Jean Nicod Lectures 2007 Moral Theory Meets Cognitive Science How the Cognitive Sciences Can Transform Traditional Debates Stephen Stich Dept. of Philosophy & Center for Cognitive Science Rutgers University sstich@ruccs.rutgers.edu 1 Jean Nicod Lectures 2007 Lecture 2 The Persistence of Moral Disagreement 2 Philosophical Background Fundamental Moral Disagreement No one doubts that moral views differ both within cultural groups 3 Philosophical Background Fundamental Moral Disagreement No one doubts that moral views differ both within cultural groups and across cultural groups 4 Philosophical Background Fundamental Moral Disagreement But whether that diversity of views would persist under idealized circumstance is a hotly debated question How to characterize the relevant sort of idealized circumstances is a difficult and contentious question 5 Philosophical Background It is widely agreed that in to be “ideally situated” people must be rational impartial agree on all relevant non-moral issues There is much debate on how these notions are to be understood But I’ll assume we all have a rough understanding which is good enough for present purposes 6 Philosophical Background If a moral disagreement would persist under idealized circumstances, I’ll say that the disagreement is Fundamental If it would not persist under idealized circumstances, I’ll say that the disagreement is Superficial 7 Philosophical Background There are many reasons why it’s philosoph- ically important to know whether moral disagreement is fundamental or superficial I’ll focus on two Ideal Observer & Qualified Attitude Theories Moral Realism 8 Philosophical Background Ideal Observer & Qualified Attitude Theories (arguably) defended by Adam Smith, Hume & Hutcheson and by Firth, Brandt, Lewis, Harman & other leading moral theorists in the 20th century 9 Philosophical Background Semantic Version: ‘x is morally right (wrong)’ means anyone who is ideally situated (= rational, impartial, fully informed, etc.) would have a (un)favorable attitude toward x If ideally situated people disagree about x, then x is neither right nor wrong Semantic version + fundamental disagreement Moral Skepticism 10 Philosophical Background Justification Version: a moral claim is justified iff the person making the claim would have the appropriate attitude toward the matter at hand, after going thru an appropriate idealizing process (= a process that corrects relevant false beliefs & removes partiality, irrationality, etc). 11 Philosophical Background If two ideally situated people have different attitudes about x, then ‘x is wrong’ is justified for one while ‘x is not wrong’ is justified for the other This version of the Ideal Observer Theory + fundamental disagreement Moral Relativism 12 Philosophical Background Moral Realism defended by Boyd, Brink, Railton, Michael Smith, Sturgeon & many others there are lots of important differences between these theorists but for most of them, the persistence of moral disagreement that does not depend on non-moral disagreement (or other distorting factors, like selfinterest or irrationality) would pose a significant problem 13 Philosophical Background Richard Boyd: "careful philosophical examination will reveal …that agreement on nonmoral issues would eliminate almost all disagreement about the sorts of issues which arise in ordinary moral practice.” "(1988) 14 Philosophical Background David Brink: “It is incumbent on the moral realist . . . To claim that most moral disputes are resolvable at least in principle.” (1984) 15 Philosophical Background Michael Smith: The notion of objectivity “signifies the possibility of a convergence in moral views” (1994: 6) 16 Philosophical Background Many Moral Realists and many Moral Anti-Realists would agree that Fundamental moral disagreement (i.e. persisting diversity under idealized conditions) entails, or at least strongly suggests, that Moral Realism is False * *“Non-Convergentists” disagree 17 Philosophical Background For these reasons (and others) it is clearly philosophically important to determine whether (and to what extent) moral disagreement is fundamental 18 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data 19 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Arguably the first “experimental philosopher” of the modern period was Richard Brandt 1910 - 1997 20 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data There is a large anthropological literature (going back to Westermark 1906) documenting radically divergent moral outlooks in different cultures. But traditional ethnography gives little guidance about what people’s moral attitudes would be under idealized circumstances. In the 1950s, Brandt’s began a study of the Hopis aimed at providing the sort of ethnography that would be useful to philosophers 21 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Brandt found a number of examples of moral differences between Hopis & white Americans that he could not trace to non-moral disagreement Hopi have no moral qualms about allowing children to “play” with small animals in a way which causes them great pain, breaks their bones and ultimately kills them Brandt looked for evidence that the disagreement between the Hopis’ moral view and the view of contemporary white Americans was superficial But he found none 22 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Hopi do not believe that these animals lack the capacity to feel pain nor do they believe (e.g.) that animals are rewarded for martyrdom in the afterlife nor could Brandt find any other nonmoral belief or failure of imagination that could account for the disagreement 23 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Brandt concluded that these moral disagreements are fundamental they reflect a “basic difference of attitude” which would not disappear under idealized conditions like those that his own “qualified attitude theory” specified 24 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data He went on to argue that the “Qualified Attitude Theory” (his own justification-based version of the Ideal Observer Theory) led to relativism and that some semantic versions of the Ideal Observer Theory led to skepticism 25 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Richard Nisbett’s studies of attitudes toward honor & violence in “Cultures of Honor” is a rich source of evidence suggesting that some very important examples of moral disagreement are