminate Charlie Chan, to the traditional view of Asian eunuchs, and to
modern portrayals of male sexuality, the sexuality of Asian men is constantly being
questioned or denied. Even with the advent of Kung Fu stars asserting a perverted sense
of “violent masculinity” among Asian men, seldom do you see a Kung Fu star that is
romantically involved. A prime example of this intersection of stereotypes can be seen in
Romeo Must Die, a modern retelling of Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet. In the film, Jet
Li and Aaliyah portray the fated couple. In the final scene of the film, Jet Li had
originally kissed Aaliyah. Before its premiere however, the kiss received such negative
reviews from tester audiences that the producers decided to cut it altogether. Therefore,
in a retelling of Romeo and Juliet, perhaps the most quintessential love story of all time,
there is absolutely no romantic relationship between the title characters. As one Asian
filmmaker explains, Jet Li “can kick butt, but he can’t get the girl.”
This emasculation and desexualization of Asian men can, and I believe, already
has had serious and lasting effects on society. As with any stereotype, it limits what
Asian men can hope to aspire to. It tells Asian male viewers, especially young male
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viewers, that Asians are incapable of displaying their masculinity, that they are impotent
and weak. In some cases, it might cause Asian males to feel the need to prove their
masculinity. Ultimately, it denies them yet another part of their personal identities. In
the documentary Hollywood Chinese, Asian American actor B.D. Wong says “When
you’re constantly not being given the opportunity to access the very male part of you,
which is a huge part of your identity, it really does a number on your self esteem.” It
seems that the portrayal of Asian masculinity in American film and media only heightens
the identity crisis within Asian American men.
Despite Asian characters in media often displaying highly stereotypical traits, I
believe the media’s representation of Asian Americans is improving. Still, we need more
Asian characters on screen, regardless of their stereotypes. If Asians can only be
represented as stereotypes now, then they ought to be represented as stereotypes, just so
they can be represented at all. As is the case with any “sub-dominant” social group,
exposure is the first step to raising awareness and ultimately rectifying certain social
attitudes.
i
Screen Actor's Guild. 2008 Casting Data Report. 2008. Raw data. Hollywood,
California.
ii
US Census Bureau. 2010 Census Data: Demographic Profile. 26 May 2011. Raw data.
Census.gov.
iii
Stern, Susannah R. "All I Really Needed to Know (About Beauty) I Learned By
Kindergarten: A Cultivation Analysis." Print. Rpt. in RACE/GENDER/MEDIA:
Considering Diversity Across Audiences, Content, and Producers. By Rebecca A. Lind.
San Francisco: Pearson. 22-29. Print.
iv
The Slanted Screen. Dir. Jeff Adachi. Perf. Daniel Dae Kim. Asian American Media
Mafia, 2006. DVD.
v
Sun, Chyng F. "Ling Woo In Historical Context." Print. Rpt. in Gender, Race, And
Class In Media. Ed. Gail Dines and Jean M. Humez. 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks: Sage
Publications, 2003. 656-64. Print.
vi
"Sessue Hayakawa - Biography." The Internet Movie Database (IMDb). Web. 01 Feb.
2012. <http://www.imdb.com/name/nm0370564/bio>.
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vii
Chin, F., Chan, J., Inada, L., & Wong S. (1974). Aiiieeee!: An anthology of Asian
American writers. New York: Mentor.
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