THE APPROPRIATE ASSISTANCE FOR HMONG COLLEGE STUDENTS
A Thesis
Presented to the faculty of the Department of Educational Leadership & Policy Studies
California State University, Sacramento
Submitted in partial satisfaction of
the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
in
EDUCATION
(Higher Education Leadership)
by
Wyler Yang
SPRING
2012
© 2012
Wyler Yang
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
ii
THE APPROPRIATE ASSISTANCE FOR HMONG COLLEGE STUDENTS
A Thesis
by
Wyler Yang
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Rosemary Blanchard, Ph.D.
__________________________________, Second Reader
Ka Va, Ph.D.
____________________________
Date
iii
Student: Wyler Yang
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University
format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to
be awarded for the thesis.
__________________________, Graduate Coordinator
Geni Cowan, Ph.D.
Department of Education Leadership and Policy Studies
iv
___________________
Date
Abstract
of
THE APPROPRIATE ASSISTANCE FOR HMONG COLLEGE STUDENTS
by
Wyler Yang
Brief Literature Review
Since the arrival of the Hmong in the United States as war refugees, they have
been shadowed by the Asian Minority Success Myth (Ngo & Lee, 2007) which holds that
all Asians and Asian Americans excel in the classroom. A Critical Race Theory analysis
of this model and the varieties of Cultural Capital brought to this Acculturation process
shows Hmong students at a disadvantage (Bourdieu, 1986; DePouw, 2012; Perna &
Thomas, 2008; Rick, 1988). Other literature suggests hidden Cultural Capital, positive
characteristics of Biculturation and positive outcomes of Hybridity can promote
education success among minority students (Lowe, 2000; Rick, 1988; Yosso, 2005).
Statement of the Problem
Not all Hmong college students go through the same challenges. This study
categorizes Hmong college students by various demographic variables to determine
challenges they face from family, community, institution and self as they pursue their
higher education. It explores what might be most supportive of Hmong college student
success.
v
Methodology
The researcher surveyed Hmong college students at one California university
during the 2011-2012 academic year about the challenges they face in completing their
college education and the resources they draw upon and the ways in which their path
through college could be better supported. The students self-identified as Hmong and
were contacted through the Hmong University Student Association. Participant responses
were coded and analyzed to identify patterns of responses that pointed to common issues
and to differences among subgroups within the Hmong students.
Conclusions and Recommendations
Students surveyed were primarily from two categories: Adjusting-Animist-Male
and Adjusting-Animist-Female. The greatest differences in responses were tied to
gender, with males facing self-related challenges and females facing family-related
challenges. Both faced Institution-related challenges. Problems of support were tied
more to difficulties in students reaching out for help rather than institutional refusal.
Future research regarding Hmong college students should begin at the high school
level, and study the intersections of culture, surroundings and self-concept as these affect
Hmong students’ difficulties in reaching out to others in their educational environment.
_______________________, Committee Chair
Rosemary Ann Blanchard, Ph.D.
_______________________
Date
vi
DEDICATION
First of all I’d dedicate this thesis to my great-grandfather Boua Yia Yang, my
late grandfather Boua Tong Yang and all my ancestors before them; finally a descendant
from our clan has stepped into the post-secondary education arena, from a diaspora to an
education. I would also like to dedicate this to Autumn Yang who is my drive and Emily
my support. I’d like to thank my father (Joua Sue Yang) and my mother (Sy Lee) for
their sacrifices and hardships to make my education a possibility; sorry for taking so
long. My brothers and sisters: Nick, Cindy, Scott, Kasie, Johnathan, Xavier, Melissa,
Franklin, Sonny, Stephanie, Johnny thank you for your help and support. And to my
nieces and nephews: Kyle, Kilby, Austin, Daisy, Adele, Lilly, Grant, Legend, Nikki,
Aeris, Tiger, Cloud, Angel, Ahnna, Luke, Magic, Lila, Liam, Blossom, Chance, Phoenix
– it’s okay and possible to be “cool” and still be educated, also I said I would mentioned
your guys’ name somewhere in here.
Lastly I’d like to thank my advisors. Dr. Rosemary Blanchard, my research would
not have been what it is without your guidance. I am honored and fortunate to have you
as an advisor in your last year at CSU-Sacramento. Sac State will be losing a valuable
resource with your retirement. Also Dr. Ka Va who agreed to be my second reader.
Your time, edits, and comments were much appreciated.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Dedication .................................................................................................................. vii
List of Tables .............................................................................................................. x
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION ………...……………………………………………………… 1
Background ....................................................................................................... 1
Purpose of the Research .................................................................................... 2
Statement of Problem .........................................................................................3
Significant of the Study .....................................................................................3
Definition of Terms............................................................................................4
Limitation of the Study ..................................................................................... 8
Organization of the Remainder of Thesis ......................................................... 8
2. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ............................................................. 10
Introduction .................................................................................................... 10
Brief History of the Hmong ............................................................................ 11
Hmong Status in United States ........................................................................14
Theoretical Frameworks ..................................................................................23
Critical Race Theory ............................................................................24
Success Models ...................................................................................25
Acculturation........................................................................................38
Culture Capital .....................................................................................45
Biculturation ........................................................................................52
Hybridity ..............................................................................................57
Rationale for the Study ....................................................................................62
Summary ..........................................................................................................63
3. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA ................................................................................. 64
Design of the Study......................................................................................... 64
viii
Population and Sample ................................................................................... 64
Data Collection ............................................................................................... 65
Instrumentation ............................................................................................... 66
Data Analysis Procedures ............................................................................... 68
4. DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATIONS ................................................. 71
Analysis........................................................................................................... 71
Findings........................................................................................................... 75
Interpretations ................................................................................................. 82
5. SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, RECOMMENDATIONS .................................... 86
Summary ......................................................................................................... 86
Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 93
Recommendations ........................................................................................... 99
Appendix A. Research Survey ................................................................................. 100
Appendix B. Survey Results Analyzed .................................................................... 101
Appendix C. Challenge Responses in Relations to Assistances .............................. 102
Appendix D. Student Identification Responses ....................................................... 103
Appendix E. Classification Responses Breakdown ..................................................104
Appendix F. Survey Question Five Challenge Responses....................................... 105
Appendix G. Survey Question Six Known Assistance Responses .......................... 109
Appendix H. Survey Questions Seven through Ten Responses .............................. 113
References ................................................................................................................. 116
ix
LIST OF TABLES
Tables
Page
1.
Hmong 2000 Census…………………………………………………………. 16
2.
Family Classification Guide …………...…….………………………………. 67
3.
Adjusting Animist-Male Student Results .…………………...………………. 71
4.
Adjusting Animist-Female Student Results .………………...………………. 72
5.
Adjusting Christian-Male Student Results…………………...………………. 73
6.
Adjusting Christian-Female Student Results…………………………………. 74
7.
AdjA-M Specified Challenges and Obstacles Responses ………………….... 79
8.
AdjA-F Specified Challenges and Obstacles Response ……………...……… 80
9.
AdjA-M Specified Types of Assistance Most Wanted/Helpful ......…………. 81
10.
AdjA-F Specified Types of Assistance Most Wanted/Helpful ……….……... 81
x
1
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
Background
It was in the mid-1970s that Hmong families first relocated and continued
relocating into the United States of America as war refugees. Since then, Hmong families
have continued to immigrate to the United States in several waves. The families who
migrated here before have now raised children to become first-generation college
students. Among Hmong students attending college institutions, their performance and
success rate are not as comparable to the other Asian ethnicities as the Asian American
Minority Model would suggest (Ngo & Lee, 2007).
The Hmong population is classified under Asian Americans; however, they are
overshadowed by major Asian ethnic groups such as the Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese,
who have proven to be able to perform well academically (Lor, 2008). Salam and
Sanandaji (2011) mentioned the performance gap difference between the Hispanics and
African American student populations on one hand, and Asians and whites on the other.
Asians are classified with whites as people who perform generally better than other
ethnic groups. Although the majority of Asians (Chinese, Japanese, Korean) do perform
exceptionally well, the Hmong are a minority of a minority with different cultural
development and history than other more numerous Asian groups. This overshadowing
illustrates a misrepresentation that all Asian Americans perform well in school when in
fact it is not always true.
2
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study is to identify factors that could improve the success rate
among Hmong college students. The Hmong population in the United States is on the
rise. From the 2010 Census, the national total was 260,076, which increased from
186,310 that were recorded in 2000. That is about a 40 percent increase from the national
total in a period of 10 years (Pfeifer, 2012). Unlike other Asian ethnic groups, the
Hmong are here to stay because, as war refugees, they cannot return to their home
country. In addition, the history of the Hmong people itself has complicated the whole
concept of “home country.” The Hmong population, similar to the Hispanic population is
on the rise and here to stay, overall having an identifiable impact on United States
economic performance and the image of the United States work force (Salam &
Sanandaji, 2011).
The Hmong, similar to other low-performing Asians ethnic groups in education,
have been perceived as being successful in education with the Asian minority success
myth, meaning all Asians do well in education without special assistance (Ngo & Lee,
2007). The Hmong have only had access to a clock or watch for the last 30 to 40 years
(Lee & Tapp, 2010). The Hmong language did not include a written lexigraphy until the
mid-1950s and that was a product of Christian missionary activity. In the late 1970’s, the
first Hmong came to the United States as war refugees expected to learn a new language,
culture, and writing system. A majority were illiterate in their own language, although
some were literate in Lao, French and/or Thai. They were now asked to become literate
or teach their children to be literate in another language. Thus, is not surprising that
3
Hmong students have not always measured up to the essentialist stereotype of being
successful in education because they were Asian (Ngo & Lee, 2007).
Statement of Problem
The intention of this research is help Hmong students succeed in higher
education. The researcher will examine differences and challenges a Hmong college
student faces and what assistance they would most benefit from receiving based on
characteristics which emerge from the research. Specific questions addressed are:
1. What are challenges Hmong student face when completing college?
2. What are the types of assistance Hmong students need or find most helpful
when completing college?
3. Do Hmong students face different challenges and obstacles based on such
factors as their family background, their adaptation to living in the United
States or other identifiable characteristics?
Significance of the Study
This research will add to the body of literature of the Hmong educational
experience in the United States by identifying current challenges and problems Hmong
students face. This study is also significant because the researcher is also Hmong and the
study will be a study conducted within the Hmong population instead of a study from an
outsider looking in. The study seeks to identify types of assistance these students need
most or find most helpful, and to identify any demographic characteristics such as family
4
background and contemporary family practices, gender, cultural practices, learning styles,
etc., which have implications for Hmong student success in post-secondary educational
settings.
Definition of Terms
In this research, the researcher creates a classification guide to categorize and
identify characteristics of the Hmong students included in the study based on their family
background and status in the United States. The data analysis also includes several terms
that will require clarification in order to understand the data and its significance.
Biculturation- the process of acculturation; balancing and dealing with two cultures at
once.
Hybridity- the product of biculturation, it is reached at a point where minorities fuse their
culture with the host culture into a new culture. This new culture consists of traditional
values and behaviors along with values and behaviors from the host culture.
Settling Family- a settling family consists of students who have lived no longer than six
years in the United States Both of the parents are born outside of the United States
Adjusting Family- an Adjusting family consists of students who were born in the U.S or
have lived in the United States longer than ten years. At least one of the parents is born
outside of the United States
Adapted Family- an Adapted family consists of students who were born in the United
States, both of the parents must also be born in the United States
Animism- the traditional Hmong religion.
5
Christianity- the most prevalent new religion of Hmong conversion in the United States
Financial- all money-related items or problems
Institution- anything related or in regards to the formal institution of education at the
college level, which includes and not limited to: the environment, programs, faculty,
courses, and paths to successful college completion.
Family- refers to all content that deals with family structure and involvement.
Self- refers to all content in regards to the student’s conception of him/herself, including
self-identity, self-control and other characteristics unique to the student that are not easily
susceptible to direct external control. For example, the parent can send the student to
school, but the parent cannot control whether or not the student goes to class; the teacher
can give an assignment but cannot control how or even if the student will complete the
assignment or complete it in the manner which the teacher intended.
Hmong Community- refers to all content regarding the Hmong community, it may
include: friends, peers, elders, Hmong scholars, non-profit agencies, newsletters, etc.
Data Definitions
Settling Animist Male (SA-M) – a student who was born outside of the United States or
has resided no longer than ten years in the United States, and who practices the traditional
Hmong religion (Animism) and is a male student.
Settling Animist Female (SA-F) – a student who was born outside of the United States or
has resided no longer than ten years in the United States who practices the traditional
Hmong religion (Animism) and is a female student.
6
Settling Christian Male (SC-M) – a student who was born outside of the United States or
has resided no longer than ten years in the United States, who practices one or more
varieties of Christianity and is a male student.
Settling Christian Female (SC-F) – a student who was born outside of the United States
or has resided no longer than ten years in the United States, who practices one or more
varieties of Christianity and is a female student.
Adjusting Animist Male (AdjA-M)- male students who were born in the United States or
have resided in the United States longer than ten years, while one of their parent was born
outside of the United States. The family still follows the traditional Hmong religion.
Adjusting Animist Female (AdjA-F) - female students who were born in the United
States or have resided in the United States longer than ten years, while one of their parent
was born outside of the United States. The family still follows the traditional Hmong
religion.
Adjusting Christian Male (AdjC-M)- male students who were born in the United States or
have resided in the United States longer than ten years, while one of their parent was born
outside of the United States The family has converted into Christianity
Adjusting Christian Female (AdjC-F) - female students who were born in the United
States or have resided in the United States longer than ten years, while one of their parent
was born outside of the United States. The family has converted into Christianity
Adapted Animist Male (AdaA-M) - male students who were born in the United States
along with both parents and are Animist.
7
Adapted Animist Female (AdaA-F) - female students who were born in the United States
along with both parents and are Animist.
Adapted Christian Male (AdaC-M) - male students who were born in the United States
along with both parents and are Christians.
Adapted Christian Female (AdaC-F) - female students who were born in the United
States along with both parents and are Christians.
Financial challenges and obstacles- revolve around issues and stress from lack of:
financial resources, work, balancing work and school, and freedom from the financial
burden to be able to focus more on school
Institution challenges and obstacles- are the variety of challenges arising from
participation in a college or university program, including such challenges as: the
availability of courses and programs, adjusting to a multicultural college environment,
access to and use of advising and counseling, low grades and grade point averages, career
and faculty outreach, etc.
Family challenges and obstacles- are challenges that arise with a student’s involvement
with his or her family. These may be related to acculturation: balancing cultural gender
roles, to helping parents with bills, running errands for family, and participation in
cultural events like funerals, etc.
N/A- refers to answers from the survey that had no answers or not computable.
Self-challenges and obstacles- are issues and challenges that are on a personal level and
self-related such as: staying focus, time management, motivation, etc.
8
Community challenges and obstacles- are issues arising within the Hmong community
that have a direct impact such as: presence or absence of role models, interactions with
non-profit agencies, community expectations, etc.
Limitations of the Study
This research is limited in its applicability to the issues affecting all Hmong
college students wherever situated, because the population consists of only students from
a single campus of the California State University system. Students from two year
community colleges and other Universities were not participants in the data collection.
In addition, the data was gathered at only one period in time and thus cannot capture the
changes over time in students’ perceptions of their situation. The researcher was also
only able to gather sufficient data on two out of the twelve possible types of Hmong
students. In particular, the students who responded to the survey were all from the
adjusting generation. All but three of the respondents were from Animist-practicing
backgrounds. Thus, the results of the study can most directly be applied to male and
female Hmong college students, born in the United States of immigrant parents from an
Animist family background.
Organization of the Remainder of Thesis
Chapter Two, the literature review, is divided into three sections. The first section
is an overview of the Hmong culture, traditional family, and history. The second section
will include research on what it takes to be successful in college. The last section will
9
include literature that revolves around the acculturation and accommodation process of
minorities from cultural and linguistic backgrounds as they adapt to the culture of higher
education institutions.
Chapter Three discusses the setting of the study, population and sample, and the
research instrument and the overall design of the study.
Chapter Four is an analysis of the data collected. It includes the findings from the
data collected for the survey questions.
Chapter Five consists of a summary of the research along with the conclusion of
the relationships between the literature and findings. Lastly, it provides suggestions to
help Hmong students complete college based on the current findings and recommend
future possible research topics that are identified through this research.
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Chapter 2
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
Introduction
The first section of the literature reviews consists of three subtopics, a brief
history of the Hmong people, and the Hmong status in the U.S. and then it examines the
social, cultural, and family structures of the Hmong. The first section illustrates the
social, cultural, and family norms of the Hmong that may be different from the United
States mainstream.
The second section of the literature review centers around research on what it
takes for students of color, first-generation college students, and other non-traditional
college students to complete college. Research in this section was based on
characteristics that are important in order to be successful in college as identified by
Perna and Thomas (2008), and examples of the changes in policy from institutions that
have improved their minority success rate as discussed by Smith and Wendel (2005).
The third section of the literature review focuses on processes of acculturation and
accommodation, as students from minority cultural and linguistic backgrounds adapt to
the culture of higher education institutions. From their existing sociocultural framework,
they will create their own identities in relationship to these environments and its effect on
students who have to deal with the process of biculturation while pursuing their higher
education. It will contain previous research and literature on Hmong and other minorities
11
alike who deal with the positives and negatives of acculturation and will include
contemporary research on the Hmong American student experience.
Brief History of the Hmong
The origin stories of the Hmong themselves rely on oral folktale and traditions.
According to Chinese scholars the Hmong have been traced back to central Asia from as
far as 5,000 BC (Pfaff 1995). The Hmong were called Miao by the Chinese, which was a
classification of barbarians or minority groups in China. The Chinese grouped the
Hmong with several other ethnic groups, such as the A Hmao, QhoXiong, and Hmu
people, under the name Miao (Lee &Tapp, 2010). The word Hmong is not a term that
can be written in traditional Chinese, and for that reason all historical records of China
speak only about the Miao (Lee & Tapp, 2010).
There are five chronological periods that Lee and Tapp (2008) used to illustrate
the history of the Hmong. The first is the Legendary Period, ranging from 2300-200
BCE, when they lived in the basin of the Yellow River of China. It is around that time
period when they joined Chiyou in his fight against the Chinese’s Yellow Emperor (Lee
& Tapp, 2010). After Chiyou’s defeat the Hmong continued to resist Chinese rule
through the Xia Dynasty, ranging from 2100-1600 BCE, creating the tribal San-Miao
alliance (Lee & Tapp, 2010).