fundamental 26 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Richard Nisbett’s studies of attitudes toward honor & violence in “Cultures of Honor” is a rich source of evidence suggesting that some very important examples of moral disagreement are fundamental 27 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data “A key aspect of the culture of honor is the importance placed on the insult and the necessity to respond to it. An insult implies that the target is weak enough to be bullied. Since a reputation for strength is of the essence in the culture of honor, the individual who insults someone must be forced to retract; if the instigator refuses, he must be punished – with violence or even death.” (Nisbett and Cohen 1996: 5) 28 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Cultures of honor tend to arise in situations where resources are liable to theft and where the state’s coercive apparatus cannot be relied on to prevent or punish theft These conditions often occur in relatively remote areas where herding is the main viable form of agriculture; the "portability" of herd animals makes them prone to theft They also occur in many urban, inner city areas where police protection for minorities is unreliable 29 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Cultures of honor exhibit considerable cultural inertia, persisting for many generations after the conditions that gave rise to them disappeared Parts of the American South were originally settled by Scotch-Irish herders with a long culture of honor tradition Nisbett & Cohen argue that a culture of honor persists among white southerners in the USA They support this claim with data of various sorts, including 30 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Demographic data indicating that among southern whites homicides are more common in regions where herding once was common white males in the South are much more likely than white males in other regions to be involved in homicides resulting from arguments they are not more likely to be involved in homicides that occur in the course of a robbery or other felony 31 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Survey data indicating that white southerners are more likely to believe that violence is “extremely justified” in response to a variety of affronts that if a man fails to respond violently, he is “not much of a man” 32 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Legal scholarship indicating that southern states “give citizens more freedom to use violence in defending themselves, their homes, and their property" 33 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Particularly compelling were a field study of moral responses to culture of honor violence and a series of laboratory experiments In the field study letters were sent to hundreds of employers in the North & South. The letters purported to be from a 27 year old Michigan man who had one blemish on his otherwise solid record. 34 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data One letter explained: “I have been convicted of manslaughter… I got into a fight with someone who was having an affair with my fiancée…. He confronted me in front of my friends at a bar,… told everyone that he and my fiancée were sleeping together, …laughed at me to my face, and asked me to step outside if I was man enough.” The other letter explained that the “applicant” had “stolen a couple of expensive cars” at a time when he needed money to support his family. 35 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Southern employers were more likely to be sympathetic in response to the manslaughter incident than the car theft. There was no such difference in responses from northern employers. 36 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data One southern employer wrote back: “As for your problems of the past, anyone could probably be in the situation you were in. It was just an unfortunate incident that should not be held against you. Your honesty shows that you are sincere…. I wish you the best of luck for your future. You have a positive attitude and a willingness to work. These are qualities that businesses look for in employees.” No northern employers were comparably sympathetic. 37 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data The laboratory experiments were conducted on white, male (mostly upper middle class) University of Michigan undergraduates from the North & the South Subjects were told saliva samples would be collected to measure blood sugar as they performed various tasks After a sample was collected, Ss walked down a narrow corridor where they were bumped by a confederate who called the S an “asshole” A 2nd saliva sample was collected & both samples tested for cortisol (associated with stress) & testosterone (associated with dominance behavior & aggression) 38 85 15 80 % Change in Testosterone Level % Change in Cortisol Level 75 70 65 60 55 50 45 40 35 10 5 30 0 0 Control Insult Control Culture of Honor Subjects Non-Culture of Honor Subjects Insult Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data These findings suggest that moral attitudes about the appropriateness of violence in response to insults will not converge even under idealized circumstances, and thus that these disagreements are fundamental To see why, consider the standard examples of “defusing explanations” used by Moral Realists to argue that disagreement is not fundamental 40 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data The disagreement is caused or sustained by disagreement about relevant non-moral facts It is hard to see what these non-moral facts might be We know (for example) that there are no systematic religious differences between the Northern & Southern students in Nisbett’s experiment Nor is there any reason to think that Northerners did not believe that calling someone an “asshole” is an insult 41 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Of course, it is always possible that there is an unsuspected systematic difference in belief But it seems clear that the burden of argument falls squarely on those who deny that the moral disagreements between culture of honor subjects and non-culture of honor subjects are fundamental 42 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data The disagreement is caused by one group or the other failing to be impartial There is no “reason to think that southerners’ economic