AFBBSMUNC
2012
[Year]
GENERAL ASSEMBLY
BACKGROUND GUIDE
LETTER FROM THE EXECUTIVE BOARD
Dear Delegates,
Congratulations on getting the opportunity to participate in AFBBSMUNC 2012.
To the veterans of MUN, I promise you a very enriching debate that you’ve never experienced
before and to the newcomers, I am really excited to be a part of your maiden voyage.
As the world looks to come out of a rather ‘depression’ ridden economic environment and the
world talks about a long standing ‘power shift’ to the east happening soon, the importance of
our generation being ‘ready enough’ to accept various challenges that lie ahead of us can
hardly be over stated. What we desire from the delegates is not how experienced or articulate
they are. Rather, we want to see how she/he can respect disparities and differences of
opinion, work around these, while extending their own foreign policy so that it encompasses
more of the others without compromising their own stand, thereby reaching a unanimously
acceptable practical solution.
The following pages intend to guide you with the nuances of the agenda as well as the
Council. The Guide chronologically touches upon all the different aspects that are relevant
and will lead to fruitful debate in the Council. It will provide you with a bird’s eye view of
the gist of the issue.
However, it has to be noted that the background guide only contains certain basic information
which may form the basis for the debate and your research.
You are the representative of your allotted country and it is our hope that you put in
wholehearted efforts to research and comprehensively grasp all important facets of the
diverse agenda. All the delegates should be prepared well in order to make the council’s
direction and debate productive. After all, only then will you truly be able to represent
your country in the best possible way.
We encourage you to go beyond this background guide and delve into the extremities of
the agenda to further enhance your knowledge of a burning global issue.
Research Ahoy!
CHAIRPERSON
Vandana Anand
VICE CHAIPERSON
Shwetabh Ranjan
RAPPORTEUR
RITESH ARIGALA
COMMITTEE DESCRIPTION
The General Assembly is the main deliberative, policymaking and representative organ of
the United Nations. Comprising all 193 Members of the United Nations, it provides a
unique forum for multilateral discussion of the full spectrum of international issues
covered by the Charter that affects nations across multiple continents. These issues range
from disarmament and security to international law, health, and development.
The G.A. in many aspects takes up the role of a “principal diplomatic connection” with the
global community for nations big and small. All members of the assembly have the
opportunity to voice their concerns, convey their opinions, and directly participate in
global decision-making. But the G.A. itself negotiates a difficult role. While the body brings
together the countries of the world for debate and compromise, its every action is dictated
by respect for national sovereignty- the right of each country to manage its own affairs
without outside influence.
When the Assembly adopts a resolution, it serves as a recommendation to the Member
States on how to resolve an issue. The Assembly cannot require nations to take action, nor
can it issue sanctions or military responses. Thus, resolutions are non-binding; they are
merely suggestions, however, the actions of the General Assembly over the years have had
a positive effect on the lives of many people throughout the world.
Debate in the GA is highly spirited, as delegates balance their responsibilities to their
respective nations, allies, and the committee as a whole. Delegates emerge from a GA
committee with a thorough understanding of the pitfalls and promises of international
diplomacy.
AGENDA - NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT
INTRODUCTION:Nuclear disarmament refers to both the act of reducing or eliminating nuclear weapons and to the
end state of a nuclear-free world, in which nuclear weapons are completely eliminated. After
the Partial Test Ban Treaty (1963), which prohibited
atmospheric testing, the movement against nuclear
weapons somewhat subsided in the 1970s (and was
replaced in part by a movement against nuclear
power).
In the 1980s, a popular movement for nuclear
disarmament again gained strength in the light of the
weapons build-up and aggressive rhetoric of US
President Ronald Reagan. Reagan had "a world free
of nuclear weapons" as his personal mission, and
was largely scorned for this in Europe. His officials
tried to stop such talks but Reagan was able to start
discussions on nuclear disarmament with Soviet
Union. He changed the name "SALT" (Strategic
Arms Limitation Talks) to "START" (Strategic Arms
Reduction Talks).
After the 1986 Reykjavik summit between U.S.
President Ronald Reagan and the new Soviet
General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev, the United
States and the Soviet Union concluded two
important nuclear arms reduction treaties: the INF
Treaty (1987) and START I (1991). After the end of
the Cold War, the United States and the Russian Federation concluded the Strategic Offensive
Reductions Treaty (2003) and the New START Treaty (2010).
In the Soviet Union (USSR), voices against nuclear weapons were few and far between nations,
since there was no widespread Freedom of speech and Freedom of the press as political factors.
Certain citizens who had become prominent enough to safely criticize the Soviet government, such as
Andrei Sakharov, did speak out against nuclear weapons, but that was too little effect.
When the extreme danger intrinsic to nuclear war and the possession of nuclear weapons became
apparent to all sides during the Cold War, a series of disarmament and nonproliferation treaties were
agreed upon between the United States, the Soviet Union, and several other states throughout the
world. Many of these treaties involved years of negotiations, and seemed to result in important steps
in arms reductions and reducing the risk of nuclear war.
Initial efforts to create an area free of nuclear weapons began in the
late 1950swith several proposals to establish such a zone in Central
and Eastern Europe.Poland offered the first proposal-named the
Rapacki Plan after the Polishforeign minister-in 1958. The Rapacki
Plan sought to initially keep nuclearweapons from being deployed in
Poland, Czechoslovakia, West Germany, andEast Germany, while
reserving the right for other European countries to followsuit. The
Soviet Union, Sweden, Finland, Romania, and Bulgaria also
floatedsimilar proposals. All these early efforts, however, floundered
amidst the U.S.-Soviet superpower conflict, although the Rapacki Plan
would
serve as a modelto the nuclear-weapon-free zones that were eventually set
up in other regionsof the globe.
Causes:
Nuclear weapons are the most dangerous weapons on earth. One can destroy a whole
city, potentially killing millions, and jeopardizing the natural environment and lives of
future generations through its long-term catastrophic effects. The dangers from such
weapons arise from their very existence. Although nuclear weapons have only been
used twice in warfare—in the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945—about
22,000 reportedly remain in our world today and there have been over 2,000 nuclear
tests conducted to date. Disarmament is the best protection against such dangers, but
achieving this goal has been a tremendously difficult challenge.
The United Nations has sought to eliminate such weapons ever since its establishment.
The first resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1946 established a
Commission to deal with problems related to the discovery of atomic energy among
others. The Commission was to make proposals for, inter alia, the control of atomic
energy to the extent necessary to ensure its use only for peaceful purposes. The
resolution also decided that the Commission should make proposals for "the elimination
from national armaments of atomic weapons and of all other major weapons adaptable
to mass destruction."
A number of multilateral treaties have since been established with the aim of preventing
nuclear proliferation and testing, while promoting progress in nuclear disarmament.
These include the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the
Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests In The Atmosphere, In Outer Space And Under
Water, also known as the Partial Test Ban Treaty (PTBT), and the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), which was signed in 1996 but has yet to enter into
force.
A number of bilateral and plurilateral treaties and arrangements seek to reduce or
eliminate certain categories of nuclear weapons, to prevent the proliferation of such
weapons and their delivery vehicles. These range from several treaties between the
United States of America and Russian Federation as well as various other initiatives, to
the Nuclear Suppliers Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, the Hague
Code of Conduct against Ballistic Missile Proliferation, and theWassenaar
Arrangement.
Disarmament is the best protection against such
dangers, but achieving this goal has been a
tremendously difficult challenge.
Since 1978, the United Nations has been publishing the status of multilateral Arms
Regulation and Disarmament Agreements, presenting data on signatories, parties of
relevant agreements and the texts of the agreements themselves.
Key treaties:

Partial Test Ban Treaty (PTBT) 1963: Prohibited all testing of nuclear weapons except
underground.

Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)—signed 1968, came into force 1970: An international
treaty (currently with 189 member states) to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. The treaty has
three main pillars: nonproliferation, disarmament, and the right to peacefully use nuclear
technology.

Interim Agreement on Offensive Arms (SALT I) 1972: The Soviet Union and the United States
agreed to a freeze in the number of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and submarinelaunched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) that they would deploy.

Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM) 1972: The United States and Soviet Union could deploy ABM
interceptors at two sites, each with up to 100 ground-based launchers for ABM interceptor
missiles. In a 1974 Protocol, the US and Soviet Union agreed to only deploy an ABM system to
one site.

Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT II) 1979: Replacing SALT I, SALT II limited both the Soviet
Union and the United States to an equal number of ICBM launchers, SLBM launchers, and heavy
bombers. Also placed limits on Multiple Independent Reentry Vehicles (MIRVS).

Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF) 1987: Created a global ban on short- and longrange nuclear weapons systems, as well as an intrusive verification regime.

Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START I)—signed 1991, ratified 1994: Limited long-range
nuclear forces in the United States and the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union
to 6,000 attributed warheads on 1,600 ballistic missiles and bombers.

Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty II (START II)—signed 1993, never put into force: START II was
a bilateral agreement between the US and Russia which attempted to commit each side to deploy
no more than 3,000 to 3,500 warheads by December 2007 and also included a prohibition against
deploying multiple independent reentry vehicles (MIRVs) on intercontinental ballistic missiles
(ICBMs)

Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty (SORT or Moscow Treaty)—signed 2002, into force 2003:
A very loose treaty that is often criticized by arms control advocates for its ambiguity and lack of
depth, Russia and the United States agreed to reduce their "strategic nuclear warheads" (a term
that remain undefined in the treaty) to between 1,700 and 2,200 by 2012.

Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT)—signed 1996, not yet in force: The CTBT is an
international treaty (currently with 181 state signatures and 148 state ratifications) that bans all
nuclear explosions in all environments. While the treaty is not in force, Russia has not tested a
nuclear weapon since 1990 and the United States has not since 1992.

New START Treaty—signed 2010, into force in 2011: replaces SORT treaty, reduces deployed
nuclear warheads by about half, will remain into force until at least 2021
Only one country has been known to ever dismantle their nuclear arsenal completely—
the apartheid government of South Africa apparently developed half a dozen crude fission
weapons during the 1980s, but they were dismantled in the early 1990s.