The second era is the Unidentified Period that ranged from 200 BC-1200 CE. In
this era there were only a few brief references to the Hmong in the historical records of
the Tang and Song dynasties, which ranged from 618-1279 (Lee &Tapp, 2010). The
12
Hmong were not mentioned again until their uprisings in the Yuan dynasty, from 12711368 (Lee & Tapp, 2010).
The third era, called the Early Modern Period, ranged from 1368-1918 CE. It was
around 1200-1644 that the Ming dynasty divided the Hmong into two groups, the
“Sheng” who refused Chinese assimilation, and the “Shu” who integrated into Chinese
rule (Lee & Tapp, 2010). Later, under the Qing dynasty in 1644-1911, the term Miao
was restricted to more distinct groups of people who were separated into subgroups based
on the color of the dress-up clothing of the women (Lee & Tapp, 2010). It was in this
time period that multiple Hmong rebellions broke out; in 1733-1737, 1795-1806, and
1854 to 1873; as China was tightening its control (Lee & Tapp, 2010). The last revolts,
along with the Panthay Muslims in Yunnan province, were around 1851-1864. After they
lost, some stayed in China while others made their way to Southeast Asia (Lee & Tapp,
2010). Some Hmong believe they had migrated to Laos as early as 1810 (Lee & Tapp,
2010). The highlands and mountains were chosen for settling in order to avoid
confrontation with the people already living in the region. The Hmong were introduced
to the French in Southeast Asia as they paid French tax from planting opium; sometimes
tax collectors were ambushed, which resulted in the first official position of kiatong
(canton chief) being given to a Hmong person (Lee & Tapp, 2010).
The fourth era is the Modern Period, ranging from 1918-1974 (Lee & Tapp,
2010). During this era Hmong leaders began to get more involved in the host country.
The term Miao began to be used as a derogatory term by the Laotians during this period.
Regardless of the barriers they faced the Hmong continued to gradually become more
13
involved in the host society. Positions were granted and made to be filled with Hmong
officials as the Hmong population rose and needed to be managed. It was in this era that
the Hmong were first recruited by the French, in 1921, to put down the Pachay revolt, the
war/revolt of the “insane” led by Hmong figure Pachay Vue (Lee & Tapp, 2010). The
Hmong assisted in hiding the French from Japanese troops during WWII in Indochina,
and also were instructed to create a guerrilla force with French support to combat the Viet
Minh, who were against French colonization (Lee & Tapp, 2010). The Hmong were
separated into two groups, one of which supported the French, and the other which
supported the Viet Minh (Lee & Tapp, 2010). After the French, the United States Central
Intelligence Agency recruited the Hmong for the Vietnam War. The North Vietnamese
supplied their troops by going around United States military defense lines through the
mountains of Laos and back into South Vietnam, a route known as the Ho Chi Minh
Trail. Laos was to remain a neutral country to comply with the Geneva Accords of 1962
and combat traffic along the Ho Chi Minh Trail. The C.I.A secretly recruited the Hmong
to help stop the Ho Chi Minh supply line (Pfaff, 1995). They were the right candidates
because they resided around the area and were familiar with the terrain. Soon a coup
took place in Laos; in spite of Hmong and United States support the Royal family lost.
Inevitably the U.S pulled out of the Vietnam and left all its operations with the Hmong.
The North Vietnamese army was then able to turn its attention to assisting the Pathet
Laos in taking over the country. The Hmong were left to fend for themselves, as many
were killed, massacred and sent to re-education camps.
14
The fifth era is the Post-Modern Period that ranges from 1975 to the present. The
civil war in Laos ended, resulting in 30,000 Hmong troops and 50,000 Hmong civilians
killed, and producing 200,000 Hmong refugees (Lee & Tapp, 2010). The United States,
along with other countries, evacuated some of the Hmong, resettling them in the U.S,
France, Germany, and even Australia. The rest were left behind and were forced into
hiding or to stay in the refugee camps. The Hmong that were lucky left an old war-filled
world and entered a new world hoping for a better life with their former allies.
Hmong Status in the United States
Due to Hmong people being classified along with other minority southeast-Asian
immigrant groups, the actual number of Hmong in the first immigration wave is
unknown. Conflicting dates from the literature also clouds the actual date of the Hmong
first entering the United States But there are considered to be three waves of Hmong
immigration into the United States The first is estimated to be around 1976-1979, the
second from 1980-1982, and the third from 1982 to the present (Lee & Tapp, 2010; Ngo
& Lee, 2007).
Hmong immigrants have not fared as well as other Asian American minorities in
the United States Hmong in the United States are among the poorest and most
undereducated immigrant groups (Su, Lee, Vang, 2005). They face linguistic and
cultural barriers, and economic hardships. Studies have found that Hmong Americans
show more symptoms of depression and psychiatric disorders than any other Southeast
Asian refugee group in the United States (Su, Lee, & Vang, 2005). Among Southeast
15
Asian women, 71 percent meet the criteria for depression and among that 71 percent, 85
percent are Hmong (NAMI, 2011).
Although the 2010 Census has been completed, it lacks a distinct analytical
breakdown of the Hmong population in correlation with the overall U.S population. The
following statistics are from the Hmong 2000 U.S. Census, drafted by a group of
collaborative researchers. Four years after the 2000 U.S. Census data were issued; they
were able to retrospectively identify the Hmong population specifically with respect to
the overall United States population. Based on the 2000 U.S. Census, over one-third of
Hmong in the United States live in poverty. The census also revealed that 47 percent of
Hmong Americans were not in the labor force, meaning that they would not be
considered for hire because of some type of reason, such as disability or were no longer
seeking employment. The census also indicated that 45.3 percent of Hmong Americans
in 2000 had no formal education. In contrast, only 1.4 percent of the overall U.S.
population had no formal education in 2000.
16
Table 1
Hmong 2000 Census
U.S. Hmong
Overall U.S.
Population
186,310
281,421,906
45.3%
1.4%
Receives Public Assistance
30%
3%
Lives in Poverty
38%
12%
$32,384.00
$50,046.00
47%
36%
Category
Overall population
No Education/Schooling
Income Median per Family
Percentage Not in Labor
force (16 and older)
Hmong culture, community, and family structures are complex. From a
comparison of the census, between 1990 and 2000 there was a 97% increase in the
Hmong population. To help Hmong students, one must understand what kind of Hmong
student needs what kind of help. Multiple approaches are necessary. One method to help
a particular Hmong student may not be the same solution or be effective for another. The
ability for Hmong immigrants to live well and be successful in the United States varies,
and is based on factors such as: age, gender, education, attitudes of host community
residents, and mainstream America (Pfaff, 2005). The barriers faced by Hmong students
are many and vary greatly. Each Hmong student is experiencing and has to deal with
different phenomena. Some of these differences may be grounded in categories of
experience which different cohorts of Hmong Americans share with each other (sex, age,
position in family, generations in the United States, etc.). Others will be part of the
unique history, personality, and sociocultural characteristics of the individual student;
17
whether these may be slightly different from similar students or not. Past research and
studies reveal that stages of culture adaptation and family system issues play a big role in
each Hmong American student’s path toward educational attainment and success (Pfaff,
2005).
The Traditional Family
All Hmong are recent immigrants, residing in the United States no longer than
forty years. Their culture, traditions, family structure and roles, and worldviews differ
from American mainstream society. The Hmong have been dominated by larger, more
militarily powerful societies over the centuries. Nonetheless, they have maintained and
preserved a unique identity under several regimes of domination. It is said that some of
their cultures and customs are borrowed or assimilated into their own from the various
dominant societies under which they lived, China having the largest influence (Lee &
Tapp, 2010). The social structure is based on kinship ties through the clan system, made
up of family households. Their social structure is fairly simple and straightforward. It
begins “from the family to the lineage and the clan, each with its own demarcating sets of
rules and behavior expectations” (Lee & Tapp, 2010, p. 192).
The Hmong society consists of patrilineal clans. The family households that
make up the clans are people who have the same lineage (Vang, 2010). Clan identity is
critically important and is reinforced by the sharing of the same last name. Members
with the same surname consider each other to be part of the same clan. This practice has
been always been the Hmong way of life; all members from the same clan should be
18
related somehow by tracing their roots to a common ancestor. However, due to
separation via settlement in different locations and regions, and through time, the
connections were lost since they relied on oral transmission, which geographical
separation can disrupt.
While surnames and lineage are shared, not everyone in a clan is related. A clan
has three levels of relationship. Lee and Tapp (2010) referred to the first level of
relationship with immediate bloodlines as a cluster or brothers (ib cuab kwv tij). The
second level consists of sub-clans which are households who have similar rituals and are
considered one ceremonial household (ibtus dab qhuas) (Vang, 2010) (Lee & Tapp,
2010). In order to be considered close relatives, or of the same household, clan members
must identify a common male ancestor (Vang, 2010). The third level of clan relationship
is established if there are no sub-clan relationships and no common lineage, then they are
considered a different household of that clan.
A household is a kin group and a place for “worship and an appropriate domain
for its living members and for the spirits of the dead relatives on the male side” (Lee &
Tapp, 2010, p. 23). An important distinction between clan members and household
members is that members of the same household can die in another member’s house and
that member would be authorized to provide a funeral. But if a clan member died in the
house of another clan member outside his/her household, the fellow clan member, or
even sub-clan member, would not be permitted to provide a funeral (Vang, 2010). The
structure of Hmong kinship is best described as “a ritual structure with religious rites and
19
beliefs specific to each category of relationships such as the household, the lineage, the
subclan, and the clan” (Lee & Tapp, 2010, p. 23).
Clan membership is granted at birth and is also attainable through adoption.
Membership within a clan provides assistance, security, and a strong sense of identity
(Reavill, 1996). In the Hmong community, individuals are products of their clans.
Individual achievement is viewed as an achievement of the clan instead of an individual
(Lee, 1993). Disgracing oneself is tantamount to disgracing the entire clan. Among the
Hmong, the clan system serves as a powerful unifying tool, but can also be divisive.
The Hmong community is run by clan leaders. With age comes wisdom is the
concept that most Asian cultures follow, including the Hmong (Lee & Tapp, 2010).
Elder respect is highly valued, even by men who run their own households. Men are still
obligated to respect the wishes of their elders (Lee, 1993). Clan leaders, who are
typically elder men, oversee the health and well-being of immediate and extended family.
They also handle community disputes, conflict resolution, and supervise the religious
rituals (Vang, 2010).
Hmong family structures have distinguished roles based on sex and family
membership. The father is head of the family, whose main responsibility is to do the hard
manual labor, make decisions, and fulfill the role of the provider. Usually any dealings,
transactions, or communication outside the family would be his role (Murphy 1997).
Without a father figure, the family would get less respect from the community and their
status would be lower than if they had one (Leavill, 1996).
20
The mother is responsible for all the domestic duties such as childcare, cooking,
and cleaning. Traditionally women have little direct power within the family and in
society. Their primary responsibilities are tending to the basic needs of the family and
childbearing (Leavill, 1996). At traditional gatherings men eat before the women.
Traditionally women don’t handle or hold money, and have little or no authority in
decision-making. If a woman were to be a widow, she would be considered less worthy
of respect (Coulson & Melhorn, 2000). On becoming a widow, she would possess even
less of a voice than before.
The cultural roles of children are distinct as well. Children in families are taught
to comply with their gender roles. A child becomes an adult directly; within cultural
boundaries the adolescent years do not exist (Lee & Tapp, 2010). Marriage usually takes
place shortly after puberty and after marriage the couple typically lives in the groom’s
father’s household for a period of time (Leavill, 1996). The sons are expected to learn
family traditions, customs, and take over from the father. It is son’s responsibility to
learn Hmong traditions for weddings, funerals, and memorize prayers to the spirit world
(Murphy, 1997).
Daughters are expected to help with household responsibilities. Women grow up
in clan families knowing one day they will leave the clan and join the clan of their
husbands. While growing up, daughters are traditionally molded into ideal daughters-inlaw so they will not disgrace their family of origin in their adult roles. Children are
expected to obey their parents and to never misbehave. They are taught that when their
21
parents give directions, children should simply do what they are told (Coulson &
Melhorn, 2000).
The traditional Hmong social and community system can be compared to that of
feudal England. The king runs the community/kingdom. The noble lords are the clan
leaders who manage their clan. The villages are the clans. The villagers are the
households that are run by a male figure. Ideally the community is managed by one
person who is agreed upon by the clan leaders. The traditional Hmong community can be
considered a small monarchy. But within the patrilineal clan system, the choosing of the
monarch can be their downfall because all clans may want a representative from their
own clan to be the community leader/king.
Religion
Religion plays a significant role in the Hmong culture. Animism is the traditional
form of religion for the Hmong. Traditional Hmong believe in the existence of the soul
in the human body and forces of spirits in objects in nature (Lee & Tapp, 2010). From
their migrations from China they encountered a variety of other religions such as Taoism,
Buddhism, and Christianity (Hones, 2001). But Animism and Christianity still remain
the most frequent religions.
Hmong did have a lot of contact with Buddhism, mainly in Thailand and Laos.
But unlike other religions, Buddhist rituals are somewhat similar to the traditional
Hmong religion and Buddhist beliefs have not created conflicts with Hmong Animism.
For that reason Buddhism was able to co-exist with the Hmong religion in some aspects,
22
and conversions were subtle (Lee & Tapp, 2010). Most Hmong respected the Buddhist
religion but believed a full conversion was unnecessary.
Religion has a direct impact on the Hmong family structure and culture. Through
their Animistic beliefs, the Hmong organize their relationship into gender and kinship
categories based on the patrilineal ancestral cult of specific groups (Lee & Tapp, 2010).
Animism, referred to in recent sources as Shamanism, is the belief in spiritual beings or
spirits that inhabit natural objects and phenomena. Shamans are used to contact the
spirits.
As in all societies, religion can reveal a great deal about how and why the
community and family structure is the way it is. Animism has played a central part in the
Hmong’s daily lives and way of life because it is a belief system and a health system
(Faderman & Xiong, 1999). The majority of Hmong families who came to the United
States had Animist beliefs and practices. According to Hones (2001) missionaries
influenced the Hmong as early as the 1920’s. Roman Catholic missionaries were working
in areas where the Hmong lived, such as Guizhou, Yunnan, and northern Vietnam.
Protestant missionaries from the Methodist churches worked directly with the Hmong in
the Guizhou and Yunnan provinces in the last quarter of the nineteenth century (Lee &
Tapp, 2010). Christianity has been around the Hmong of China for over 100 years.
Further, Christian missions were built for the Hmong and other ethnic minority groups.
This new religion provided a way for the Hmong to distinguish themselves from the
dominant society. However, in most cases, the driving force for conversions were the
perks of literacy that improved one’s social, economic, and political status (Hones, 2000).
23
But the majority of Christian conversions have occurred in the United States, as Hmong
Americans have come to live in a Christian-dominated country.
Christianity is often seen as conflicting with Hmong culture and traditional ways
because the Hmong culture itself is linked to Animism. In some cases, Christianity has
served as a divider within the Hmong family and Hmong community (Bosher, 1995). In
addition, the unfamiliarity of most Americans with Hmong Animist practices has also led
to conflicts. Right from the start in the United States there were community conflicts
about health and safety codes regarding animal sacrifices, with misunderstanding
increased all the more since the Hmong were transplanted into a predominately Christian
country which had no understanding of or familiarity with such practices. Many resultant
misunderstandings between traditional Hmong and community health, funeral and law
enforcement providers created spiritual crises for the Hmong (Miyares, 1998).
Theoretical Frameworks
The following two sections will include discussion of concepts and theories of
institutional influence on the success of non-traditional white students, such as Critical
Race Theory and Factors Affecting success of Students of Color, First Generation
College Students, and other Non-Traditional Students in College. The second section
will discuss cultural and race influence of success of ethnic minority students that will
include Acculturation, Cultural Capital, Biculturation, and Hybridity.
24
Critical Race Theory
DePouw (2012) explicitly names race and racism as salient and pervasive aspects
of Hmong American educational experiences, and dealing with it is the first step in
facilitating academic success for Hmong American students. Through Critical Race
Theory examination of whiteness as property and Hmong American student experiences,
it is clear that race has a vital role in the lives of Hmong American students (DePouw,
2012). More campuses and institutions are advocating for and are in support of a more
diverse environment. But the diversity in most institutions is artificial – institutions do
the bare minimum, such as offering one course in Hmong studies, and then claim
themselves to be multicultural institutions. Institutions may have the wrong
interpretation of a positive multicultural environment. DePouw (2012) pointed out how
institutions offer Hmong courses, but when the budget is limited those courses are the
first to get dropped. DePouw (2012) said that eliminating the Hmong courses first is
damaging because they illustrate their value in the institution. One could argue that it is
just not possible with a limited budget to offer such courses. But it can also be argued
that if students need a course to graduate, with no other choices available, they will take
the course, forcing non-Hmong students to be culturally educated in something they
would not have pursued on their own. Another important concept is the exotifying of the
Hmong culture. As an advisor for the Hmong Student Association, DePouw (2012)
explains that she gets numerous requests to learn more about the Hmong culture and it is
assumed that it can done easily and quickly. Then, after a Hmong culture presentation is
given or discussed, the institution or class course claims to be multicultural. Frustrating,
25
is how DePouw (2012) described it, because it defeats the whole purpose of trying to
learn about a culture. It generalizes and creates a stereotype of the culture and individuals
of that ethnicity.
Concepts of Success
In a 1990 report called Building Coalitions for Minority Success the success rates
of minorities in case studies among eight states were examined. The report was written
by the State Higher Education Executive Officers (SHEEO) to analyze college graduation
rates. Based on the population at that time, the researcher will be using the state of New
York’s case study because it was the most diverse state among the eight.
At the time of the report from 1972 to 1982 New York’s African American
enrollment had increased by 38%, Native Americans by 88%, Hispanics by 100% and
Asians by 137% (Mingle & Rodriguez, 1990). Although enrollment increased,
successful completion rates were disproportionate. Blacks and Hispanics had a higher
dropout rate than white students; only 30% of black and Hispanic students at four year
programs between 1978 and 1981 received their degrees compared to 50% of whites
(Mingle & Rodriguez, 1990). In the case study there were two issues that needed to be
resolved. The first issue was the uneven graduation rates among the minorities compared
to white students and secondly the teacher population did not reflect the student
population; 27.6% were minorities and 77.8% were white. The first problem the study
found was the contribution to minority dropout rates caused by credits at two year
institutions not being transferrable to four year institutions (Mingle & Rodriguez, 1990).
