Teaching in English in
Philippine Higher Education:
The Case of De La Salle
University-Manila
Allan B. I. Bernardo and
Marianne Jennifer M. Gaerlan
Outline of Presentation
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The broad national context
 Language in Philippine society
 Historical context of MOI in Philippine higher
education
De La Salle University-Manila
 History of the English MOI policy
 No MOI Policy; Current MOI practices
 MOI as uncontested “sub-cultural practice”
 Reflections on MOI practices
Language in Philippine Society
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2000 Philippine Census, population: 76,504,077
Estimated population for July 2006: 89,468,677
163 distinct languages spoken; nearly all of
which belong to the Malayo-Polynesian branch
of the Austronesian language family
Twelve of the native languages have at least
one millions native speakers; native speakers of
the twelve languages account for about 90% of
the national population
Language in Philippine Society
Table 1. Population of Speakers of Major Philippine
Languages
Language
Population
Tagalog
22,000,000
Cebuano
18,500,000
Ilokano
7,700,000
Hiligaynon
6,900,000
Waray
3,100,000
Northern Bikol
2,500,000
Kapampangan
2,300,000
Pangasinan
1,540,000
Southern Bikol
1,200,000
Kinaray-a
1,100,000
Maranao
1,000,000
Maguindanao
1,000,000
Tausug
1,000,000
Note: Data are estimates of the 2000 Philippine Census,
conducted by the National Statistics Office.
Language in Philippine Society
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Most Filipinos speak at least two languages,
and many speak three or more fluently.
1990 survey: 99% of Philippine households
speak Filipino/Tagalog (lingua franca) as L1/L2
1994 survey 56% of Filipinos report themselves
as able to speak English
Estimate: over 32,000 speak English as a first
language, most of whom are Americans now
residing in the Philippines
Language in Philippine Society
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Philippine Constitution defines two official
languages: Filipino (Tagalog) and English
Tollefson (1991) observed:
 English has an instrumental role as the
language in the important domains such as
education, business, and governance
 Filipino has a symbolic role as unifying
language and the language of nationhood
Historical Context of MOI in
Philippine Higher Education
The Spanish colonial period (15651898)
 The American colonial period (18981946),
 Philippine independence (1947 to
present).
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Historical Context:
Spanish colonial period
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There was actually no explicity language
policy during this period.
The de facto language policy emerged
from an educational system that was
inchoate and highly elitist.
Historical Context:
American colonial period
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1900: Letter of Instruction declaring that English
would be the MOI at all levels of the school
system in the Philippines
Martin (1999): three reasons for English MOI
(a) the American teachers could more effectively
teach in English
(b) English was thought to be the language for
uniting the ethnolinguistically diverse people,
(c) English was thought of as the language that
would allow Filipinos access to civilization.
Historical Context:
American colonial period
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Pedagogical principles and outcomes were not
the main consideration in MOI policy
American teachers’ pedagogy indicated that the
Filipino students were “assumed” to be native
speakers of English
A series of evaluation studies clearly pointed to
the problems in using English as MOI.
These studies also recommended a shift in MOI
to the three main regional languages, but the
English-only MOI policy was never changed
Historical Context:
American colonial period
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When a Filipino was appointed Secretary of
Education in 1939, grade school teachers were
allowed to use the local languages as a
supplementary tool for instruction.
In 1940, the teaching of the national language,
Pilipino (based on Tagalog) was also required
for all senior high school students.
The English MOI was maintained until
independence was granted in 1946.
Historical Context: Philippine
independence to the present
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English was maintained as the MOI by the
Philippine independent goverment.
Pilipino became a required subject in basic
education, and in the teacher education and
liberal arts programs in colleges & universities.
There were also experiments in using Philippine
languages as MOI starting in the late 1940’s;
these showed the effectiveness of Philippine
languages as MOI and the negative effects of
using English as MOI.
Historical Context: Philippine
independence to the present
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There was no change in English MOI policy.
But, there was a shift in pedagogy: ESL
Revised Philippine Education Program (1957):
 Philippine languages as MOI in early grades,
and English was taught as a second
language
 BUT, there was no change in English MOI
policy & practices for colleges & universities.
Historical Context: Philippine
independence to the present
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Late 1960’s: rise in nationalist and antiimperialist (anti-American) sentiments
strong and sustained criticisms in the English
MOI policies in schools.
continued use of English in Philippine schools
was criticized as being responsible for
miseducating Filipinos to develop a strong
appreciation & acceptance of the American
point of view
Historical Context of MOI in
Philippine Higher Education
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Bilingual Education Policy (1974) was
implemented for basic education.