interests are served by being quick on the draw, while northerners’ economic interests are served by turning the other cheek”. (Doris & Plakias, p. 30) 43 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data The disagreement is caused by one group or the other being significantly more irrational On thin interpretations of rationality, this is singularly implausible It is perhaps more plausible on “thick” interpretations of rationality because … 44 45 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data So they are OBVIOUSLY IRRATIONAL But, of course, thick interpretations of rationality are typically normatively loaded, and thus question begging 46 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data The Geography of Morals Project (Doris, Peng, Uskul, Nichols & Stich) Inspired by Nisbett’s findings EAs are more collectivist; Ws are more individualist The EA conception of the person emphasizes social roles (mother, teacher) and de-emphasizes “context independent attributes”(honest, gregarious) This suggests EAs would take a harsher view of transgressions destructive of group ties & a more lenient view of transgressions that benefit the group 47 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Note that if these psychological differences have a significant impact on moral judgment, it is plausible that the resulting disagreement is fundamental 48 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Experiment I Subjects were Asian & non–Asian undergrads at U.C. Berkeley All experimental material was in English Experiment 2 Subjects were Chinese students in Beijing & non-Asian undergrads at U.C. Santa Cruz Experimental material was translated into Chinese for Chinese subjects 49 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Case I: The Magistrate & the Mob An unidentified member of an ethnic group is known to be responsible for a murder that occurred in a town. This causes many of the townspeople to become extremely hostile towards the ethnic group. Because the town has a history of severe ethnic conflict and rioting, the town's Police Chief and Judge know that if they do not immediately identify and punish a culprit, the townspeople will start antiethnic rioting that will cause great damage to property owned by members of the ethnic group, and a considerable number of serious injuries and deaths in the ethnic population. But nobody in the community knows who the murderer is, or where to find him. 50 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data The Police Chief and Judge are faced with a dilemma. They can falsely accuse, convict, and imprison Mr. Smith, an innocent member of the ethnic group, in order to prevent the riots. Or they can continue hunting for the guilty man, thereby allowing the anti-ethnic riots to occur, and do the best they can to combat the riots until the guilty man is apprehended. After discussing and debating their options at length, the Police Chief and Judge decide to falsely accuse, convict, and imprison Mr. Smith, the innocent member of the ethnic group, in order to prevent the riots. They do so, thereby preventing the riots and preventing a considerable number of ethnic group deaths and serious injuries. 51 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data The (Western!) philosophical consensus on cases like this is clear. “Judges ought not to find the innocent guilty in order to prevent riots in the street, period.” (Bloomfield 2001) “Someone [who] really thinks, in advance, that it is open to question whether such an action as procuring the judicial execution of the innocent [is permissible] should be quite excluded from consideration-- I do not want to argue with him; 52 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data The (Western!) philosophical consensus on cases like this is clear. “Judges ought not to find the innocent guilty in order to prevent riots in the street, period.” (Bloomfield 2001) “Someone [who] really thinks, in advance, that it is open to question whether such an action as procuring the judicial execution of the innocent [is permissible] should be quite excluded from consideration-- I do not want to argue with him; he shows a corrupt mind.” (Anscombe 1958) Compare (even!) Smart (1973) 53 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data However, in both Experiment I (with Asian-Americans) & Experiment II (with Chinese students) the Asians were less inclined to make these judgments 55 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Here are some of the moral questions subjects were asked: 4. The Police Chief and Judge did the morally right thing 5. The Police Chief and Judge did the morally wrong thing 6. The Police Chief and Judge should be punished for what they did 8. The Police Chief and Judge should feel guilty for what they did 12. The Police Chief and Judge are responsible for Mr. Smith being falsely accused, convicted and imprisoned 13. The townspeople are responsible for Mr. Smith being falsely accused, convicted and imprisoned 56 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data … and here are some of the factual questions subjects were asked: 1. Being falsely accused, convicted, and imprisoned caused Mr. Smith to suffer 2. Mr. Smith being falsely accused, convicted, and imprisoned caused Mr. Smith’s friends, family, and loved ones to suffer 3. If the riots occurred, they would have caused members of the ethnic group to suffer 57 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Results Chinese subjects were significantly less likely to think that the Police Chief & the Judge did was morally wrong They were significantly more likely to think that what they did was morally right They were significantly less likely to say that the Police Chief & the Judge should be punished Chinese subjects were significantly more likely to hold the potential rioters responsible for the scapegoating Suggesting that they attributed more responsibility at the level of the collective than did their more 58 individualist counterparts Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Case II: Promiscuity Jack and Debbie have been happily married for 15 years. Jack’s best friend from childhood, Casey, is passing through town on business, and Jack and Debbie invite him to stay at their house for a few days. All three of them have a great time, drinking, eating, laughing, and talking over old times. On the morning before Casey is scheduled to leave, Jack is called in to work to deal with an emergency. “Casey, old friend,” Jack says, “I’m sorry I won’t be here to see you off. But I want you to enjoy our fullest hospitality.” 