26
This inevitably led to a shortage of credits for minority students and their not graduating
to become teachers.
In the case study, the state of New York raised its success rates among minorities
by proposing policy changes and collaboration among two year and four year institutions
(Mingle & Rodriguez, 1990). Administrators and faculty among the two year and four
institutions drafted programs accordingly.
Although the case study was done in the 1990s, the same concept still applies
currently. According to the report by Mingle and Rodriguez (1990) there is one general
consensus in regards to helping college minority students succeed and graduate in
college. State and school officials need to step in and make the necessary changes. This
report also concludes with a suggestion that is directly related to the topic of this research
study. College institutions need to review programs for minority students to see if the
programs are actually providing the appropriate assistance, because programs for
minorities tend to continue regardless of how effective they are (Mingle & Rodriguez,
1990).
Success in college has multiple meanings. No single definition of student success
applies to all. Students go to college for numerous reasons. Community colleges have a
different set of goals from four year institutions by which student success is measured.
Earning an associates’ degree, transferring to a four year college, obtaining or upgrading
job related skills, completing a certificate program, or personal enjoyment are all
examples of goals that measure what student success is at community colleges (Kuh et
al., 2007).
27
Perna and Thomas (2008) devised a monograph analyzing student success based
on the evidence and data from well-known published journal articles. The focus was on
the theoretical frameworks from four major disciplines: Education, Sociology,
Psychology, and Economics. Within those disciplines the majority of theoretical
frameworks used were related to the research questions of this study. From the
Psychology discipline, significant theories are: Parenting Practices and Relationship,
Perceived Social/Cultural Context, Tinto’s Model of Academic and Social Integration,
and Achievement Motivation and Goal Theory. Within the Sociology discipline
significant theories are Status Attainment, Social Network, and Self-Efficacy. Significant
frameworks from Economics are Human Capital and Economics itself. From Perna and
Thomas (2008) the frameworks that are significant from the Education discipline consists
of Tinto’s Model of Student Departure and the Economic, Sociological, and
Psychological frameworks within Education.
According to Theoretical Perspective on Student Success (Perna & Thomas,
2008), the definition of student success is measured by a completion of ten indicators
within four transitions of educational attainment. The four transitions and their 10
indicators are as follows. The first transition is college preparation and its two indicators
of success are measured by educational aspirations and academic preparation. The
second transition is college enrollment, determined by its two indicators which are
students having college access and the choice of the college chosen. The third transition
is college achievement and its three indicators of student success are measured by
academic performance, institution transfers, and the perseverance to completion of a
28
degree or program. The final transition of success is post-college attainment and its three
indicators are measured by post graduate schools enrollment, income, and educational
attainment (Perna & Thomas, 2008). The definition of student success described in Perna
and Thomas’s monograph applies to the general goals of most Hmong college students
and the aspirations that Hmong parents have for their children. Go to college, finish the
degree or program, and get a high paying job – it is their way out of poverty. Success
sometimes is also judged by the field of employment Hmong students go into. In this
they are similar to the Chinese, who consider it success to be in fields that include:
science, math, engineering, medicine, business, and law. Other fields such as history,
literature, music, dance, sports, and other fields that do not fit the likelihood of leading to
well-paying and stable jobs are discouraged (Zhou, 2009).
Perna and Thomas (2008) concluded that the traditional approaches to
understanding and solving the problems to student success are insufficient (Perna &
Thomas, 2008). Their conceptual model does not offer a solution to raise student
success. Instead it is intended to provide policymakers, researchers, and practitioners
with another approach by combining multiple theoretical frameworks into a “more
complete understanding of the complexity of student success processes and indicators”
(Perna & Thomas, 2008). They offered four suggestions to improve student success.
First, it should be recognized “that policies and practices are enacted through
multiple layers of context. Therefore, to reduce gaps across groups, policymakers and
practitioners should recognize the limitations on student success that may be imposed by
a student’s situated context” (Perna & Thomas, p. 56).
29
Second:
Policy makers and practitioners should develop and implement policies in ways
that recognize that policies and programs do not operate in isolation but interact
with other policies and programs and with characteristics of the schools, families,
and students. Typically policies and programs are developed individually, with
little coordination among policies and programs. In addition, individual policies
and programs are typically designed to address discrete indicators of student
success. (Perna & Thomas, 2008, p. 56-57)
Third, it is important to realize that there is no one policy and or solution that will
reduce the success gap for all. More importantly, programs and policies that are intended
to benefit certain populations or criteria are more beneficial than “policies and programs
that emphasize a one size fits all approach” (Perna & Thomas, 2008, p. 57).
Lastly, support should be given to programs “of research that tests the aspects of
the conceptual model using multiple methods and drawing on multiple units of analysis
or multiple theoretical perspectives” (Perna & Thomas, 2008, p. 58).
Their Conceptual Model (2008) was designed with four layers. In the explanation
of the layers of their model, Perna and Thomas (2008) revealed what is required for
students to be successful in higher education.
In the first layer, Internal Context, student success is in the attitude, motivation,
and behavior of the individual student (Perna & Thomas, 2008). In order to be successful
in higher education the student must want to be successful and actually put in effort to be
successful.
30
The second layer is Family context. All four theoretic frameworks from each
discipline, suggest family has an influence on student success (Perna & Thomas, 2008).
Economists link the type of parent occupation and contribution to student success.
Sociologists suggest links to students that have family or networks available to the
family, with college enrollment (Perna & Thomas, 2008). Psychologically it is suggested
that parenting style has an effect on student success, and educational theories reveal
connections between a student’s family socioeconomic status and their education success
(Perna & Thomas, 2008). Based on the theoretical frameworks from all four disciplines,
parent and family involvement and support is crucial to a student’s success.
The third layer of the Conceptual Model (2008) is school context. Understanding
the type of K-12 education a student receives prior to college identifies what kind of
academic preparation, resources, and educational orientations that determine success in
higher education are needed (Perna & Thomas, 2008). This layer of the Conceptual
Model (2008) reveals that to be successful college students must have proper preparation,
not just academically but also culturally. For example, black students having more
positive experiences at historically black colleges or universities than at predominately
white institutions (Perna & Thomas, 2008).
The social, economic, and policy context is the fourth layer of the conceptual
model. All four disciplines’ frameworks emphasize how social conditions, economic
conditions, and public policies influence student success (Perna & Thomas, 2008). This
layer shows that there are some issues that a student cannot control, such as the media,
31
public policy, and tuition. In order for a student to be successful in college there must be
programs and aid available.
Sociological, Organizational, Psychological, Cultural, and Economic perspectives
are the main perspectives regarding student success in college (Kul et. al., 2007). But
there is no single perspective that holds the key.
Perna and Thomas (2008) mentioned indicators in transitions that can measure
student success. For the benefit of this research it is important to also identify the
foundations of student success. Student demographics, family and peer support,
academic preparation and motivation to learn, and enrollment choices and patterns are the
major themes which can determine how successful a student is (Kul et. al., 2007). These
major themes, along with the behavior of the students such as their college activities,
engagement in educational practices, and student characteristics, play a role. By
reviewing the institutional conditions for student success it can be identified where the
students are lacking.
There are seven propositions that arise from study of research, policies, and
practices that Kul et al. (2007) recommended:
1. Trajectory for academic success in college is established long before students
matriculate.
a. Ensure that all students have rigorous, intensive precollege academic
preparation.
b. Develop a comprehensive national college readiness strategy that
addresses the educational needs of all students.
32
c. Align high school curricula with college performance standards.
d. Provide incentives in state budgets to increase the number of students
who become college ready in high school and enroll in college.
e. Instill in K-12 educators an assets-based talent development
philosophy about teaching and learning.
f. Increase the quality of information to students and families who lack
adequate information about going to college
2. Family and community support are indispensable to raising a student’s
educations aspiration, becoming college prepared, and persisting.
a. Increase the quality of information to students and families who lack
adequate information about going to college, including real costs and
availability of aid.
b. Expand the scale and scope of demonstrably effective college
encouragement and transition programs.
3. The right amount and kind of money matters to student success; too little can
make it impossible for students to pay college bills, while too much loan debt
can discourage students from persisting.
a. Align financial aid and tuition policy so that financial assistance
packages meet student’s need.
b. Create small pockets of emergency funds to address student needs in
“real” time.
33
4. Most students – especially those who start college with two or more
characteristics associated with premature departure-benefit from early
interventions and sustained attention at key transitions points.
a. Clarify institutional values and expectations early and often to
prospective and matriculating students.
b. Provide multiple, interconnected learning support networks, early
warning systems, and safety nets.
c. Concentrate early intervention resources on those who have two or
more risk factors.
5. Students who find something or someone worthwhile to connect to in the
postsecondary environment are more likely to engage in educational
purposeful activities, persist, and achieve their educational objectives.
a. Make the classroom the locus of community.
b. Structure ways for more commuter students to spend time with
classmates.
c. Involve every student in a meaningful way in some activity or with a
positive role model in the college environment.
d. Encourage students to live on campus-at least for the first year-at
institutions where housing is available.
6. Institutions that focus on student success, subscribe to a talent development
philosophy, and create a student-centered culture are better positioned to help
their students attain their educational objectives.
34
a. Instill in postsecondary educators an assets-based talent development
philosophy about teaching and learning.
b. Use effective educational practices throughout the institution.
c. Use technology in educationally effective ways.
d. Give institutions incentives to identify and ameliorate debilitating
cultural properties.
7. Focus assessment and accountability efforts on what matters to student
success.
a. Periodically examine the student experience, inside and outside the
classroom.
b. Provide incentives for postsecondary institutions to responsibly report
and use information about the student experience to improve teaching,
learning, and personal development.
c. Provide incentives for postsecondary institutions to adopt a common
reporting template for indicators of student success to make their
performance transparent.
d. Further develop state and institution capacity for collecting, analyzing
and using data to improve accountability. (Kul, al., et., 2007 p 105122)
Although the recommendations are very thorough and seem to cover all aspects of
student success, it is also important to consider that these are addressed to efforts to
prepare and retain all students and therefore form a general recommendation. They
35
should not be uncritically applied in the same way to addressing the unique problems of
every ethnic group.
Institutions and Policy Makers
An overall theme among the literature regarding student success deals with
college officials and policy makers. They are the key players in providing any kind of
solution or assistance. The one solution that touches all problems comes down to one
component, funding – its acquisition and its disposition. Yet funds are allocated by
leaders – college officials, legislators, boards. It is important to note that college officials
are in charge of the operation of the institution. When referring to institutions, one is
actually referring to the decisions of school administration and officials.
Institution Influence
Just like student success, institution success can have a lot of definitions,
depending on the criteria. Objective data, even when relevant may cloud the bigger
issue. For example, some institutions may consider themselves successful by raising the
enrollment of minorities by 20%, but their minority completion rates may remain at the
same low rates as previous years. In regards to diversity at college campuses, there are
three common themes that most college institutions measure success by. They are the
number of enrollments, retention-through-completion rates, and the institutional climate
(Smith & Wolf-Wendel, 2005), although college enrollment and access and are important
issues in regards to minorities. The intent of this study is to identify effective ways of
36
providing assistance to Hmong students who are already in college. So the literature used
will focus more on how college institutions can promote better retention rates and
institution climates to raise the success rates when dealing with diversity.
In the Challenge of Diversity (2005), Smith and Wolf-Wendel related retention
and institution climate, but treat them both as separate problems. Smith and WolfWendel (2005) acknowledged that low successful retention rates among minorities are a
cause of numerous issues and there is no simple explanation. Smith and Wolf-Wendel
used theories of involvement to explain the retention numbers. How involved students
are in their education determines the outcome of a positive or negative retention rate.
Students are more ready to learn if they are involved in their courses and curriculum in
the classroom and their peers, faculty, and with the institution itself outside of the
classroom (Smith & Wolf-Wendel, 2005).
In order for students to want to be involved there must be overall cultural
pluralism within the institution (Smith & Wolf-Wendel, 2005), not just by having a
diverse student body but also by having a diverse faculty and institutional environment.
Smith and Wolf-Wendel (2005) gave five reasons why having a diverse staff is
important, of which three are linked to student success. First, faculty need to reflect the
student body, because minority students “will seek out faculty members who, they
perceive, understand their experience” (Smith & Wolf-Wendel, 2005, p. 50). Second,
having a diverse staff and faculty represents an important symbol of an institution’s
commitment to minority groups. Lastly, a diverse staff and faculty offer a wide array of
teaching perspectives available to students (Smith & Wolf-Wendel, 2005).
37
Consistent with the theories of involvement, institutions successful in dealing
with diversity focused on the following areas: 1) Providing students with assistance they
need to succeed; 2) better coordination and development among the different sectors
about the preparation and requirements of K through 12, and community colleges to four
years institutions; 3) creating a campus climate or an academic environment reflecting the
student population that nourishes and encourages students to succeed; 4) developing
access to adequate information and a database that focuses on students, the barriers they
encounter, and the issues associated with completion of their programs; 5) lastly, to be
able to provide strong and focused leadership for the institution (Smith & Wolf-Wendel,
2005). By creating a pluralistic institution, Smith and Wolf-Wendel concluded that
success in creating students for a pluralistic world can be realized (2005).
Two additional institution explanations associated with student success by Ngo
and Lee (2007) are the role of educational opportunities structured into institutional
practices, and social capital. The roles of educational opportunities structured into
institutions are mentioned by Smith and Wolf-Wedel (2005) and involve issues of lack of
access to equal funding, good teaching, courses and curriculum materials, and tracking
practices contributing to the achievement gap (Ngo & Lee, 2007).
Social capital can be defined as social networks, or a set of associations “among
people who have an effect on the productivity of the community” (Serageldin &
Grootaert, 2000, p. 45). Or as attributes of a social “organization such as trust, norms,
and networks, that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated
actions” (Putnam, 1993 p. 167). In a higher education setting, a concrete example of
38
social capital is a fraternity. From social capital theory perspective, parents who have
access to social networks in colleges and in education are able to help their children
succeed in school (Ngo & Lee, 2007). Ngo and Lee cautioned that research on Hmong
college student success is not at a point that would allow the depth of analysis described
here. Both the subjects and the research itself are still dealing with cultural clashes and
financial issues (Ngo & Lee, 2007). In addition, the Hmong people have only recently
become a Hmong American population and only in that context a college- going
population. Thus their experiences of access to, use of and creation of social capital are
still happening for the first time. More focused research will have to address the full
range of factors affecting Hmong college success and will have to proceed over a longer
period of time to identify the changes that occur over time as this Settling and Adjusting
Hmong population becomes Adjusted.
Acculturation
For as long as war has been taking place so has acculturation. Acculturation is a
product of trade, invasion, enslavement, colonization, or other methods of contact.
Without contact there is no need for acculturation (Berry, 1980). Acculturation can begin
at home and be as simple as getting a name that reflects the immigrant parents language
(Ahktar, 2011). Acculturation is a two process event. Cultural and psychological
changes occur. At the group level changes in social structures, institution structure, and
cultural practices happen. From an individual level behavior patterns change. The
concept of acculturation appeared in analytical work around the 1880’s (Berry, 1980).
There is an abundance of theories and frameworks affiliated with the concept
39
acculturation. But there are four original definitions of acculturation given by Redfield,
Linton, and Herskovits (1936), Herskovits (1938), Linton (1940), and the Social Science
Research Council (1954) that can be summed up in two different concepts (Berry 1980):
Acculturation comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of
individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand
contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either
or both groups…under this definition, acculturation is to be distinguished
from culture change, of which it is but one aspect, and assimilation, which
is at times a phase of acculturation. (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovis, 1936,
p. 149-152)
The second:
Culture change that is initiated by the conjunction of two or more
autonomous cultural systems. Acculturative change may be the
consequence of direct cultural transmission; it may be derived from noncultural causes, such as ecological or demographic modification induced
by an impinging culture; it may be delayed, as with internal adjustments
following upon the acceptance of alien traits or patterns; or it may be a
reactive adaptation of traditional modes of life. (Social Science Research
Council, 1954, p.974)
It is important to note in this research that sources cited are generally authors
whose focus has been on the mainstream culture in the United States and the role
acculturation has on its refugees, immigrants, and ethnic minorities. However, the study
40
and definition of acculturation has changed over time and new research is only beginning
to address this change. Given the definitions above, the goal of acculturation was to get
the minority assimilated into the dominant culture. In the present research acculturation
is leaning towards the definition of being selective in one’s acculturation and establishing
a balance through biculturation (Ngo & Lee, 2007).
Berry (1980) presented an acculturation model from a psychological standpoint.
His versions of acculturation are defined by a person’s recognition of cultural identity,
and the positive or negative idea to relate to the dominant society and the freedom of
choice to keep a cultural identity and either associate with the dominant culture or not
(Padilla 1980). Conflict will always occur. According to Berry’s (1980) theory, conflict
will only occur in if there is some resistance by the culture that is getting dominated, but
the general rule is conflict will always occur because no group of people are ready to
willingly give up their culture and values.
There are many problems that are associated with acculturation. Psychological
distress, feelings of acceptance or non-acceptance, and satisfaction or lack of satisfaction
with the host culture affect the ability of individuals to achieve the right mix of behaviors,
and to acquire skills to perform and excel in jobs and education (Arends-Toth & van de
Vijver, 2006). Suicide, low self-esteem, alcoholism, coronary heart disease, social
deviancy, poor mental health, and drug abuse are also problems that can be related to
acculturation (Arends-Toth & van de Vijver, 2006). American values have even been
associated with a decrease in academic performance among third generation Japanese;
the Japanese value of succeeding in education was replaced by greater valuing of social
41
participation in activities and development in an all-around personality (Bosher, 1995). It
used to be that Japanese students would just focus on the one component of achieving
high grades.
Based on Akthar (2011), there are four general identity consolidation outcomes
that could arise from the process of acculturation. Coinciding with Ramirez (1983) and
depending on how acculturated and martially happy the parents are, how much love was
given to a child growing up, how successful the child was in school, how well the child
was accepted by peers, and how big of a difference the home culture was compared to the
host culture, will result in the following four outcomes:
Ethnocentric identity: Such adolescents remain comfortable at home and in
homoethnic groups but find it difficult to make heteroethnic friends. They are
inadequately informed about the culture-at-large and are conflicted about
autonomy, separation from parents, dating, and sexuality. Vulnerability to shame
tends to be considerable.