There was no similar policy for higher education.
The policy was reiterated in 1987; but still silent
on the MOI for higher education, however, this
reiteration also stipulated the higher education
institutions should take steps towards
“intellectualizing” the national language, now
called Filipino.
Historical Context of MOI in
Philippine Higher Education
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The bilingual education system is presently
being blamed for the poor learning outcomes of
Philippine basic education.
A comprehensive evaluation of the policy
revealed that the shift to BEP did not result in
any significant gains or losses in overall student
achievement.
Instead, most of the problems related to poor
learning outcomes are due to other weaknesses
in the educational system (teacher training,
inadequate textbooks, curriculum, etc.)
Competing discourses in the
history of MOI debate
Three themes underlying arguments to
maintain English as MOI:
(a) the use of English for social integration
and/or control,
(b) the utility of English in the economic and
intellectual domains, and
(c) the pragmatic difficulties involved in
shifting from English as MOI.
Competing discourses in the
history of MOI debate
Two themes underlying arguments to shift to
Philippine languages as MOI:
(a) the adverse colonizing effects of English,
(b) the deleterious effects of English on
learning among Filipinos.
Competing discourses in the
MOI debate
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Presently, the two sides may be in a
stalemate.
Also, there is growing realization that there are
bigger problems in education than the MOI!!!
Although the debates persist, they are not as
vigorous.
Globalization: heightened discourse on
English as language in economic and
intellectual domains.
English for economic
development
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Advocates from the business sector have
pushed for the need to improve on the
English language competencies of Filipinos
because of labor market considerations.
Two fastest growing sectors for employment
are (a) foreign jobs, & (b) call center industry
- service outsourcing. Both of which require
English language skills, although of different
types and levels.
MOI in Higher Education
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Most colleges/universities claim that their
MOI is English BUT there is often no explicit
school policy articulating this.
The de facto MOI policy seems to have been
carried on from the policies during the
American colonial period.
No explicit effort to contest the policy.
No systematic data gathered to assess the
effectiveness or appropriateness of such a
policy in higher education.
MOI Debate in Higher
Education
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Recent debates have focused on whether
colleges/universities are strictly implementing
the de facto MOI policy.
There are concerns that faculty members are
flexible in the MOI, using Filipino, other
Philippine languages, and also codeswitching in actual classroom discourse.
Colleges/universities are also being
questioned about whether they are doing
enough to develop the English language
competencies of their students.
MOI in De La Salle University
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In the early 1900’s, Bro. Abdon Edward
observed the system of public education
started by the Americans in the country.
American Catholic Bishop was concerned
about decline in Catholic education because
of its Spanish style education.
At that time, more parents from affluent
Filipino families were interested in having
their children learn the English language.
MOI in De La Salle University
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The Bishop “advised” Christian Brothers to
establish a De La Salle school in the
Philippines, but that teaching would have to
be done in English.
Promise of government accreditation
subsidies and other aid.
With this “imprimatur,” De La Salle College
was founded in 1911.
Classes were conducted first in Spanish, but
in 1913 this was discontinued to enforce the
government policy on English MOI.
MOI in De La Salle University
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Since then, the school has never revised its
MOI policy.
In the 1960’s: MOI policy was contested with
the rise in nationalist sentiments.
During this time, students and outsiders
criticized DLSU as an agent of colonialism,
primarily because Americans ran it.
The fact that foreigners wrote textbooks used
in the school, and the prevalent mode of
instruction was English was also criticized.
MOI in De La Salle University
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In response to these criticism, the school
administration argued that it would be foolish
to forego communication with a majority of
the countries of the world;
To abandon English would mean abandoning
some of the best writings in Literature.
The response of the university to the
nationalist critique adopts the discourse of
the utility of English in the intellectual
domains (same discourse of the American
colonial government 50 years earlier).
MOI in De La Salle University
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In late 1970’s, DLSU came up with a policy to
support the intellectualization of Filipino.
English was still the de facto MOI, but the
university provided support and incentives for
faculty members to developed courses, text
books, & other learning materials in Filipino.
This implicit policy was not vigorously
pushed, and the impetus weakened
considerably by the 1990’s.
MOI in De La Salle University
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Presently, English is the MOI is most
courses.
Syllabi, textbooks, reference materials,
course requirements and assessment
procedures in most courses are in English.
The university admissions tests given to all
applicants to the university is in English; the
tests for science & maths achievement and
for scholastic aptitude are all in English; & the
test also includes a test for English verbal
MOI in De La Salle University
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All school policies, manuals, forms,
instructions for faculty members, students &
non-teaching staff members are in English.
