Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU
Tariq Ramadan
Sarkozy's argument won't wash. This great nation, a crucial link with the be
When on his recent visit to Turkey President Obama called for Turkish entry into
the European Union, he put his finger on a strategic and cultural sore spot. The
French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, speaking for the majority position in Europe, was
quick to respond: Turkey may one day enjoy a privileged relationship with the EU,
but full membership is out of the question. Turkey is not European – geographically
or culturally.
Interpretations of the US stance are numerous and contradictory, but they highlight
deep tensions within Europe on the issue. Some believe the US is concerned
primarily with securing access to the energy reserves of the Caspian basin; others
suspect Washington of using Turkish alignment with American policy to exert
pressure on its European allies; still others see an attempt to weaken Europe by
placing a Turkish economic, demographic and cultural burden around its neck.
What are the interpretations of the United States interest in Turkey?
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None of these hypotheses is wholly accurate or inaccurate. Nevertheless, they do
reveal Europe's continuing contortions over its identity and its future. The Turkish
question rarely figures in the foreground of European debate today, yet its spectre
hovers over discussions of "European identity", "immigration" and the "Muslim
question".
What is the “Turkish Question?”
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Political parties that call for an increasingly narrow view of Europe are gaining
ground. These parties promote a strictly Judeo-Christian perspective of European
history, mistrust of Islam, repressive hardline immigration policies and reject a
Turkey they claim is overpopulated and excessively Muslim.
Europeans have become fearful. Economic crisis has brought with it calls for greater
security and for protection of purchasing power, and from "foreigners" and
"immigrants", who are seen as threatening financial stability and cultural
homogeneity. Seen from this perspective, the Turkish question reveals both
centripetal (a sense of "standing together" against outside threats) and centrifugal
(a lack of shared strategic or foreign policy orientations) forces within the EU.
What is the “increasingly narrow view of Europe?”
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The arguments that locate Turkey outside European history and geography cannot
withstand analysis. For more than four centuries the Ottoman Empire shared and
shaped the political and strategic future of the continent. Twice the Ottomans laid
siege to Vienna. During the late 19th and early 20th century, it became the "sick
man of Europe". Even today, Turkey's historical and economic influence continues
to be substantial.
Why does the author say “the arguments that locate Turkey outside European
history and geography cannot withstand analysis?”
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No one is likely to be fooled by attempts to redraw the geographical boundaries of
Europe for ideological or political purposes. If we were to apply the same criteria
across the board, Cyprus would not be part of Europe. Such artificial distinctions
ignore history, just as they ignore the realities of European society itself, where
national origins, memories and cultures have long met and blended. Approximately
40% of Turkey's population is of European origin; millions of Turks have already
acquired the nationality of a European country.
We must look elsewhere for the real issues, and we must look them in the eye.
Instead of being obsessed by the question of culture and religion, European leaders
would be better advised to develop a forward-looking strategic vision. Given its
close ties with Iran, Syria, Iraq and central Asia, Turkey simply cannot be ignored. Its
economic and military clout should be integrated into a European policy based on
good-neighbourly relations and stability in Asia and the Middle East.
On two recent occasions the Turkish government has refused to bow to Washington,
demonstrating a distinct capacity for independent action. Europe can hardly fault
the US for its unilateral behaviour while failing to develop an autonomous foreign
policy of its own. Where there should be a unified European voice, there is a
discordant chorus. The US, China and India have no reason to fear European power.
Divided, lacking a common policy, Europe succeeds only in working against itself.
Meanwhile, commercial ties between Turkey and the European countries have
continued to expand. Between 1990 and 2003, Turkish imports from Europe grew
threefold, while exports quadrupled. Better trade management within the
framework of an EU-wide economic policy should make these ties stronger and
more competitive. The countries of Europe are facing an acute, long-term manpower
shortage. Writing in internal EU publications, some specialists now argue the labour
market will require an additional 15 million workers in the next 20 years. Europe
needs immigration. Instead of adopting restrictive immigration policies that would
criminalise both undocumented and legal immigrants, the EU should be moving
toward realistic and responsible regulation. In this light Turkey, with its human
resources, would prove a powerful ally.
Why would Turkey make a good ally for the Europeans?
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It is time for the countries of Europe to overcome their fear of Islam; time for them
to stop turning Turkish EU membership into a cultural battleground. The only
criteria to membership should be those of Copenhagen (1993) – and a European
commission report (2004) mentioned that Turkey is very close to satisfying them.
European politicians are ready to ignore their countries' long-term socioeconomic
needs in order to respond to the short-term religious and cultural fears of their
constituencies. Millions of women and men are already European and Muslim;
Turkish EU membership would be nothing new, and present no dangers. Islam is, de
facto, a European religion; culturally, politically and economically, Turkey forms an
integral part of its future.
We need courageous European politicians who will develop a new vision of TurkishEU relations, who will remind their citizens that Turkey, by virtue of its economic
power, geography, history and natural position as go-between with the "Muslim
world", is a major asset for Europe and for its future. Instead of waiting until
historical necessity forces the EU to incorporate Turkey, European statesmen
should be working together to develop a clear, reasonable policy leading to Turkish
membership – one that would respect political principles and recognise cultural and
religious diversity. Welcoming Turkey into the EU would mean Europe would have
to reconcile itself with its own principles: the principles it has all too often betrayed
in practice.
Any additional questions you have about the document:
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