Hyperassimilated identity: Hyperassimilated adolescents totally renounce the
culture of their parents. They feel comfortable with heteroethnic friends and
appear indifferent (and, at times hostile) to homo-ethnic connections. They
function well in larger communities and seem comfortable with independence,
dating, drinking, and sexuality. Vulnerability to becoming arrogant is
considerable for this group.
Alienated identity: Such adolescents do not feel bonded with either the culture of
their parents or the culture of the streets, so to speak. They yearn to belong but
42
somehow always turn out to be misfits. They lack confidence and resort to
cynicism to buttress their self-confidence. Vulnerability to counterculture
measures (e.g., drugs, tattooing, gangs, fundamentalist movements) is
considerable.
Bicultural identity: Such adolescents show flexibility and are able to synthesize
their two cultures well. In some areas of ego-functioning, they might lean more in
one or the other direction, but the resulting characterological discrepancies are
“soft” and their overall adjustment to food, music, dating, sexuality, and drinking
shows an admixture of loyalties to their two cultures. (Ahktar, 2011, p. 191-92)
The Alienated individuals Ahktar (2011) mentions are usually the ones who need
professional mental help. Hyperassimilated and Ethnocentric individuals will usually run
into trouble as they enter adulthood, and “responsibilities of the workplace and the need
to find a marital partner begin to tax the ego” (Ahktar, 2011, p. 192).
An important concept that applies to acculturation of the Hmong population was
introduced by Sam (2006). His theory and model suggests that children of immigrants
should be treated differently from their parents. More focus should be placed on how a
child gains competence in his/her culture and in the dominant culture. Immigrants and
their children face different adaption challenges (Sam, 2006). Most Hmong parents are
unschooled and they are raising children who are going to experience college, a culture
unfamiliar to parent or child.
Ngo and Lee (2007) explained how complicated acculturation is when dealing
with Asian Americans and education. They identify many problematic issues that
43
contradict and overshadow each other in their article, Complicating the Image of Model
Minority Success: A Review of Southeast Asian American Education (Ngo & Lee, 2007).
The article served as one of the gateways to the researcher’s study by acknowledging the
misrepresentation that all Asian Americans are successful in higher education. Not all
Asian Americans students are at the same level of success. The truth is many Hmong and
other Southeast Asian American students are overshadowed and their real situation
masked by the combined data all of Asian Americans.
The research review by Ngo and Lee (2007) is mentioned and can easily fit into
the success portion of this literature review. But it is more relevant to the cultural
explanations and their association with student success in education. The overall
repetitive life domain that had an influence on Southeast Asian success in education was
culture (Ngo & Lee, 2007).
There are three frames in which Ngo and Lee (2007) focus their review. The first
is cultural conflict between home and school, focusing on the communication styles,
norms, and clashes between the values and practices embedded within the home culture
versus practices and values embedded within the school
The second frame is culture capital, which proclaims education institutions are
designed to fit the needs of the norm of society, white middle class. It holds that these
institutions disregard the colored, poor, and working class population’s “linguistic codes,
behavioral expectations, and assumptions about teaching and learning” (Ngo & Lee,
2007, p. 417).
44
Lastly, and more broadly Ngo and Lee look at cultural mechanisms in minority
cultures themselves, focusing particularly on the positive outcomes of culture values and
influences such as making sacrifices for children, valuing education and hard work (Ngo
& Lee, 2007). Within these three focuses Ngo and Lee (2007) analyze each Southeast
Asian ethnic group separately. For this study’s purpose the researcher will mainly be
focusing on the analytical summary on the Hmong American Education portion.
Regarding the cultural conflict, the Hmong are described as arising from a
preliterate, traditional culture, and are considered to be the most culturally distant
immigrant group to enter the United States (Ngo & Lee, 2007). Women in particular
struggle with their expected roles and Hmong parent often lack linguistic skills to get
involved in their children’s education (Ngo & Lee, 2007). Another cultural discrepancy
found among Hmong parents is that they are often more concerned about their child’s
behavior in class rather than their performance (Ngo & Lee, 2007). Significantly, and in
relation to the Hmong culture value on saving face and being modest, it’s more
respectable to have a child with low academic performance and with good manners than a
child who performs well but is disobedient. Also, with second generation populations of
Hmong youth, intergenerational conflicts appear between the youth and their parents who
are immigrants (Ngo & Lee, 2007).
The cultural capital summarization on the Hmong population focuses around
miscommunications and expectations between schools and Hmong parents. Hmong
parents typically view education as the schools responsibility, while schools expect
parent involvement (Ngo & Lee, 2007). More importantly, schools in the United States
45
focus more on independent learning styles whereas in the Hmong culture most learning is
context specific, requiring observations and resulting in field-sensitive learning styles
(Ngo & Lee, 2007).
Cultural Capital
Does cultural capital really make a difference regarding success in higher
education? Jaeger (2011) stated that most research studies in cultural reproduction theory
are not equipped to answer the one basic hypothesis; culture capital causes education
success. Jaeger (2011) introduced Kingston’s (2001) claim that previous quantitative
research regarding capital theory may be flawed. Not all relevant variables are looked
into when linking cultural capital with education success because “families that possess
high levels of cultural capital also tend to possess other socioeconomic resources”
(Jaeger, 2011, p. 84) that help a child do well in school; thus leaving out “the true causal
effect of cultural capital on educational success because cultural capital variables also
pick up the effect of omitted variables that are correlated with, but conceptually different
from, cultural capital” (Jaeger, 2011, p. 84). To avoid this, Jaeger (2011) designed a
method that focus on siblings over a period of time.
Cultural capital theory originates from Pierre Bourdieu’s (cited in Jaeger, 2011)
cultural reproduction theory, “Individuals’ and families’ cultural resources comprise a
distinct form of ‘capital,’ which should be regarded on equal terms as economic resources
and social networks and connections” (p. 283). Social capital is used by individuals or
groups positioned at different levels in social hierarchies as a means of either promoting
relative social advantage, or as a generalized currency that can be exchanged for other
46
economic or social assets. Consequently, cultural capital enables individuals and families
with knowledge of institutionalized high-status cultural signals (attitudes, preferences,
formal knowledge, behaviors, goods, and credentials) to exclude others from advantaged
social positions or high-status groups (Jaeger, 2011, p. 283; Lamont & Lareau, 1988).
Jaeger (2011) used two main theoretical frameworks in his article: Bourdieu’s
theory of cultural reproduction mentioned above, and Dimaggio’s (1982) model of
cultural mobility. In contrast to Bourdieu (1986), Dimaggio (1982) says that cultural
capital benefits all children the same, but children from “disadvantaged backgrounds
have an extra incentive to invest in cultural capital to offset their advantage in other
domains, returns to cultural capital are relatively higher for children from disadvantaged
backgrounds than for children from advantaged backgrounds” (Jaeger, 2011, p. 284).
Dimaggio’s (1982) model is more focused on the socioeconomic.
Regardless of the focus and characteristics of each model there is one applicable
conclusion. Cultural capital has an impact on student success in education. Jaeger’s
(2011) analytical research yielded two important results relating to Hmong college
student success. First, cultural capital has an effect on student success in education.
Second, multiple levels of cultural capital exist that depend on socioeconomic conditions.
Individuals from higher socioeconomic conditions have the advantage of both the
traditionally conceived cultural capital and the other socioeconomically related
advantages. In relation to the Hmong population neither of these more favored forms of
sociocultural capital is prominent. The majority of Hmong students come from low
47
income families and does not possess the forms of cultural capital most consistent with
the expectations of their schools.
Nonetheless, in the cultural mechanism discussed in Ngo and Lee’s (2007) article,
being Hmong does not mean one is going to fail in education. Despite severe challenges
arising from their refugee status and cultural distance from the dominant society, Hmong
culture does hold several attributes that promotes educational attainment and success.
Ngo and Lee (2007) mentioned two positive cultural values. An important Hmong
cultural value the Hmong have is the belief that education is a way out of poverty (Ngo &
Lee, 2007). The Hmong youth, along with other children of immigrants, face tremendous
pressure and have high expectations from their parents. The “value of education is
inculcated in them early on and the pressure; subtle though it may be, never lets up”
(Akhtar, 2011, p. 169). Also the Hmong are family oriented and respect their elders, as
mentioned earlier. For the Chinese a child’s success in schools is linked to face-saving
for the family and academic achievement is a duty and obligation to the family; failure
will bring shame not just on the individual but on the family (Zhou, 2009). That trend of
thought is consistent with that in most Asian families including Hmong. With those
kinds of family characteristics the Hmong, along with other Asian ethnic groups, have
family structures that control and push for education success (Ngo & Lee, 2007).
Concealed Community Cultural Wealth
The white middle class represents the standard of how culture is measured in the
United States (Yosso, 2005). All other cultural norms are compared to the white middle
class norms. Yet “cultural capital is not just inherited or possessed by the middle class,
48
but rather it refers to an accumulation of specific forms and expressions of ‘culture’ are
judged in comparison to this ‘norm’” (Yosso, 2005, p. 76). In the education system,
minority students who don’t perform well in school are thus assumed to lack “the social
and cultural capital required for social mobility” (p. 70). “Deficit thinking” is a term
Yosso (2005) used to describe the contemporary racism in schools that assumes a
minority student’s failure is due to the student’s inadequate cultural skills and knowledge.
It is also the assumption that minority parents do not support or value their children’s
education. Through deficit thinking, it is believed that the student needs to conform to
the school system norm, rather than the school try and accommodate the student.
Research has generally focused on what is different in the minority culture in
relations to the host culture. That difference is generally held to be the factor for the
explanation of the success gap. For example, given their socioeconomic resources, white
middle class or upper class students are generally privileged enough to have a computer
at home, bringing some type of computer literacy to school when they arrive, which is a
desired asset (Yasso, 2005). On the contrary, a Hmong student from a socioeconomically
disadvantaged home and who may not have been able to afford a home computer may
possess other skills in translating and some form of street smarts but these are typically
judged irrelevant by the school. Yasso (2005) implied that just because the skills are not
recognized by the educational gatekeepers as relevant does not mean a culture does not
have any cultural capital or that this capital my not assist the student in negotiating a way
through the school environment. In fact, cultures different from the United States
mainstream possess a number of culture capital assets through cultural wealth;
49
researchers just have to find them, recognize how they already contribute to minority
student success and teach school personnel to work with the student’s different cultural
assets.
Through critical race theory Yasso (2005) identified six forms capital from
community cultural wealth that provides culture capital for people of color: aspirational
capital, familial capital, social capital, navigational capital, resistant capital, and linguistic
capital.
Aspirational capital refers to the positive future outlook, regardless of the harsh
reality in the present (Yasso, 2005). Ngo and Lee (2007) touched on this concept in
regards to the Hmong belief that education is the key to get out of poverty. As long as
they complete their education they have a chance of bettering their socioeconomic status.
Linguistic capital is linked to the social and intellectual skills achieved through
the experience of communication in more than one language (Yasso, 2005). With
multiple languages and communication skills, students of such backgrounds are often
involved in storytelling traditions involving memorization skills, rhyme, and attention to
detail (Yasso, 2005).
According to Yasso (2005), familial capital centers on the idea of a nurturing
family; “this form of cultural wealth engages a commitment to community well-being
and expands the concept of family to include a more broad understanding of kinship”
(Yasso, 2005, p. 79). Familial capital has the potential to expand and promote the same
values as they do in a family to the community level. That drives the need for a healthy
connection to the community and its resources (Yasso, 2005).
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Social capital is a set of networks of people and community resources available to
the student. Historically, people of color have utilized their social capital to attain jobs,
education, legal justice, and health care (Yasso, 2005). Social capital is a form of cultural
wealth that many Hmong college students may be lacking at this point. There is a limited
amount of research pertaining to Hmong students that identifies sources of this kind of
social capital. Indeed, as the first generation born in the United States and the first
generation to pursue higher education in large numbers, the Adapting Hmong students,
both Animist and Christian, are positioned to provide just such social capital to their
younger siblings and next generation.
Navigational capital refers to skills of moving through social institutions; the
ability to go through and complete programs in institutions that were not created with
communities of color in mind (Yasso, 2005). An example of navigational capital skills is
represented by a middle-eastern student who did not drop out and completed his/her
education despite all the racial tension and prejudice right after the 9/11 attacks.
Resistant capital relates to the ability that individuals have gained, by being
subordinated or suppressed, to not give in and challenge the inequality (Yasso, 2005).
Parents of color instruct their children to challenge the status quo (Yasso, 2005). For
example, Hmong parents may encourage Hmong daughters to pursue a higher education
because women have a better opportunity in the United States and in the present than
they did in the past in the old country.
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Religion
Religion was also a topic mentioned in the review article by Ngo and Lee (2007).
Religion has an effect on how people settle in a new country. The religious aspect of
identity can be more conspicuous for an immigrant in the new country than the old
country of origin because of a religion’s frequent contribution to ethnic identity (Akhtar,
2011). Religion identifies who people are, why and how they act the way they do.
Confrontational issues are inevitable between religious minorities and the dominant
society. For example, some Hindus may break their religious taboo and eat beef, while
some Muslims may feel threatened by the open presence of alcohol and sexual liberation
of women (Akhtar, 2011). Depending on the situation religion can lead to good or bad
consequences in the process of transitioning into United States culture. In rare situations,
religions that are tied too closely with the country of origin risk creating a civic identity
identifiably different from the mainstream culture; in the worst cases this can lead to
ethnocentric paranoia and even terrorist activities against the immigrant minorities
(Akhtar, 2011). Educational research on Cambodian Americans and the influence of
Theravada Buddhism revealed both negative and positive associations between religious
culture of the immigrant group and educational success. Some research suggested that
Buddhism helped with education success among Cambodian students, but other
researchers found that it had the opposite effect (Ngo & Lee, 2007). Within the
Cambodian culture, Buddhism can promote a passive attitude and fatalistic approach with
regard to education (Ngo & Lee, 2007). With that religious influence, many Cambodian
52
parents were found to believe that whether their child performed well or poorly in school,
it was just the way it was (Ngo & Lee, 2007).
For the most part religion is positive to the process of acculturation. The Chinese
conversion to Christianity helps them develop their own appropriate cultural icons and
rituals (Akhtar, 2011). Korean values can be found in Protestant beliefs, which converge
nicely with the American culture and economy. Koreans that came to the United States
for opportunity thrived in business with their hard work ethics (Choi-Kain, 2009). Since
religion does influence the culture it is important to explore the correlations between
animist beliefs and the cultural adjustment and educational attainment of Hmong
Americans.
One of the most important points Ngo and Lee (2007) touched on is biculturation.
Studies have found that Hmong students who are successful develop a strategy of
selective acculturation, adapting to American culture without giving up their identity
(Ngo & Lee, 2007). They thus turn away from the idea that acculturation is assimilation
and focus more on acculturation being accommodation and adaptation.
Biculturation
Biculturation is a creative answer that individuals construct to the challenges of
acculturation. A general definition of biculturation is “a person who has had extensive
socialization and life experiences in two cultures and who participates actively” (Rick,
1988, p. 25). In her dissertation, “An Investigation of the Process of Biculturation with
Hmong Refugees,” Rick (1988) suggested that biculturation is an evolution and product
of acculturation. It is important to note the relevance of Rick’s study to the researcher’s
53
study because that work and this study both deal with the Hmong population and view
biculturation as a framework that provides a tool to help Hmong students succeed in
higher education.
Acculturation is usually viewed as a setback for minorities; cultural clashing, loss
in self-identification, and alienation are examples. vConflicts such as the ones just
mentioned are linked to minority youth troubles and poor academic performance (Ngo &
Lee, 2007). The trend for most research relating to acculturation is to investigate how
those cultural disparities disadvantage the immigrant and produce setbacks. Other
research points to the positive aspects of acculturation: how being bicultural is helpful
and how people who are bicultural are able to adapt (Rick, 1988). People who are
bicultural have been said to be more flexible, having acquired a wide range of skills as
the perks from dealing with two cultures (Rick, 1988). They are able to draw from this
abundance of skills depending on the right context. Rick (1988) also analyzed previous
research on biculturation which suggested that individuals who had a happy family life,
with good health, reported to have a combination of traditional and modern values (Rick,
1988).
Rick (1988) centered her arguments around two frames in her attempts to analyze
biculturation. In the first frame of biculturation, Rick (1988) used four models of
biculturation from Ramirez (1983), De Anda (1984), Ramirez (1985), and Keefe and
Padilla (1987) “to speculate whether being bicultural is adaptive or postulates what the
process of biculturation is” (Rick, 1988, p. 38). In the second frame, Rick (1988) referred
to Berry (1986), Lin and Masuda (1983), Khoa and VandDeusen (1981), and Borne
54
(1970), and their works on the pattern of adaption and cultural transitions. These works
focused on biculturation “as a possible alternative pattern of adaptation for cultural
transitions” (Rick, 1988 p.38).
With biculturation considered adaptive behavior for facilitating cultural
transitions as a background, Rick’s (1988) dissertation focus was to “examine how being
bicultural contributed to a positive process of adapting and adjusting to a new culture”
(Rick, 1988, p.42). For this research study’s purpose, the literature review will only use
the data associated with the relationship between acculturation stress and level of
education. According to Rick (1988), there was a correlation between acculturative stress
and the level of education, Hmong individuals who had a higher education level through
the United States school system, and became more United States oriented, had increased
acculturation stress. Those individuals with lower levels of education through the United
States school system, only becoming United States oriented, had lower stress levels
(Rick, 1988). The explanation of these observations was that as Hmong individuals with
higher education levels had more contact with the United States mainstream culture, they
felt they were losing their culture, while they were developing skills to learn a new
culture (Rick, 1988). Hmong individuals with lower levels of education generally had
less contact with the United States culture. This implied that with less contact less
alienation was felt compared to individuals who had more contact with United States
culture. Also in getting accustomed and transitioning into United States culture these
individuals are in a learning process, picking up and developing new skills, facilitating
self-satisfaction (Rick, 1988). It was also found, in agreement with the Ramirez (1983)
55
model of biculturation, that those immigrants, who came into the country late, after the
age of 12, had a higher level of self-satisfaction. This is because they were socialized and
aware of the traditional Hmong culture, giving them a more concrete grasp of their
culture, as they are adjusting and introduced to a new culture (Rick, 1988). Those
individuals who came into the country before they were twelve were left with the
confusion of accommodating and learning both cultures, causing a higher stress level.
Other research suggested that individuals who immigrated after ten years of age perform
better in school compared to United States born immigrants, regardless of how long they
were in United States school system (Bosher, 1995). The question for the United States
school system is: should it be aware that just teaching refugees about the United States
mainstream is not sufficient for them to truly understand cultural issues (Rick, 1988)?