59 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Looking meaningfully at Debbie, Jack says, “Debbie will be pleased to see to your every need, won’t you, Debbie?” The implication is clear: Jack is inviting Casey to have sex with his wife. After Jack leaves, Debbie and Casey have sex. 60 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data 2. What Jack did was morally wrong 3. What Jack did was morally right 4. Jack should be punished for what he did 5. Jack should have been prevented from doing what he did 6. If what Jack did was not customary in his culture, it would be morally wrong 7. If what Jack did was customary in his culture, it would be morally right 8. I would be bothered by what Jack did, even if it were customary in his culture 61 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Results Chinese subjects were more likely to agree that this behavior is morally wrong They were less likely to agree that it was morally right They were more likely to think that Jack should be punished for doing what he did They were more likely to think that Jack should have been prevented from doing what he did 62 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data These results indicate that Chinese subjects were more likely to think this kind of sexual behavior is appropriately morally condemned, subject to punitive responses, and legitimately interfered with These findings are predicted by the hypothesis that Chinese culture is more collectivist since this kind of sexual behavior is, intuitively, a threat to the family, among the most important forms of association in a collectivist culture 63 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Case III: Honor Jack and Debbie have been happily married for 15 years. Jack’s best friend from childhood, Casey, is passing through town on business, and Jack and Debbie invite him to stay at their house for a few days. All three of them have a great time, drinking, eating, laughing, and talking over old times. On the morning before Casey is scheduled to leave, Jack is called in to work to deal with an emergency. 64 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data When he returns a few hours later, he finds Debbie and Casey lying on the couch, naked in each other’s arms. They have obviously been having sex. Jack is enraged; his best friend and wife have betrayed him. “Bastard,” he shouts at Casey. “How can you insult a man like this, when you are a guest in his home?” Casey tries to respond, but before he can do anything, Jack pulls a knife, stabbing and killing him. 65 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Subjects were asked many of the same questions they were asked about the promiscuity case. They were also asked some additional questions, including: 1. What Casey and Debbie did caused Jack to suffer 2. What Jack did caused Casey and Debbie to suffer 66 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Results Chinese subjects were less likely to think the homicide committed by Jack was morally wrong They were more likely to think it was morally right They were less likely to think Jack should be punished They were more likely to assent to the statement, “If what Jack did was customary in his culture, it would be morally right.” 67 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data Again, most of these results can be explained by the hypothesis that Chinese morality is more collectivist The Chinese subjects are more tolerant of violence in response to an anti-collective behavior – the individual pursuit of sexual gratification at the expense of a collective – the family If that is right, then it is plausible that the disagreement is fundamental 68 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data None of the standard “defusing explanations” look plausible There were no differences between Chinese & Westerners on any of the non-moral questions, like: What Casey and Debbie did caused Jack to suffer. What Jack did caused Casey and Debbie to suffer. It is hard to see how either group might be considered less impartial And it is hard to take seriously the suggestion that one group or the other suffers from irrationality 69 Is (Some) Moral Disagreement Fundamental? A Look at the Data or that 1.3 billion Chinese have … corrupt minds! Elizabeth Anscombe 70 “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory 74 “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory We are under no illusions that this study (and others that point in the same direction) will convince those who think there is little or no fundamental moral disagreement Those skeptical about fundamental moral disagreement might raise a variety of objections focusing on the details of these studies including possible sources of superficial disagreement that have not been ruled out 75 “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory To address these “Yes, but …” objections and move the debate forward, I believe that we need an empirically supported theory of the psychological mechanisms underlying the acquisition & utilization of moral norms and of how those mechanisms might have evolved. Chandra Sripada & I have recently published a theory aimed at doing that 76 “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory Sripada & Stich, “A Frame-work for the Psychology of Norms,” in The Innate Mind: Culture & Cognition, ed. by Carruthers, Laurence & Stich, Oxford Univ. Press, 2006 77 infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism other emotion triggers Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system beliefs judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment post-hoc justification causal links that are well supported by empirical findings causal links for which there is currently little evidence The Model Claims that Moral Judgments infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism other emotion triggers Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system beliefs judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment post-hoc justification causal links that are well supported by empirical findings causal links for which there is currently little evidence The Model Claims that Moral Judgments infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism other emotion triggers Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system beliefs judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment causal links that are well supported by empirical findings are largely determined by the causal links for which there is currently little evidence rules in the norm data base post-hoc justification The Model Claims that Moral Judgments infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism other emotion triggers Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system beliefs judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment that are well supported by empirical findings whichcausal arelinks largely determined by the causal links for which there is currently little evidence acquisition mechanism post-hoc justification The Model Claims that Moral Judgments infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism other emotion triggers Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system beliefs judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment links that are well supported by empirical findings which iscausal heavily influenced by the norms causal links for which there is currently little evidence that prevail in the social environment post-hoc justification infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism other emotion triggers Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system beliefs judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment So people who grow up in social environments in causal links that are well supported by empirical findings which different norms prevail will often make different causal links for which there is currently little evidence moral judgments… even in ideal conditions post-hoc justification infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism other emotion triggers Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system beliefs judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment So people who grow up in social environments in causal links that are well supported by empirical findings which different norms prevail will often make different causal links for which there is currently little evidence moral judgments… even in ideal conditions post-hoc justification “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory Sripada & I survey a substantial body of evidence which, we maintain, is consistent with this model But rather than review that evidence, I want to close by considering a prima facie disquieting feature of the S&S model, viz. it suggests that reason can play only a peripheral role in our moral lives 85 “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory In a recent paper, Leland Saunders has argued that this is mistaken and that the S&S model actually supports an influential account of the use of reason in ethics, viz, a psychologized version of Rawlsian Reflective Equilibrium 86 “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory In the 1st step in Saunders’ account, a deliberative moral agent generates lots of judgments about actual and hypothetical cases in a given moral domain 87 infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system other emotion triggers J1 J2 beliefs J5 J6 judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment J3 J4 post-hoc justification “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory Next, the deliberative agent attempts to articulate a moral principle (or set of principles) that will capture those cases That, as Rawls notes, will often require ignoring one or more of the judgments The process is one that requires explicit, often painstaking, reasoning 89 infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system other emotion triggers J1 J2 beliefs J5 J6 judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment J3 J4 post-hoc justification Pr “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory The deliberative agent then forms a commitment to adhere to the principle – which may be thought of as a belief that one ought to do what the principle requires 91 infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system other emotion triggers beliefs judgment DO punitive motivation Pr explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment post-hoc justification “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory Acting on that belief will often require that the principle be explicitly rehearsed One says to oneself, “I ought (or ought not) to do A” This repeated, linguistically explicit, rehearsal mimics one of the principle environmental cues for norm acquisition And that (sometimes) will lead to the principle being internalized by the norm system 93 infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism Proximal Cues in Environment Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------- P r Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system other emotion triggers DO beliefs P r judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Explicit verbal rehearsal of Pr post-hoc justification “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory Subsequent spontaneous judgments & behaviors will be the product of rationally generated norms 95 infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… Pr rn---------Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system other emotion triggers beliefs judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment post-hoc justification “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory As Saunders notes, this process is probably relatively rare, since it is both complicated and arduous 97 infer contents of normative rules identify norm implicating behavior Acquisition Mechanism Execution Mechanism norm data base r1---------r2---------r3---------…… rn---------- Pr Rule-related reasoning capacity compliance motivation emotion system other emotion triggers J1 J2 beliefs J5 J6 judgment punitive motivation explicit reasoning Proximal Cues in Environment Explicit verbal rehearsal of Pr J3 J4 post-hoc justification Pr “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory Also, as Saunders does not explicitly note, deliberative agents who start with quite different, socially acquired norms are likely to end up with different judgment-capturing principles and thus with different rationally generated norms 99 “Yes, but…” Some Support From a Theory They will be Rawlsian Rational Agents with Fundamental Moral Disagreements 100 The End