The standard of English used is American
English, & perhaps Standard Philippine
English (c.f., Bautista, 2000).
However, a survey of the actual practices in
classrooms suggests that the English MOI is
not strictly observed (language flexibility &
code-switching).
MOI in De La Salle University
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The faculty members are not specialists in
English language education.
There is no formal assessment of the
teachers’ proficiency in the English language.
There are no formal training or courses in
English for faculty members, the assumption
being that they are all proficient in English.
Although this assumption may not be correct,
there have been no formal studies on the
teachers’ use of English as MOI.
MOI in De La Salle University
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No explicit MOI, but continued practice
established during American colonial period.
Is the practice a remnant of colonial past?
Current discourse suggests that the
motivations for maintaining MOI practice is
related to perceived focus of higher
education: (a) access to advanced
knowledge, and (b) gaining competencies for
employment
MOI in De La Salle University
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Other dimensions of the discourse are
manifested in DLSU experience.
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highly selective in student admission and
retention policies; admitting highest achieving
students who are presumed to possess
adequate levels of English language proficiency
these students are being prepared for
leadership positions in the and professions or to
participate in the global labor market
there is an elitist quality to the educational
mission and programs of DLSU
MOI in De La Salle University
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BUT elitist quality does not only refer to
intellectual or educational elitism.
Access to quality education is largely limited
by economic or financial capacities.
Better quality education is provided mainly by
expensive private sectarian schools
The intellectual elitism is confounded with an
economic elitism. The economic elite does
not contest the English MOI practices.
MOI as Sub-Cultural Practice
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English MOI is a self-evident, non-negotiable
truth in higher education
 has long historical roots;
 has been consistent with the educational,
social, economic agenda of the elite;
 has become customary or the normal
practice in the university
Thus, there is no need for a policy
Culture-bearers do not contest cultural norms
Contesting the Cultural
Practice
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English as language of economic advancement
Gonzalez (1980), Tupas (2001, 2004):
Social & economic advantages to be gained
with English proficiency have actually been
limited to those who are already privileged
Unmindful and uncontested practices of elite
universities like DLSU are not helping the
disadvantaged sectors of Philippine society
access the opportunities afforded by English
language skills.
Contesting the Cultural
Practice
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Problematizing “medium of instruction”
MOI seems to assume that “language” is a
fixed code through which meanings can be
communicated among the language speakers
Harris (1981): “language myth”
Pennycook (1994): “located in social action
and ... is not a pregiven system but a will to
community” (p. 29).
He emphasizes the “worldliness” instead of
the abstract nature of language.
Contesting the Cultural
Practice
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“The use of ‘language’ in the classroom to
attain the goals of teaching and learning is
clearly a complex sociocultural process that
is constantly being redefined by the changing
and interacting bilingual and multilingual
participants of varying degrees of language
proficiencies.” (Bernardo, in press b)
Thus, in an educational context, ‘language’ is
not just a ‘medium’ of instruction
Knowledge, Learning, and
Language
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Conceptions of knowledge and knowing have
implications for conceptions on the role of
language in learning and education
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Learning as acquiring knowledge
Learning as understanding
Learning as response strengthening
Learning as information/knowledge processing
Learning as knowledge construction
Learning as participating in knowledgegenerating or knowledge-using activities
Knowledge, Learning, and
Language
Research on mathematics learning and cognition
among Filipino-English bilinguals (Bernardo,
1996, 1999a & b, 2000a & b, 2001, 2005, etc):
 Language has different effects and uses
depending on the specific cognitive
component or mathematical task
 In some cases, L1 is the more effective
language, in others language consistency is
more important, in others language seems to
be irrelevant (other modes of literacies are
more important), etc.
Knowledge, Learning, and
Language
In higher education, students are expected to
engage in a variety of learning processes that
engage knowledge in specific ways.
In multilingual cultures, students may need to
draw from their various language skills to more
effectively engage specific learning tasks.
Teachers and students might need to be flexible
in appropriating different languages, and even
use code-switching if necessary, depending on
how knowledge is to be engaged.
Conclusion
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The absence of explicit MOI policies may
reflect how historical policy becomes cultural
practice that is no longer contested.
Or it may reflect a stalemate between the
competing discourses.
Globalization creates new opportunities for
economic and intellectual advancement
associated with English language proficiency.
Philippine higher education should approach
the MOI issue from a critical lens and seek
innovative, flexible resolutions to the issue.
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Teaching in English in Philippine Higher Education:
The Case of De La Salle University-Manila
Allan B. I. Bernardo and Marianne Jennifer M. Gaerlan