The researcher would like to suggest that the population Rick (1988) used was an
unfair representation of the Hmong population. The data were only taken from 29 out of
2000 Hmong refugees living in the Boulder-Denver area, and Denver was not a main area
of resettlement among the Hmong (Miyares, 1998). It is also important to note that
Hmong had only been in the country for about 10 years when this research was taking
place. The Hmong are very conservative; talking about personal feelings and issues have
never been an option, let alone with someone outside the Hmong family, household, clan,
and community (Vang, 2010). The Hmong individuals who did step forward and take the
survey were really a small minority of the Hmong population.
Rick (1988) did include discussion of a sufficient amount of literature regarding
biculturation. The data point to three important outcomes with respect to helping Hmong
56
students succeed in college. First, more has to be done - simply teaching about the
United States culture isn’t sufficient. The evidence suggested Hmong students weren’t
able to deal with two cultures. Secondly, the kind of help refugees need differ based on
age and time in the United States (Rick, 1988). Lastly, the research by Rick (1988)
added context and acknowledgement to the phenomena of Hmong acculturation in the
United States
The possible variables and different perspectives of acculturation comprise a wide
range of problems that are difficult to truly define and grasp. In such a pluralistic world
with a multicultural population, and after more in-depth research, it can be seen that too
many small variables such as family structure, gender roles, attitudes of host culture
towards dominated culture, etc. are left unaddressed, creating problems that require more
research. This will add to the process of understanding the problems of acculturation. To
make matters more complicated, culture is ever changing. Overall, the literature seems to
lead to a familiar theme. In order for biculturation to work for an individual, he/she must
be educated and be aware of his/her traditional culture and heritage, to avoid the problem
of self-identity. To be adaptable and able to choose the characteristics from each culture
that would best fit each situation, to avoid alienation or total assimilation, is also
important.
According to Bosch (1995), immigrants who continue to believe and live by their
ethnic values have a better chance to succeed in education than if they assimilate
completely into the American culture. For most Asian cultures the explanation of their
success in higher education is related to their hard work ethics and their emphasis on the
57
importance of education. So they must not totally assimilate into United States culture,
yet they must adapt enough to fit in. Bosch’s (1995) data consisted of Hmong college
students who were all successful at post-secondary level, with high self-esteem, and
maintaining a respectable G.P.A. They also had one thing in common: they were
bicultural, holding on to their heritage while adapting to United States culture.
Bosch’s findings are consistent with the various strands of research on Hmong
biculturation analyzed by Ngo and Lee (2007). The consensus of this research is that:
successful Hmong students adopt a strategy of accommodation without
assimilation, which helps them to excel in their new country (Ngo and Lee, 2007,
p. 431; McNall, et al, 1994).
Interestingly, Piller (2002) found that some forms of bilingualism were devalued
and that unified identities were valued. The form of bilingualism that was most valued
was “double monolingualism”; being fully adequate in both languages. The difference
between dual monolingulism and bilingualism is that bilingualism is sometimes defined
to include a fusion of words or concepts of both languages. A general example is
“Hmonglish”, mixing English words and Hmong words together in a sentence. Double
monolingualism is keeping the traditional norms of both languages separate, not mixing
them.
Hybridity
Hybridity for this research will be defined as the end product of biculturation.
Hybrid individuals are people from a non-dominant culture who are able to mold their
traditional cultural identity to be able to survive in the host culture by taking things from
58
it. Another definition of hybridity is “at a basic level, hybridity refers to any mixing of
east and western culture. Within colonial and postcolonial literature, it most commonly
refers to colonial subjects from Asia or Africa who have found a balance between eastern
and western cultural attributes” (Singh, 2009). Or, hybridity is the process and
“formations of cultural objects and practices that are produced by the histories of uneven
and unsynthetic power relations” (Lowe, 2000, p. 428). An example Lowe’s (2000)
definition of hybridity is the racial and linguistic mixing of the Filipinos in the United
States Filipinos in the United States are a product of Spanish colonialism, United States
colonization, and United States neocolonialism. Another example of hybridity might be
the use of writing to preserve the cultures of oral language societies when the written
form of the language has its origins in the missionizing activities of Christian
missionaries. Over time, the written heritage language may acquire its own place in the
survival of the heritage culture.
Heteorogeneity is part of a strategy to destabilize the dominant discursive
construction and determination of Asian Americans as a homogenous group. The Asian
Myth benefits some Asians who are identified with stories quotas and citizenships and
internment, but the use of racialist constructions of Asian-origin groups can be just as
negative (Pelaud, 2011). For example, it is possible for Hmong students to get included
in a population of preference because of the popular perception of Asian groups as people
who perform well in education. But this can also lead to racism. An example would be
the association of the Hmong with the unpopular view of the Japanese during World War
II. Overall, the Asian myth way of thinking underscores the importance of differences;
59
class, gender, or national; for a dialogue within the Asian community (Pelaud, 2011).
Pelaud (2011) argued for the need for Asian Americans to organize and resist theories of
Asian Americans. They should, at the “same time inscribe the necessity within a
discussion of the risks of a cultural politics that relies on the construction of the sameness
and exclusion of differences” (Peluad, 2011, p. 429).
Pelaud’s (2011) definition of hybridity refers specifically to experiences and
identities shaped by: colonialism, war, immigration, and racism, but addresses the uneven
process through which Vietnamese Americans encountered violence of the American
state and the Vietnam state within the context of colonialism, and the cold war. Pelaud’s
(2011) intention was to examine the tactics of survival through modes of simultaneous
resistance and accommodation without readymade judgments that would exclude one or
the other.
Hybridity is not a connection or a bridge between two cultures. It is the after
effect of the survival within relationships of unequal power and domination (Lowe,
2000). In this research hybridity is discussed on a general scale. For a better grasp of
hybridity, Singh (2009) sub-categorizes hybridity into five sub-categories: racial,
linguistic, literary, cultural, and religion, and defined as excerpted here at length:
1) Racial hybridity- The term "hybridity" derives from biology, where
hybrids are defined as reflecting the merger of two genetic streams, so it
might seem logical to talk about hybridity in terms of race. But in fact
applying the term this way does not seem productive. Most formerly
colonial societies have their very specific, localized words to describe
60
people of mixed race ancestry, and the term “hybrid” is generally not used
in the context of race. …
2) Linguistic hybridity- Linguistic hybridity can refer to elements from
foreign languages that enter into a given language, whether it’s the
adoption of English words into Asian or African languages, or the advent
of Asian or African words into English. To talk about linguistic hybridity,
one benefits from reference to terms from linguistics, including the ideas
of slang, patois, pidgin, and dialect. Over the course of the long history of
British colonialism in India, quite a number of Indian words entered
British speech, first amongst the white “Anglo-Indians,” but over time
these words entered the English language more broadly. Today, words like
“pajamas,” bungalow,” and “mulligatawny” are often used without an
awareness that they derive from Indian languages. Similarly, words like
“mumbo-jumbo” have entered the English language from African
languages. …
3) Literary hybridity- Hybridity at the level of narrative form is
fundamental to what we now know as postcolonial literature. In part, basic
modern literary forms such as the novel and the short story are modes of
writing invented in the West, though they were readily adopted by colonial
authors in Africa and Asia (the first Indian novels were being published in
the 1860s). But almost immediately after it emerged, the “foreign” genre
of the western novel became one of the primary ways by which Africans
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and Asians began to collectively imagine a sense of national, cultural
identity. The fact that the novel may have been a borrowed form did not
seem to be a limitation for the first generations of Asian and Africans who
used it; in fact, the novel has proven to be an incredibly flexible and open
format. …
4) Cultural hybridity- Culture, defined in terms of art, music, fashion,
cuisine, and so on, might be the broadest and perhaps also the easiest place
to think about hybridity. Cultural hybridity is also extremely widespread
today, as one sees a proliferation of fusion cuisine, and fusion musical
forms. For most readers cultural hybridity is a given – something we
might encounter without even giving a second thought, when we see an
Indian-influenced design in a blouse on sale at the Gap, or when we hear
about Japanese (or Arab or German) hip hop….
5) Religious hybridity- This final sub-category of hybridity seems
important, in part because religion specifically, and religious conversion is
such a widespread theme in colonial and postcolonial literature. It also
seems like a fitting place to end, since Homi Bhabha’s example of
hybridity in “Signs Taken For Wonders,” specifically invokes the
imposition of the Christian Bible in India. Bhabha notes that despite the
fact that local Indians “under a tree, outside Delhi,” readily accept the
authority of the Missionary’s Book, and yet, despite that clear Authority,
they can only understand the Christianity they are being exposed to
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through their own cultural filters. Perhaps, instead of becoming simple
Christians, the local Hindus are simply adding the reference point of Jesus
to a very crowded Hindu pantheon. In thinking about religious hybridity,
the question is usually not whether or not someone converts to a foreign or
imposed religious belief system, but how different belief systems interact
with traditional and local cultural-religious frameworks. (Singh, 2009,
web blog, subsections 1-5 of Hybridity section)
Rationale for the Study
Given the complexity of the Hmong culture, there is no one solution to help
Hmong students succeed educationally and graduate from college. The Hmong culture,
traditions, and family roles often conflict with predominant models of Acculturation and
Success are used to predict higher educational attainment, as has been mentioned in this
analysis. Those topics alone generate a variety of challenges that differ with each small
adjustment. One is left with the idea that a particular Hmong student may have a set of
challenges that differ from those of other Hmong students at the same institution.
Education is something Hmong parents want and are willing advocate for. It is
associated with survival and a way out of poverty. Factors limiting success in spite of
this kind of family support include not being adequately prepared educationally for
college, the dilemmas arising from choosing between two cultural models, and not having
a resource network in higher education.
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Summary
One thing is evident: literature reveals traditional approaches to fostering student
success have not been producing results and there is a need to find different approaches
to help Hmong students negotiated their way through the college experience. No one
approach will improve student success rates for all (Perna & Thomas, 2008).
Researchers should be combining theories and perspectives from various schools of
thought to formulate new strategies to promote student success. The big challenge lies in
achieving access to the policymakers who define much of the postsecondary experience
how to get their attention or to make a voice be heard. That leads into the field of
political science which brings in its own set of issues. Even if researchers find
compelling solutions and frameworks to successful education attainment and completion
for minority students, including Hmong students, they do not by themselves have the
authority to implement them. Policymakers still need to become more aware of research
on college persistence of Hmong and other minority students, and to review and
implement proposed solutions. This research will add to the Hmong voice and the
Hmong literature on strategies for Hmong postsecondary educational achievement to get
attention and acknowledgement.
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Chapter 3
ANALYSIS OF THE DATA
Design of the Study
The most productive means of data collection for this study would be through a
quantitative research method. This research is trying to investigate if there is a
correlation between a type of Hmong student and the type of assistance they need. The
more participants there are in the survey directly relates to how fair the data is. Using a
qualitative method would be ideal to illustrating the problem. But pertaining to this
research, qualitative data would lack the ability to give a reasonable representation of
Hmong students. The goal is to investigate whether there is a relationship to the type of
Hmong college student to the kind of assistant needed through numbers. This research
will determine whether or not future qualitative data will be needed.
Population and Sample
The population for this study is the Hmong students attending a four institution in
California in the 2011-2012 academic year. The sample consisted of any Hmong students
or alumni who identified themselves as being of Hmong descent and who made any
contact with the Hmong student organization’s booth during rush week in spring of 2012,
while the survey was available for administration or participated in the Hmong student
organization’s meetings during the first part of the semester. The participants are those
members of the sample who agreed to complete a survey on their experience as Hmong
65
American college students. The survey was administered during rush week at the Hmong
student organization’s booth. Additional surveys were administered during the first
H.U.S.A general meeting and other following meetings. Students were asked to refer any
students they may know of that were not part of the Hmong student organization. Alumni
present were also asked to take the survey. Forty-nine subjects completed the survey, 26
males and 23 females.
Data Collection
Data for the research was strategically collected. In order to get a fair reading, the
data was collected in the start of the spring semester. It is a norm that traditional
incoming freshmen enter college for the first time in the beginning of the fall semester.
Because the survey was administered in the spring semester, each participant had a least
one semester of college experience. If students never had a college semester they were
asked not to participate in the survey. The researcher was also familiar with the Hmong
student organization and comprehended that the most abundant contact with students of
Hmong descent would be from the first two weeks during rush week at the Hmong
student organization’s booth. Also, from experience, the researcher was aware that the
first general meeting of the Hmong club in every semester possessed the most Hmong
students in one location.
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Instrumentation
The survey consisted of 10 questions with three objectives. One was to categorize
the Hmong students. Another was to find out what are the kinds of challenges and
assistance they need from the Hmong community, their family, institution, and
financially. Lastly, the survey was to find out what is the overall type of challenge the
students face while attending college and the overall type assistance the students need or
find most helpful. Hmong students were identified based on their family background,
gender, and religion. After they were identified, they then were categorized, and
ultimately classified resulting in 12 general types of Hmong students (see Table 1 below).
A copy of the survey questionnaire is attached to this study as (Appendix A).
The first five questions were aimed to classify each type of Hmong student by
his/her gender, family background, and religion. With the classification there are three
main categories used. Individuals are identified based on their family background as a
settling family, adjusting family, or an adapted family. To be considered as a settling
family, the Hmong student would have to be living in the U.S no more than ten years.
Individuals from an adjusting family would have to have resided in the United States over
ten years and/or have a parent born in outside of the United States categorization as an
adapted family requires an individual to be born in the United States as well as their
parents. Within those three main categories individuals are again separated by their
religion practices, Animism or Western mainstream religion. Then they are separated a
third time by their gender, thus creating four types of Hmong students from each main
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category (Table 2). Male, Animist, from a settling family or a female Christian from an
adjusting family are two examples of the twelve possible types of Hmong students.
Table 2
Family Classification Guide: Types of Hmong students possible from one family model
Male
Animism
Female
Settling
Family
Male
Christianity
Female
The second series of questions were used as a reflection for the student and helped
identify the influences for their answers. Answering question five and six allowed the
student to contemplate of the problems they face and assistance they need from four
aspects: institution support, family, community, and finances. Questions five and six also
helped clarify any vague responses to the question of the type assistance needed. For
example, the answer for the single most helpful type of assistance for a settling Animist
male student maybe, he needs a place to study. The answer can simply fall into the
category of family/home or institution. But on the reflection questions, the student
answers that his problems are running errands for his family because they are new to the
country or because he is the oldest son so he has to learn customs and culture conflicting
with his time for studies. Not mentioning anything about the institution’s inability to
provide a quiet place to study or a study area besides the library. Then his biggest
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challenge to completing college would fall under family and acculturation rather than
lack of institution support. Questions five and six also helped identify current challenges
and obstacles Hmong students were facing.
The third set of questions were simply used to narrow down the respondent’s
answer, concluding to pinpoint the one type of assistance they needed most and the
biggest challenge they faced when completing college. It also revealed what kinds of
assistance were not available and how friends and families could be support them in
college.
With the data collected individuals could then be classified, compared, and
analyzed to determine if there was a correlation between the type of Hmong student and
the type of assistance they needed.
Data Analysis Procedures
All the data from the survey were entered into Microsoft Excel sheets. Answers
from the survey were transcribed word for word regarding questions five through 10.
The first sheet of excel data was designed to analyze questions one through four from the
survey. Each student was issued an identification number (surveys were anonymous) in
place of their name. Along with the identification number, the parent(s) birthplace was
confirmed. If one of the parents were born outside of the United States the student would
receive an Os. If one of the parents w born in the United States the student would receive
an Us and if not answered, the student would receive an N. The same concept would
apply to the student’s birth place also. Next was the identification of religion, if the
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student identified their family as practicing Animism, the student would receive an A, a C
for Christianity or N if the answer was no comment or left blank. Lastly, the gender of the
student was inputted (M for males, F for female). With questions one through four
inputted on to Excel, the types of student could be identified based on the requirement for
each classification individually. For example, the first student was 1OsUsAF,. The
identification number is 1; therefore, the student’s parents were born out of the United
States, and the student was born in the United States or lived in the United States for
more than ten years. The student’s family practiced Animism and the gender of the
student is female. Student 1OsUsAF was an AdjA-F because she fell into the description
of an adjusting family background (refer to definition page 6).
The next step was analyzing the data from survey questions five and six. Each
statement was transcribed on Excel sheets, word for word. It revealed the specific
challenges and assistance each student has, pertaining to the Hmong community, family,
financial, and institution. Then using Coffey and Atkinson’s (1996) article on Making
Sense of Qualitative Data, statements were ultimately coded and by general themes. For
example, Student 41 stated “parents have no or very little education background tried to
help me but couldn't be of help as much as I wanted.” That statement was coded as
culture capital.
The last step of the data analysis was to input the replies from questions seven
through ten on excel word for word. By coding questions number seven and ten as C for
community, F for family, I for institution, M for financial, and S for self-related issues, it
would identify the most challenging obstacles Hmong students faced and the types of
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assistance most helpful or wanted. An example is for the question (# 7 from survey)
What is your biggest challenge in completing college? Student number 3 stated, “More
courses and funds” so the most challenging obstacle for student 3 would receive an I
because it is an institution related problem. The data was also analyzed for any other
trends, discoveries, and comparisons after all data was put into excel.
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Chapter 4
DATA ANALYSIS & INTERPRETATIONS
Analysis
A total of forty nine surveys were collected. Of the forty nine surveys, twentythree participants were identified as being from Adjusting Families, Animist, and Male
(AdjA-M). Twenty-one participants were identified as Adjusting Families, Animist,
Females (AdjA-F). Two were from Adjusting Families, Christian, Males (AdjC-M).
There was one Adjusting Family, Christian, Female (AdjC-F) and one male and female
from an Adjusting family whom declined to state their religion (AdjN-M, AdjN-F)
There were no respondents from the settling branch and adapted branch. All of
the respondents were from adjusting family backgrounds.
Table 3
Adjusting Animist-Male Student Results (AdjA-M)
Challenge
Finance
N/A
Institution
Family
Community
Self
#of
Surveys
17% (4)
4% (1)
40% (9)
4% (1)
0
35% (8)
23
N/A
Institution
Family
Community
Self
4% (1)
35% (8)
4% (1)
13% (3)
30% (7)
#of
Surveys
23
Assistance
Finance
13% (3)
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Nine out of twenty-three AdjA-M students identified institution related challenges
as their main obstacle to completing college. Eight out of the twenty-three AdjA-M
students identified self-related problems as their main obstacle for completing college.
Four out of twenty-three identified financial obstacles as their greatest challenge to
completing college, one out of twenty-three identified family challenge, and lastly one
out of twenty-three did not give a specific answer.
Eight AdjA-M students identified institution related support as the one type of
assistance most wanted or helpful to completing college. Six stated self-support was
needed, three stated financial support, and another three stated community support. Two
out of the twenty-three stated family support and one stated an answer of not being sure.
Table 4
Adjusting Animist –Female Student Results (AdjA-F)
Challenge
Finance
N/A
Institution
Family
Community
Self
#of
Surveys
19% (4)
5% (1)
42% (9)
14% (3)
0
19% (4)
21
N/A
Institution
Family
Community
Self
5% (1)
33% (7)
10% (2)
5% (1)
29% (6)
Assistance
Finance
19% (4)
#of
Surveys
21
Nine out of twenty-one AdjA-F students identified institution problems as their
most challenging obstacle. Four out of twenty-one AdjA- F stated financial obstacles and
another four stated self-related issues were their most difficult challenge. Three AdjA-F
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stated family issues were their main problems, and one was unable to give a concrete
answer.
Seven stated that institution related support was most wanted or helpful, six
stated self-related support, and four identified financial related support. One said
community support would be most helpful. Two of them stated family related support and
one stated unsure.
Table 5
Adjusting Christian-Male Student Results (AdjC-M)
Challenge
Finance
N/A
Institution
Family
Community
Self
#of
Surveys
0
0
100% (2)
0
0
0
2
Assistance
Finance
N/A
Institution
Family
Community
Self
0
0
50% (1)
0
50% (1)
0
#of
Surveys
2
Two out of two AdjC-M students stated institution related challenges were the
most difficult obstacles to completing college. When asked for what assistance would be
most helpful, one stated institution support and the other community support.
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Table 6
Adjusting Christian-Female Student Results (AdjC-F)
Challenge
Finance
N/A
Institution
Family
Community
Self
#of
Surveys
0
0
0
0
0
100% (1)
1
Assistance
Finance
N/A
Institution
Family
Community
Self
100% (1)
0
0
0
50% (1)
0
#of
Surveys
0
There was only one AdjC-F participant and she determined institution related
obstacles were most challenging, and the most beneficial support would be financial
support.
Other data
Two student respondents were from adjusting families, one male and one female,
but they did not identify their family religion. For that reason, their responses were not
included in analyses that studied the configuration of duration of presence and religious
orientation. There were no participants that were from the settling family and adapted
family branch.
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Findings
Characteristics of the Respondents
The data was only able to identify only two prevalent types of Hmong students for
comparison: AdjA-M and AdjA-F. The respondents did not include either recent arriving
Hmong born in Thailand or Hmong Americans with more than two generations of
residence in the United States. The importance of this finding is that it indicates that the
Hmong American community is still in the early stages of transition into its identity
within the United States. The characteristics identified at any point in this process are of
their nature transitory and will be subject to evolution over time as families and
communities experience generational acculturation and adaptation.
Challenges and Obstacles
Financial obstacles revolved around stress from work, balancing work and school,
and freedom of the financial burden to be able to just focus on school.
Institution obstacles were based on the availability of courses and programs,
multicultural college environment, advising, counseling, low grades, grade point
averages, career and faculty outreach.
Family challenges were related to acculturation, balancing cultural gender roles,
helping parents with bills, running errands for family, and cultural events like funerals.
For the AdjA-M response that was left N/A, his answers for question five and six
suggests that the biggest challenge for that individual was just the college process itself.
He was aware of his obstacles and resources available to deal with them. The AdjA-F
N/A response to obstacles revolved around community challenges. Because her response
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to the type of assistance needed reflected a need to connect with peers, role models, and
individuals who are in the same situation she was going through.
“Self-obstacle” was a new category added to the list of challenges and type of
assistance because of a pattern of responses that emerged from the data. As data was
collected a recurring response was: “motivation”, “time management”, “focus” and
“distraction”. The responses didn’t fit in any of the initial categories of institution,
family, financial, and community. Based on their reflection questions, their resources
available to them were sufficient to the challenges they faced. They did not indicate that
they lacked the necessary resources to help them succeed; rather, by their own
assessment, they lacked the will to stay focused and the determination to succeed - all
factors involving their own responses to their situation and role expectations.
Assistance and Support
The financial support wanted or most helpful was extra income intended to
support their families, buy books, and give Hmong students a way to relieve their
financial burdens.
Institution support revolved around a need for advisement, more open classes, a
relationship with faculty, career guidance, free tutoring sessions, and a more multicultural
environment.
The community aspect of support involved the idea of role models and peer
support along with a network of relationships. The family support deemed most helpful
revolved around encouragement, support, and, pertaining to AdjA-F, help with traditional
roles, boundaries, and duties as a daughter.
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In regard to self-support, students needed or wanted the will power to focus and
be motivated to attend class, not procrastinate, and be able to balance fun and school.
Based on the data, all the students are from adjusting family backgrounds, the
traditional Hmong belief of Animism is still the majority at ninety percent, and there was
not a significant difference in membership based on gender. The female participants
were forty-nine percent of all responses, while the males constituted fifty three percent.
All calculations are rounded to the nearest hundredth up.
Across the types of students, fifty percent and higher were able to identify types
of assistance that were correlated with their obstacles. The largest proportion of
identified challenges was institution related challenges among all the Hmong students,
with forty-five percent of all challenges in this category. Self-related obstacles were the
next biggest challenge with twenty-four percent.
Based on the data, institution challenges remain the highest for both and with
similar percentages – AdjA-M students with forty percent and AdjA-F students with
forty-two percent, Finances have similar percentages of AdjA-M students at seventeen
percent and AdjA-F students at nineteen percent. Four percent of AdjA-M students and
five percent for AdjA-F students gave vague responses which could not be included in a
codified category. The type of assistance that was considered most helpful was similar
throughout with no more than ten percent difference in each category.
Comparison of Male and Female Responses
Noticeable differences between the two classifications of students were in the
family and self-related issues categories. Four percent of AdjA-M’s compared to
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fourteen percent of AdjA-F’s considered family to be their major challenge. Thirty-four
percent of AdjA-M’s compared to nineteen percent of AdjA-F’s considered self-related
obstacles as the biggest challenge.
The difference between an AdjA-M and an AdjA-F is gender. They are both from
adjusting families and both practice as Animist or are from Animist families. Aside from
family and self-related issues, they both have similar challenges.
Obstacles and Assistance Breakout
In this section, the data is broken down within the category. Survey question
numbers seven and ten identified the specific kind of challenges the students faced and
the assistance that would be or is most helpful to aid them in succeeding in college. For
example, of all the AdjA-M students who considered financial issues to be their biggest
challenge, thirty-three percent of them said it was stress from work, another thirty-three
percent said it was because of having to work and go to school, and the last thirty-three
percent said stress over finances were their biggest challenge. This section will be
comparing the answers of the assistance and challenges between the two type students.
Regarding financial challenges, AdjA-F students included family financial
responsibilities such as helping family pay bills and AdjA-M did not mention any family
obligations to help with bills. Institutionally, AdjA-M’s had more trouble getting into
courses and programs. AdjA-M’s also had a higher need for some sort of counseling and
advising while having fewer needs academically. Interestingly, AdjA-M’s had a lower
response for the environment/campus comfort as an institution problem. Pertaining to
family challenges, there was only one AdjA-M who said he had family problems stating
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he had trouble “balancing statuses and roles.” AdjA-F students on the other had faced
gender role issues, had to deal with family errands, and deal with the frustration of the
expectations of college. For the individuals who stated self-related issues, time
management seemed to be a normal challenge for both groups of students, but AdjA-M
students mentioned additional challenges such as the lack of encouragement, focus, and
attending morning classes.
Table 7
AdjA-M Specified Challenges and Obstacles Responses
Finance
50% balancing work and school, 50% college expenses
N/A
No answer/vague response
Institution
33% classes/programs available, 22% academic performance, 33%: lack
of college info, counseling/advisement, 11% institution/environment
comfort
Family
100% balancing cultural roles
Self
38%% lack of motivation, encouragement, 13% focus, 38% time
management, 13% attending morning classes.
*The percentages indicate the percentage of those respondents who identified this
category of challenge as a challenge they faced, not the percentage of all respondents.
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Table 8
AdjA-F Specified Challenges and Obstacles Responses
Finance
75% balancing work and school, 25% family financial stress
N/A
No answer/vague response
Institution
22% classes/programs available, 33% academic performance, 22% lack of
college info/counseling/advisement, 22% institution/environment comfort
Family
33% parent miscommunication understanding of college, 33% role of
daughter, 33% family errands
Self
75%: time management-priorities, 25%: vague response(see student 14
Appendix H )
*The percentages indicate the percentage of those respondents who identified this
category of challenge as a challenge they faced, not the percentage of all respondents.
For the types of assistance deemed most helpful, both AdjA-M and AdjA-F
students who considered financial assistance to be most helpful, the majority wanted to
be relieved of financial stress. Institutionally, the type of assistance wanted most among
AdjA-M students was a friendlier and more multicultural environment, career
advisement, and academic help. AdjA-F students said a friendlier and multicultural
environment, faculty connection, and more courses were considered most helpful or
wanted. Notably AdjA-M students also mentioned self-confidence as a topic in the selfrelated issues whereas AdjA-F students did not. Both types of students that put down
community assistance as the most helpful, identified peer and friend support as the top.
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Table 9
AdjA-M Specified Types of Assistance Most Wanted/Helpful
Finance
33%: financial stress free (self), 33% financials stress free (family),
33% financially able(ability to buy things non-school related)
N/A
No answer/vague response
Institution
25% college comfort/networking, 25% career advisement, 13% more
courses, 13% faculty connection, 25% academics (tutoring, study area)
Family
50%: morale support and encouragement, 50%: help with home errands
Self
29% commitment/focus, 29% motivation, 29% self-confidence, 14%
time management
Community 100%: friends and peer support
*The percentages indicate the percentage of those respondents who identified this
category of support/helpfulness as a resource that helped, not the percentage of all
respondents.
Table 10
AdjA-F Specified Types of Assistance Most Wanted/Helpful
Finance
25%: free books, 50%: financial stress free (self), 25% financials
stress free (family)
N/A
No answer/vague response
Institution
29% college comfort/networking, 14% career advisement, 29%
more courses, 29% faculty connection.
Family
50% help with family duties, 50% parent understanding of college
clash of culture
Self
17%% commitment/focus, 17%% motivation, 17% work ethics
(completing assignments), 33% time management
Community 100%: peers and networking
*The percentages indicate the percentage of those respondents who identified this
category of support/helpfulness as a resource that helped, not the percentage of all
respondents.
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Interpretations
Based on this data, there are differences in the problems Hmong students face and
the assistance they want. The difference is based on gender. Acculturation and the
mainstream United States society remain a top influence on most aspects of identified
challenges and resources and on the gendered differences in perception.
The difference between an AdjA-M and an AdjA-F is gender and gender roles.
They are both from adjusting families and practice Animism. The data suggest that they
generally face the same problems and need the same type of assistance.
The difference in percentages identifying family issues or self-related issues as
their greatest challenges can be explained by the structure of the Hmong family. Hmong
sons have less restriction and are given more leniency than Hmong daughters (Lee, Jung,
Su, Tran, & Bahrassa, 2007). Because of that, data suggests that Hmong daughters have
a higher percentage in family challenges because they have more restrictions from
parents and, in the responses to this survey, more family expectations to help out. They
are bound to encounter more family challenges than Hmong sons. As for Hmong sons
they have fewer family restriction but their self-related obstacles are higher than Hmong
daughters. They are given more independence from their parents resulting in less
confrontation with parents and more confrontation with themselves and with the
consequences of their independence. In the data above, AdjA-Fs mentioned financial
stress associated with the family and family obligations such as running errands for the
family as part of the their challenges in the Family and Financial category. The AdjA-Ms
had no mention about family troubles or challenges in both of those categories. That
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leads to Lee and Tapp (2010) who suggested that because of the leniency Hmong sons are
given, they tend to slack off, resulting in Hmong daughters having a higher success rate
in education. Daughters have more of a responsibility in the family, but these
responsibilities do not appear to result in reduced educational outcomes. This leads to the
next discussion of why AdjA-Ms have a higher percentage of self-related challenges than
AdjA-Fs.
Thirty-five percent of AdjA-Ms stated self-related issues were their most difficult
challenge. Only nineteen percent of AdjA-F students said self-related issues were their
main challenge. Also among the nineteen percent, all the computable AdjA-Fs
respondents said time management was their main problem. But for the AdjA-Ms, in
addition to time management, they also included issues that are related to having
independence such as: lack of focus, problems attending morning classes, and lack of
motivation/encouragement.
A higher percentage of AdjA-F students also reported academic challenges
compared to AdjA-M students and that may explain why AdjA-F students found faculty
connection as the most helpful or wanted assistance. AdjA-M students included a higher
percentage for wanting career advisement and assistance.
Lastly, seventy-six percent of all AdjA-Fs and sixty-one percent of all AdjA-Ms
stated there was no assistance that they needed or wanted that did not exist. This
suggests that the greatest challenges do not arise from a lack of institutional resources but
from problems engaging in the self-initiated behaviors needed to access those resources.
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Other Findings
This section of the data analysis consists of the overall data and not an analysis by
classification of student. The data are analyzed as a whole. For example, the data
mentioned earlier about institution challenges among AdjA-M were compared only to
challenges other AdjA-M students faced. This section will include data from other
categories of respondents such as AdjC-M and AdjC-F.
Student 21 stood out because her answer regarding family challenges was unique
and particularly troubling. In her response to family challenges, she stated, “Parents
always talk about money. If money is needed, they’ll try to persuade you to drop out and
find a job.” This response stands out because no other respondent in any category
suggested the parents wanting or persuading the student to drop out. This represented a
category of challenge which is often portrayed as a problem from previous eras and
societal efforts to improve student success tend not to address problems of this kind.
Student 21’s challenges reveal that there are still students and families troubled by very
basic kinds of challenges that threaten their ability to succeed in college.
As mentioned earlier among AdjA students, the responses to question number
eights, “Are there any kind(s) of assistance that you need but is/are not available?”
indicated that seventy-one percent of the Hmong students replied “N/A,” or they stated
that there were “none,” that is no relevant kinds of assistance that they believed were
needed but were not available. This finding is particularly interesting because many
respondents indicated that there were kinds of assistance that would help them be more
successful and might help with their challenges. Nonetheless, when asked if these
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supports were unavailable, their answers seem to indicate that supportive resources are
more likely to be not accessed by the student than not available in the institution or
community.
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Chapter 5
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, & RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
The Hmong student population was classified into twelve types of students based
on their family immigration status, religious affiliation, and gender. This study was only
able to clearly identify and analyze two out of the twelve types of Hmong students.
Using Perna & Thomas’s (2008) monograph of student success and the data
collected, this research suggests that Hmong students face many challenges to success in
their college career. Hmong students have been found to experience deficiencies in
factors that serve as indicators of success at four key transitions points. The first
transition, from Perna & Thomas’s Conceptual Model (2008), is college preparation. The
data indicates that some of the Hmong students in this study lack two indicators of
success for this transition, being academically prepared and having self-aspiration. They
are not academically prepared. For example some students mention a need for tutoring
and Student 18 mentions “Difficulty of understanding and comprehending the things that
I learn in which at times it tries and interferes with my culture” (Appendix F). The data
also indicate some Hmong students lack high aspirations as many respondents indicated
that motivation and focus were self-related obstacles to their college success.
The second transition event is college enrollment. Data from this study
demonstrate that Hmong students do have access to college. The survey question did not
ask if their current college of attendance was their priority college choice. Some data
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suggested that Hmong students are not getting into programs of their choice. For
example, statements from respondents described their inability to get into nursing
programs offered by the university. The third transition of Perna & Thomas’s (2008)
monograph, successful academic performance while at the institution; is an occurring
problem for the Hmong students in this study. Students’ expressed need for tutors and
emphasized their stress to maintain their grade point average. Difficulties with this
transition are also indicated by the failures of many respondents to transfer into programs
of their choice. A problem with perseverance is evident through the number of responses
identifying lack of motivation as being the major cause of self-related challenges. The
fourth success transition is still unformed for these Hmong students, since they are still in
college. However, the infrequency of graduate school enrollment, level of income in the
Hmong community as a whole, and community wide educational attainment point to
concerns that, at least to date, college participation by Hmong students has not produced
a sufficient upward shift in the community’s standard of living . This generation of
college students presently lacks sufficient community role models for academic and
business success, a concern which some of the respondents mentioned. As a first wave of
American born college attenders and graduates, they are establishing their own path.
Their outcomes in regard to perseverance, inspiration and post-graduate status will
establish a model of one sort or another for younger Hmong American students who
come to college after them. For now, however, their transitional identity through this
fourth transition is still being determined.
88
Theoretical frameworks used in the literature review highlight part of the
challenges Hmong students in this study faced. In terms of Critical Race Theory, data
revealed college may be headed into the direction of only being for the privileged, and
most minorities are usually being on the low end. For example, students from the survey
stated being of low-socioeconomic status and relying on social programs, financial aid
programs, and grants the institution offers as their main source of income. With college
being only for the wealthy some of the Hmong students in the study would not be
attending college. Statements such as “no money equals no school” (Appendix F)
implies that students are suggesting you have to have money to attend college. Limited
courses and programs are the top concerns regarding institution challenges Hmong
students face. With tuition on the rise, budget cuts, and limited courses, students from
low socioeconomic backgrounds will suffer the most - usually the nontraditional minority
students.
This generation of Hmong college students lack the more typical culture capital.
Such as not having parents who are college educated or who are not familiar with the
college process. Likewise, as discussed in chapter four, the gender roles of daughters and
their obligations to help with family errands would be expected to be reflected in
differences between the success among AdjA-Fs and AdjA-Ms. However, as has been
noted already, this burden does not seem to be reflected in lower levels of college
attainment for Hmong female students. The lack of this particular element of cultural
capital was reflected in responses to question five in the family and institution challenges.
Many statements from all groups of respondents in the family challenges category
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included statements similar to Student 41, who indicated “parent has no or very little
educational background, tried to help me but couldn’t be of help as much as I wanted”
(Appendix F). Similarly, in regard to university challenges, several students reported
observations similar to Student 2, “Being first generation, I’m not exposed to the
resources on campus” (Appendix F).
However, there are other sources of cultural capital reported by Hmong students
within the Hmong culture and family. The Hmong culture provides a source of culture
capital that is often ignored in the research. In this research a majority of the responses
on questions six on the Family Assistance category can be considered cultural capital. As
mentioned, parents may lack college education and knowledge but make up for it in other
areas by providing free housing, food, and transportation. Hmong daughters who are not
married are encouraged to live at home or attend college near to home. Males are no
exception to this type of wealth and in many cases are showered with it because a son’s
success is often seen as more meaningful for the family as a whole since they will stay in
the clan. Hmong males identify housing and the constant pressure to complete college as
resources for their persistence. For example, Student 39 stated, “Supportive family that
motivates the heck out of me to accomplish my goals.” as a source of culture capital from
the family. Although this source of culture capital is reported and used as culture capital
for the Hmong, it is a similar to the common sources of cultural capital associated with
poverty. Such as student 23 reported “the struggle I see my parents went through and not
having any education, I also like to change the cycle of depending on welfare to pay the
bills every month” (Appendix G). Student 23’s source of culture capital comes from the
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motivation to change her parents and their family’s socioeconomic condition. Other
respondents have reported using sibling support and assistance as their source to college
knowledge. Other college knowledge cultural capital is acquired from the Hmong
community. Such as Student 5, “There’s a lot of those who have their doctorates that
inspires me” (Appendix G).
All the respondents during this study are in the process of biculturation. They are
all dealing with two cultures at once. Although this research did not indicate how
biculturation affected them academically, it did reveal that biculturation was a current
issue that some Hmong students were struggling with.
Student 22, 47, and 48 were the most obvious students experiencing hybridity.
They were adjusting families with Christianity influence, an example of one simple
explanation of hybridity. In this research, the only availability data were the adjusting
families. There are small traces of hybridity throughout the data. For example, there is
evidence of hybridity among the parents: as their daughters attend college they are more
lenient in the expectations and roles of daughters as Student 5 states, “Even though I stay
late for school purposes, they understand for the most part” (Appendix G). Women are
now educated and expanding their traditional roles in the Hmong community and family.
The evidence of hybridity among Hmong males is their concern with fitting in
with the mainstream society and trying to incorporate aspects of it into their Hmong
American identities. But for the most part there are no signs of a tangible fusion of
cultures yet. It is still in the process as some students from the data are balancing statuses
and roles of the traditional Hmong culture in the United States. As the generation of
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Adapted Families arises, the fusion of cultures will be more completely represented in the
identities of Hmong American individuals who have become hybrids.
Questions five, challenges and obstacles and question six, known resources and
assistance indicated that students are aware that sufficient types of assistance are offered.
For example overall, question five had a lot more N/A’s, than question six. That indicates
the challenges involving resources are harder to identify than types of assistance offered.
Financial challenges had the largest impact among all the Hmong students.
Hmong students were able to identify more financial challenges than any other category
of challenges. Community challenges had the least impact on a Hmong student’s success
because the community challenges possessed the most N/A answers.
In the assistance offered or available, the Hmong community was least often
identified as providing assistance to the Hmong students. Community assistance also
received the most N/A answers meaning that Hmong students had the most trouble
identifying sources of assistance the Hmong community had to offer. Institutions offered
the most of assistance, receiving the least N/A answers, students easily identified sources
of known assistance. Also much of the financial assistance is related to the institution,
for example types of financial assistance identified were financial aid.
The study also revealed that stages in the process of acculturation have an
influence in all the aspects of the challenges Hmong students face. Student respondents
indicated that their Institutions do provide sufficient assistance for Hmong students to
complete college. However, it would appear that due to their lack of comfort in an
institutional environment, these students do not utilize more of these resources. Student
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24 makes the remark, “I think there’s all sorts of assistance, but I choose not to use it”
(Appendix H). From the financial aspect of it, institutions do provide an alternative to be
financial stress free through the availability of financial aid, loans, and other programs
such as Education Opportunity Programs (E.O.P). But data point to some financial stress
among AdjA-F students who are influenced by their families’ socioeconomic conditions.
Lee (1993) refers to the Hmong as being traditionally family oriented and holding elders
in high regards. The financial stress mentioned in the survey can be linked to their
cultural values for their families, as some students were the oldest and replied they had to
take care of the family. This might best be described as their culturally influenced
instinct to take care of the family. They are in college pursuing their education and aware
that their family at home is suffering from poverty and often surviving off government
support. In the meanwhile, they are powerless to help and continue to pile up admission
fees and other financial obligations that come with the college. Although living at home
would appear to be the best way to lower the expenses of college, it is a double edged
sword. Living at home may serve as a constant reminder that the family is struggling. Yet
it can also serves as motivation for the student to work harder and succeed.
From the family perspective, being bicultural has its benefits such as the cultural
capital in the data mentioned above. Literature on biculturation also mentioned the
benefit of using two different types of cultural skills to deal with life situations. (Rick,
1988) But being bicultural also has problems; for example Hmong students struggle to
grasp the concept of what in their culture to keep and what to let go or knowing when to
use what to do or believe when ideas and issues contradict each other. Student 18
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mentions “Difficulty of understanding and comprehending the things that I learn in which
at times it tries and interferes with my culture” (Appendix F). Also gender issues,
cultural roles, and acculturation issues among the family are difficult to deal with because
it may be the parents who have to change rather than the student for any real
breakthrough to happen. Lee (1993) also noted that the Hmong community is very private
often dealing only with other Hmong people. The community currently lacks Hmong
professionals and graduates as role models and icons to serves as inspirations and
motivation. Indeed, the current generation of Hmong college students will provide the
professionals and graduates who will be role models for their younger siblings and the
next generation. In the meantime, they have to make their own path.
Conclusion
There is a difference among Hmong students and the kinds of assistance and
supports they need to be successful in college. A notable difference is based on gender
and gender roles. The main differences between the AdjA-Ms and AdjA-Fs are family
challenges and self-related challenges. AdjA-Ms have fewer family challenges and issues
than AdjA-Fs. But AdjA-Fs have fewer self-related issues. AdjA-Ms identified lack of
motivation, time management, and going to class as their self-related issues. AdjA-F
only identified time management related issues as their main self-related issues. It can be
speculated that AdjA-F’s don’t have enough time whereas AdjA-M’s lack the discipline
to stay focused at school.
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That disparity can be explained by Lee (2009) who says the difference between
roles and expectations that parents have for their children are based on gender. Females
have different guidelines, for example a Hmong daughter’s expectation in college for
parents may not be how academically successful she is, instead it is focused on the
behavior of the daughter, saving face. Of course, one of the best ways to save face in
college is to pass one’s courses. So this focus on behavior of daughters may have an
indirect effect of supporting college success. Daughters are also asked more to do chores
and errands, while male Hmong students’ guidelines have to do more with success and
completion of college and they are less often asked to run errands so they can focus more
on their education.
Data from the study points out that AdjA-F students mention errands and family
obligations they have to attend to and AdjA-Ms less often mention responsibilities.
Interestingly those errands and expectations may contribute to the differences in the
success rates among Hmong male and female AdjA students. AdjA-Fs may be more
prepared for college because they are more independent. While AdjA-Ms have trouble
with independence related issues such as attending morning classes, lack of motivation,
and focus.
The research also indicates students agree that there are sufficient forms of
assistance offered and available for Hmong students to succeed in college. Seventy-one
percent of all the respondents were unable to mention any type of aid or assistance that
did not exist (Appendix H). Also as mentioned before, more types of assistance that
existed were identified than challenges that existed in this regard.
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Data also revealed Hmong students stay within their comfort zones and do not
always seek the assistance that is needed. Institution related issues were the highest
percentage in both categories of challenges faced and assistance wanted or found helpful.
In a more specific analysis, it appeared that the institution services the students wanted or
needed were something the student had to seek out. For example, the career advising was
among the top percentage of the kinds of institution assistance AdjA-M students wanted.
Faculty connection was among the top percentage of institution assistance AdjA-F
students wanted. Both of those types of assistance are available, but it is up to the student
to make appointments with advisers or office appointments with instructors. For
example, Student 24 seems to support that statement because he responded, “I think
there’s all sort of assistance that’s available, but I just choose not to use it” (Appendix H),
to the question of assistance that was needed and did not exist. Also Student 2 admitted
not “fully utilizing my resources because I’m shy” (Appendix F), as her most challenging
obstacle.
It is possible that college institution challenges or challenges within the students
that affect their facility in accessing institutional supports may have a greater overall
impact on the college success and education attainment than family challenges among
Hmong students.
This research seems to yield a general consensus throughout the topics addressed.
Acculturation and the process of it still remain a serious challenge that Hmong students
face in college, implying that the internalization of satisfying hybrid identity is still in
96
process and the final synthesis of Hmong American identity is still something that will
continue to develop into the future.
From the institution programs and policies perspective, data show the availability
of assistance which could support the educational achievement and success among
Hmong students. Programs and college staff are there to help assist Hmong students.
But they need to find a method to reach out to Hmong students because they lack the
comfort and confidence to come forward and pursue it. This need for outreach is
somewhat at odds with the university’s own need to cut back and streamline its services
to students in response to higher levels of budget cuts. Data from this study suggests a
majority of male Hmong students will refrain from making contacts that require them to
extend themselves beyond a given comfort level.
Recommendations
For the Hmong community, this research recommends that more Hmong
professionals and alumni get involved with the community and students. Hmong student
will more likely and willingly seek out Hmong figures because they are in their comfort
zones.
In the institution setting, the researcher recommends programs and services
provided have a different outreach approach. The type of assistance offered must be
brought to the awareness of the student. For example, faculty could incorporate
mandatory or unavoidable advisement sessions into their instructional plans rather than
an open door policy. Even if they need or want it, Hmong students will often not seek out
97
assistance because it is out of their comfort zone. Presentations and other outreach
methods are not sufficient. The researcher knows from experience being an AdjA-M that
faculty and student service representatives do provide sufficient outreach information to
Hmong student organizations and in class courses. The challenge is to maximize student
engagement with the information provided. It is also recommended that institutions have
a college preparation outreach program with high schools because among all the
problems students identified; self-related challenges were the second highest.
Preparation programs should include current Hmong college students or Hmong alumni,
but the emphasis and importance of the programs should be for the high schools to
provide the appropriate assistance for the students. For example a SA-F college student
may be able to provide more valuable mentoring and advisement for a SA-F high school
student than AdaC-M college student could.
Like all educational success challenges, trying to figure how to help Hmong
students succeed in college is a continuous process. Culture, policies, and the
populations are always changing. This study was intended to focus on all the possible
types of Hmong college students, including the Hmong students from the settling
families, who are new to the country, adjusting families that are still in the process of
assimilating and adapted families that are aware and familiar with life in the United
States The study only included the four types of students from the adjusting families and
was only able to get enough information for analysis from two of the four adjusting
family student types. Only male and females students from adjusting families that were
Animists provided enough data for analysis. Male and female students from other types
98
of Adjusting families were low in numbers when the data was collected. Overall, there
were no students that were from settling and adapted families.
Future research on Hmong student can focus on:

Conducting the survey again a few years later would guarantee
respondents from adapted families (with settling families would likely to
be at a minimal).

Having a broader range of Hmong student population for conclusive
results.

What bicultural strategies and traits are associated with the greatest
personal, educational and economic satisfaction?

Are there any differences between the types of challenges and assistance
deemed most helpful among the different types of students?

This study should be addressed on the high school level.

What are the hybridities evolving among Hmong college students and how
are personal and academic characteristics related?

Socioeconomic conditions versus all other theories of the discrepancies
among Hmong students and the Southeast Asian Minority Success Myth.
Is it really the refugee experience, white privilege, and lack of cultural
capital, and etc. that is responsible for the low education success rates
among Hmong Americans? Or is it simply because they are recent
immigrants, in poverty and at the disadvantages these situations produce?
99
The research recommended above call for data that this research lacked. It should also be
noted that research on Hmong college students should be done on a continual basis
because change is ongoing. This research was very much impacted by the current
economic conditions of the state of California.
100
APPENDIX A
Research Survey
2012-2013 CSUS Research Data
The purpose of this study is to find out what kind of assistance Hmong students may need
or want in higher education based on their background. The survey questionnaire is
completely voluntary. All participants will remain anonymous and data from the survey
will be strictly confidential. You are free to not answer any question you find
uncomfortable and recede from taking the survey at any given time. If you have any
additional questions please ask the researcher.
1. Were your parents born in the U.S.? Yes / No
2. Were you born in the U.S.?
Yes / No, if no how long have you lived in the U.S.
3. What is your family’s religion?
4. What is your gender?
Male / Female
5. What are some of the challenges (material, personal, cultural, etc.) you encounter
from the following sources that make it difficult to complete your college
education? (If not applicable, put n/a.)
Hmong community-_________________________________________________
Family-___________________________________________________________
University- ________________________________________________________
Finances- _________________________________________________________
6. What are some resources and assistance (material, personal, cultural) available to
you from the following sources that support your efforts to complete your college
education? (If not applicable put n/a)
Hmong community-_________________________________________________
Family-___________________________________________________________
University- ________________________________________________________
Finances- _________________________________________________________
7. What is your biggest challenge in completing college?
8. Are there any kind(s) of assistance that you need but is/are not available?
9. How could your family and friends best support your efforts to complete your
college education?
10. What is one thing that would be most helpful to you in finishing college?
101
APPENDIX B
Survey Results Analyzed
CHALLENGE
Classification
AdjA-M
AdjA-F
AdjC-M
AdjC-F
SA-M
SA-F
SC-M
SC-F
AdaA-M
AdaA-F
AdaC-M
AdaC-M
Ad?-M
Ad?-F
ASSISTANCE
Classfication
AdjA-M
AdjA-F
AdjC-M
AdjC-F
SA-M
SA-F
SC-M
SC-F
AdaA-M
AdaA-F
AdaC-M
AdaC-M
Ad?-M
Ad?-F
N/A
Finance
Institution
Family
1/4%
1/5%
4/17%
4/19%
9/40%
9/42%
2/100%
1/4%
3/14%
Community
Self
# of SURVEYS
8/35%
4/19%
23
21
2
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1/100%
1/100%
1/100%
N/A
Finance
Institution
Family
Community
Self
1/4%
1/5%
3/13%
4/19%
8/35%
7/33%
1/50%
1/4%
2/10%
3/13%
1/5%
1/50%
7/30%
6/29%
1/100%
1/100%
1/100%
49
# of SURVEYS
23
21
2
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
49
102
APPENDIX C
Challenge Responses in Relations to Assistances
Assistance most helpful based on the Challenges
CHALLENGE
N/A
Finance
AdjA-M
1/4%
4/17%
n/a
finance
1
institution
2
family
community
1
self
1
Institution
9/40%
Family Community
1/4%
1
6
Self
8/35%
1
1
1
1
1
1
5
1
3
8
1
3
7
23
AdjA-F
n/a
finance
institution
family
community
self
1/5%
4/19%
3
1
9/42%
1
5
1
3/14%
4/19%
1
1
1
1
2
1
3
1
4
7
2
1
6
21
AdjC-M
institution
community
2/100%
1
1
1
1
2
AdjC-F
Finance
1/100%
1
1
1
Ad?-M
institution
1/100%
1
1
1
Ad?-F
community
1/100%
1
1
1
49 Total
103
APPENDIX D
Student Identification Responses
104
APPENDIX E
Classification Responses Breakdown
105
APPENDIX F
Survey Question Five: Challenge Responses
Student I.D
Hmong Community
Challenges
1AdjA-F
elders influence on marriage;
not enough spiritual support
from parents/family
N/A
2AdjA-F
It has helped me through
words and encouragement
but not so much when you
need them there to finish an
application. Most of the
times I depend on my fellow
Hmong classmates who are o
no the same boat as I am.
3AdjA-F
Family Challenges
University Challenges
Financial Challenges
segregated groups of people,
courage to speak/interact with
other Hmong students
unreasonable wants, need to
spend money wisely
I'm the oldest so my parents
don't know how to help me
because they did not receive any
education. The roles of a "girl" is
also tough because when we're
home we don't have the time to Being first generation, I'm not
dedicate it to homework and
exposed to the resources on
study.
campus.
I'm okay with my
FA(financial aid) it would be
problematic if I find a job
and need to drive. Even
though a job helps
financially, it requires time
away from focusing on
school.
Coming from a middle-class
The courses/classes of CSUbackground, it's difficult to
Sacramento were very limited as receive money from the
I registered.
government and parents.
N/A
Lack of an organized
network that allows me to
benefit in my college
education
N/A
None of my parents or older
siblings have a college education Uninformed about most
so I have no gain knowledge
programs that can help me
from them.
succeed in college.
Family can't support me
financially, so I rely on
financial aid only.
N/A
They want me to pursue in a
major that is not in my interest.
They don't understand the time it
takes for a science major to
graduate compared to social
budget cut is killing me, not
work major.
enough classes
I have financial aid, so that's
not a prob.(problem) with
buying books + classes. But
getting a car to drive to
school is an issue.
6AdjA-F
N/A
not getting the classes you need,
Family problems: money issues, being limited to what and how
college expenses: rent,
misunderstanding, parents beliefs much class you can take per
books, having to take out
and values as a female
semester, undecided major
loans
7AdjA-F
Have a gender specific role I
have to play in being a
Hmong woman.
discouragement
lack of family support, family
N/A
problems
4AdjA-F
5AdjA-F
8AdjA-F
9AdjA-F
10AdjA-F
courses not equivalent to other
CSU transfer credit
some(money) when needed
money for college (to
tuition, support system
survive on a daily basis)
car accident-paying it off,
work full time and school,
study time, balancing a 13-16
helping parents pay SMUD
unit class, passing class with B or bill $100-$150, house $60,
N/A
helping out parents with finances higher
cell $100
financial issues because my
because Hmong people
parents are young and both
always want to carry their
work and I do not have a job,
"name" I have to watch what they pay half my tuition I'm the
financial aid only covers half
I do, especially be a good
oldest of the 4, so I have school
and like I've said I'm
young lady in college
then kids to watch
getting use to the system
unemployed
106
11AdjA-F
Hmong people think I’m not my parents don't speak good
Hmong so they don't talk to English so I have to translate
me
everything
12AdjA-F
judgments from the old folks
about giving to a long
having to go to local college and
distance college will turn you always having to commute to
to a bad girl
support and help out family
N/A
not enough financial aid so
this leads to finding a job
and when working, you can't
get studying/school work
done on time
13AdjA-F
N/A
N/A
N/A
Family on low budget
14AdjA-F
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
Having difficulties getting into the
classes that I need due to the
University budget, late
Being the oldest in the family, so registration date and there are
there are a lot of responsibilities too many students in the
that I will have to take care of. university
N/A
15AdjA-F
16AdjA-F
17AdjA-F
18AdjA-F
19AdjA-F
20AdjA-F
21AdjA-F
There's not much Hmong
people out there that are big
in having a community since
we just started our education
since the 1980's.
Not know enough about my
culture and what I could have
taken advantage of.
Low income, parents are
uneducated because they were
never given the opportunity to
attend school.
Family situation/problem wise
Trying to maintain the Hmong Be the traditional good Hmong
language in my community.
girl that I'm suppose to be.
disagreeing views on how
The pressure of not being a college life should be/is, career
failure in the community
path
I think the only time I
struggled within the Hmong Financial issues, both my parents
community was when they
don't work and relies on SSI
hosted rallies. To support my and welfare. I have a huge
community I had to sacrifice family and the SSI and welfare
my education
barely covers the family.
Obstacle would be "being a Parents always talk about
daughter". The sons are
money. If money is
looked up higher than girls. need(needed), they'll try to
But more women succeed
persuade you to drop out and
than guys.
find a job.
English is not 1st language
tuition fees, parking permit price,
community
Hard courses that will set me
back from what I want to
accomplish
Difficulty of understanding and
comprehending the things that I
learn in which at times it tries and
interferes with my culture.
N/A
Hard to work and go to
school a the same time if I
want a good G.P.A.
not enough (LOL)
Trying to get a job.
deadline of paying
registration due to financial
aid
N/A
Financial issues, when my
FA(financial aid) is delayed I
don’t have the money to pay for
it because I have no other income
in the beginning of the semester. N/A ("refer to Family and
I have work study
University")
The IAD (Intermediate Algebra
Diagnostic test) isn't necessary
especially Math 9. You need to
pass that in order to move on.
22AdjC-F
23AdjN-F
N/A
N/A
big family-hard to move on and
live on my own because of
hard to get into a course that is
finance matters
needed in the program
N/A
cutting class and raising tuition
24AdjA-M
Not enough support. I think
we lack people whose been
through college to come out
and talk to our younger
generation
I think more traditional parents
don't see how hard college can
be. We have a lot of work to do
and our cultural events come into
conflict with school
They lack information on how to
graduate. They should require
advisor meetings b/c a lot of
people including me was lost
during our first 2yrs of college.
Due to budget cut. There's
not a lot of money to help
students with their needs
because some are in debt.
struggling with financial
matter through bills,
entertainment, and personal
use
N/A
Money is hard to come by
esp. when you don't work.
Food, school work, and
other bills really requires a
lot of time and money.
107
25AdjA-M
N/A
family issues (i.e. death,
activities, etc..)
textbooks
26AdjA-M
N/A
Family statuses, gender roles
N/A
27AdjA-M
I'm not too sure but just to
put it out there saying that
there are Hmong students
graduating and to try and help
others to continue their
pursuit in education
28AdjA-M
N/A
I think that since I'm the only
son, there is a lot of pressure for
me to continue schooling and to
be able to support my family
later in life.
My parents never have the
education knowledge nor loving
parents
Financial aid and tuition
Just getting into class is the main increase each year. I see it
challenge. If I could get in them makes it hard for many to
all, I could finish faster.
continue going to school.
Well money isn't the issue as
don't know the area well enough of right now, but
to be at the back of my head
transportation
29AdjA-M
I am not familiar or feel
comfortable of meeting
another person/people in
public who I meet. Also, I'm
not involved in the community
(Hmong) b/c my family is not
bound by it.
Parents lack of communication
N/A
N/A
30AdjA-M
competition among Hmong
students, cultural barriers,
language barriers,
personal biases as to what is miscommunication, not enough
the 'best' major to study
communication
Hmong student not going into
different fields of study to
promote academic diversity
living on just enough each
semester
Not enough support/resources
for the undergraduates who are
underprivileged groups
Just money and finance in
general. It is not cheap to go
to college, even though we
have FAFSA
31AdjA-M
N/A
33AdjA-M
The pressure of the Hmong
culture with learning it.
Sometimes I fell that the
Hmong community is too
gang affiliated.
34AdjA-M
N/A
32AdjA-M
35AdjA-M
36AdjA-M
37AdjA-M
38AdjA-M
poor and really in need of
another hand to pay for the bill
courses offered not really
interested, would like more
health among family, problems in Hmong classes, not really that
family
much help, more independent
short on money, live on
welfare
N/A
problems and issues that cause
distractions toward school
Helping parents w/duties at
home and other problems they
need help on
not enough money to do
certain things
When in deeply in need of
money for school
getting required materials for
class, food, personal
accessories
helping relatives out with
ceremonies
The Hmong CultureAmerican culture clash, from The son's expectations that the
boys to girls
father wants
no connection, Hmong
people corrupt
not enough Hmong resource
center to help out Hmong
people
limited funds
work (part-time), maybe if I
didn't work as much I'd
have more time for studying
errands coming at inconvenient
time
Having a big family requires
more time so you have less time
to do school work
not everything goes your way
N/A
N/A
studying and get good grades
hard to make friends with those
outside of race, money
A quiet place where you can
study
bills always hurt my back
money to do things others
are doing who aren't going
to school
hard to find job on campus
due to lack of available jobs,
increase in tuition
108
39AdjA-M
lack of higher education
support or mentors. Hmong
community leaders are also
invisible in the community to
lead us students
Living far apart and is difficult to
concentrate when personal injury Lack of student morale overall.
or sickness within the family
Clicks of students makes it
occurs
difficult to collaborate
Personal problems come up
or school-items insufficient.
Finances plays an important
role in being able to focus on
school.
40AdjA-M
its good but not enough
resources to help
promote/support higher
education/ study groups
I am independent, so cost and
money is an issue, family/parents the nursing program is too hard
has no job/education to help me to get into which leads no future
out with cost of living
dream job
no job just rely on financial
aid
41AdjA-M
community didn't really do
much to help with my
education wished there was
more family and cultural
participation
parents has no or very little
education background, tried to
help me but couldn't be of help
as much as I wanted
42AdjA-M
In regards to acquiring
resources from the Hmong
community to support my
education, there were no
outreach no connections
personal and cultural issues that
conflicted among the learning
and ideal way of doing things at lack of connects(connection) as
home and at school
Hmong community
43AdjA-M
N/A
N/A
lack of resources in the K-12
curriculum to assist Hmong
students
Hmong marriage, support
The way I see it, there's not
many social support. Yes
there are, but I don’t hear
about them
support is limited to the ability to
speak English however, family providing writing and classes self
support is limited to wise lecture growth through identity
support from family, no money financial support, G.P.A.
low income students like
myself struggle to get by
difficult on my studies
N/A tuition
The first to be in college.
dependent on financial aid,
no money equals no school
44AdjA-M
45AdjA-M
46AdjA-M
47AdjC-M
lack of interest in education
48AdjC-M
N/A
49AdjN-M
N/A
University tries its best to help,
hard for a student to speak with no job, relies on financial
a(n) advisor or professor
aid, books expensive
CSUS, not much learning the
system only
N/A
Lack of Hmong students involved
with other things besides HUSA,
financial problems
budget cuts, unit caps.
not much academic support from little to no knowledge of college
parents
expectations
older brother help(s) me out by
providing moral support and
financial
N/A
money was not necessary a
challenge with financial aid
assistant
N/A its hard to find a job on
campus since everyone is
always on top of what
they're doing
N/A
little money support from
parents
N/A
109
APPENDIX G
Survey Question Six: Known Assistance Responses
Student I.D
Hmong community
resources and assistance
available
1AdjA-F
Hmong conferences in
community, workshops
and events for pursuing
higher education
2AdjA-F
3AdjA-F
4AdjA-F
5AdjA-F
6AdjA-F
7AdjA-F
8AdjA-F
9AdjA-F
Family assistance
Available
One strong supporter that
talks to me about how
important higher
education is. Education
the Family!
My parents even though
they don't know much
has support for me
whenever it comes to
education. They would
give me a ride to school
and buy me supplies.
I have kind of explained
about. But other
resources would be the
Hmong orgs. At
Universities, Lao Family,
and Hmong teachers.
I'm genuinely inspired from
our history and Hmong
scholars to pursue a higher Their moral support and
education.
parents' hard work.
Moral support from my
family, free housing, and
making my education first
N/A
priority.
Even though I stay late at
school for school
purposes, they
There's a lot of those who understand for the most
have their doctorates that part and don't lecture me
inspires me.
as much.
social support, guidance in
class
sibling support
promotion in higher
education
moral support
provide a home for me to
go back to, help me with
N/A
financial problems
N/A
N/A
University Assistance
Available
Financial Assistance
Available
clubs, events a chance to
meet new people expand
not employed so more
network and get support from money for extra
them
expenses
Money is mostly what
I depend on right now.
I need it to buy me
food after hours at
The teachers are a great way school. A starving
to help me out but within their stomach won't make a
area of knowledge.
successful person.
Of course, financial
The faculties' effort and time. aid-FAFSA
Dean of my major taking care
of my needs when I couldn't
get into a required course for
me to graduate.
financial aid
All the resources on campus
EOP counselor, library,
professors
financial aid-study
environment
I have no bills except
for phone bills.
financial aid,
scholarships, loans
financial aid, pell
grants
HUSA, EOP, counselors
major advisors, workshops
financial aid
if they give me enough money
to support you in a semesterfoods transportation(taxi),
your own rental car(very
helpful), more assistance on
classes and open classes to
finish the college years
N/A
110
10AdjA-F
11AdjA-F
12AdjA-F
my parents' job because
they are the only support
with financial issues and
transportation, shelter,
N/A
food, living
N/A
financial and moral
provide me with the
more support from friends support
necessary education
other role models who
achieved higher education
and just doesn't care what trusting that I am better
the traditional folks think than who I think I am
the available sources
13AdjA-F
N/A
14AdjA-F
N/A
15AdjA-F
N/A
they can give me
emotional support and
help me with what they
can
emotional support,
housing, food
Giving you less stress
about other things, so I
can just concentrate in
school.
16AdjA-F
N/A- "nothing is helping
me right no, maybe other
students are getting help
but not me."
encouragement, house
support
17AdjA-F
the culture
18AdjA-F
Hmong University Student
Association, Hmong
Women's Heritage
my siblings and parents
19AdjA-F
N/A
financial support when
needed
20AdjA-F
The history and
background that are still
told today in Hmong
events.
N/A
21AdjA-F
N/A
N/A
22AdjC-F
N/A
parent support finances
parents
financial aid
by having open lab w/tutors
N/A
family on low budget
but with FAFSA I'm
able to buy books and
do what's need to be
done
tutoring
government
Have more open classes.
Tutors, computers, internet
All the resources that they
offer for free and not.
the support my parents Example: workshops on
give me, not only that but FAFSA, resume redo's,
my siblings
manage money, and etc.
Getting a part-time
job.
Financial aid, a very
big part in my
education, because
without it, I wouldn't
even be in college.
N/A
the Well(fitness
center)- universitywriting center, multilingual
UEI (University
groups
Enterprise, Inc.)
financial support, access to access to books
internet and resources for
needed for classes,
research
expenses on campus
When I receive
FA(financial aid) it
When I go to their library and makes me remember
see student(s) reading or
that I'm in college for a
doing their work.
reason.
There's money to help
There are some professors
out with books and
who engage with students.
transportation.
Financial aid, EOPS,
scholarships, and
N/A
loans
111
23AdjN-F
N/A
24AdjA-M
To me, I don't see any
resources
25AdjA-M
26AdjA-M
the struggle I see my
parents went through and
not having any education,
I also like to change the
cycle of depending on
welfare to pay the bills
every month
N/A
They have a lot of tutoring
They provide housing and centers and the advising
the support I need to be center. They offer a lot but
able to complete college. students fail to use them.
library, AIRC(Academic
Information Resource
support, money
Center), the well
support
financial aid, parents
community meetings, 1430
AM (Hmong radio, esp. support, dependency on availability of resources such
the teaching programs by me (I am role model),
as library, tutoring, writing
financial aid, student
the Dr.'s)
parent's support
lab, etc..
loans
30AdjA-M
My family has been
supportive with me and
what I'm doing. They just
want to see me succeed.
Back in freshman yr.,
financial aid didn't come
on time and they help
Just a support group to
with tuition cost even
Just programs out there to
make me want to continue though it was a lot.
help find jobs (career center)
A lot of free access to things
on campus that I don't have
I have a step brother
at home. Like computers,
whose gone to college and
workout place, library, and
is very supportive
N/A
counselors for guidance.
role model of a sibling
who graduated from
N/A
college
Club (Hmong)
professors, networking,
financial and emotional research opportunities,
friends, role models
support
internet, library, air
31AdjA-M
N/A
32AdjA-M
Maybe not force but
encourage the learning of
Hmong culture.
27AdjA-M
28AdjA-M
29AdjA-M
I see my parents
struggle and try to
survive depending on
welfare. I will(would)
like to have my own
income and my own
saving to support my
kids in school later on
Financial aid really
helps esp. w/all the
tuition hikes and the
cost of money.
Look out for one another
and support each other
Give space and quietness
so that we can do our
school work, try not to
have that much family
problems.
library, campus labs
scholarships although I
hadn't applied
financial aid, cal grant,
and even my uncle
supports
N/A
gas money, books
financial aid, cal grant,
although they do have
their limits
Offer more courses that attain more money could be
to us (or me) such as Hmong better, so that I don't
history and culture.
have to stress
112
33AdjA-M
support from friends
34AdjA-M
35AdjA-M
36AdjA-M
Hmong community helping
out one another (HUSA),
borrowing books, tutor
N/A
The people around me
37AdjA-M
N/A
38AdjA-M
N/A
39AdjA-M
Peers always helping each
other w/classes, books,
and socially when needed
when my parents help me All the helping hands they
in every way possible
offer.
The financial aid we
receive.
Help you through school
and understand your
needs of school
persuasion
The people around me
guidance, parents will
back me up if I'm out of
resorts
More money so you
won't stress when you
are in need of money
financial aid
N/A
tutors, advisors, professors to
keep you in the right track
environment, workshops
college programs
a lot
Resources places like the
career center, advising for
your major
financial aid
the library and AIRC is
helpful
Financial with without
it, equals no education
financial aid,
scholarships
41AdjA-M
Hmong friends at school,
help each other cheat
through college
Names that I know so far
are HUSA, HOPE, HAS.
The support from my
family
I have a supportive family
that motivates the heck
out of me to accomplish
my goals.
family cooks and clean
the house so I don't
starve; they give me time
to study
uncles, aunts, brothers,
sisters
42AdjA-M
N/A
motivation
encouragement
43AdjA-M
I was part of E.G.G. back
in high school to support
me through leadership
roles and school/ed.
Identity base organization
without restrictions that do
not lack support
My parents doesn't(don't)
want "us" the younger
generation to deal with
what they went through N/A
N/A
wise and thoughtful
advise to guide actions
financial aid for those
who qualify
N/A
non-profit organization and
advocates who talks and
shear(share) their ideas
with me
brother, sister, parents
N/A
Hmong friends who help
with academic
N/A
support and approval
moral support from
parents
N/A
40AdjA-M
44AdjA-M
45AdjA-M
46AdjA-M
47AdjC-M
48AdjC-M
49AdjN-M
A home, I live in
Sac(Sacramento) and I
attend Sac State.
N/A
I receive some
community
They give me some resources scholarships that helps
to find a career
with my tuition
friends, fraternity
motivation, seeking your
peers pursuit of the same goal N/A
allow Hmong teachers and
clubs to enforce my identity
financial support, financial aid,
grants
HUSA, Hmong org. in Sac
State that helps me to
built(build) a source or
network
resources, knowledge and
opportunities
programs, organizations
forming study groups
financial aid, grants
financial was there
living away from family
financial aid,
scholarships, loans
N/A
113
APPENDIX H
Survey Questions Seven through Ten Responses
most wanted or helpful
assistance associated with
Community (C ), Family (F),
University (I), Financial (M),
Self (S), Not computable
(N/A)
Student I.D
Assistances not available
how friends and family can best
support
Single most challenging obstacle
Challenge most associated
with Community (C ), Family
(F), University (I), Financial
Single assistance most wanted or (M), Self (S), Not
helpful
computable (N/A)
1AdjA-F
N/A
guidance
moving away from parent's nest
expanding my network to meet
and learn from new people
I
I
I have almost everything except
making up my mind on my
major. It's time to grow up and
make a decision.
I
I
enough funds and classes
Have a strong connection with
my professors and know more
about graduate studies its
deadlines.
2AdjA-F
N/A
encouragement
My personal goal because right now I
don't know what to do its because I
wasn't exposed to many careers before
getting into college.
3AdjA-F
N/A
give moral and financial support
Not getting classes
4AdjA-F
child care and low income
assistance programs
N/A
time to study/ getting into courses
5AdjA-F
N/A
moral support
Being bilingual and the lack of fully utilizing Being able to get into all the
my resources because I'm shy
classes I need every semester.
I
I
I
I
I
I
F
M
I
I
M
M
M
M
A job to support myself, a car,
and time away from home.
M
M
free books
F
M
Being inspired, motivated to
work hard. Get support that is
needed.
Get to know your professors.
If someone can financially
support me so that I can fully
just focus on school and get
done sooner.
Not worrying so much about
bills and family issues like
funeral, bills, moral support.
6AdjA-F
7AdjA-F
N/A
N/A
financial expenses, social support,
guidance
motivation, positive reinforcement
parent understanding of college, financial
support
working and going to school
8AdjA-F
N/A
offer support when needed
balancing school work
9AdjA-F
T/A (teacher assistances)
inspire and motivate
working and school full-time
10AdjA-F
time away from home
trust from home- downplay cultural
gender roles
financial issues, unexpected pregnancies
11AdjA-F
N/A
encouragement, misc. support
12AdjA-F
N/A
13AdjA-F
N/A (As of right now I'll
say no)
14AdjA-F
N/A
Having good study buddies and
moral support-encouragement,
already stepping into my career
regardless of what others say
N/A
field.
N/A
my dad is a big part of it because he
had always wanted me to graduate
from college and now that he's gone as of right now I'm worried about passing
he's my motivation
my English class
N/A
I
helping with family chores and
emotional support
myself
responsibilities
S
15AdjA-F
N/A
They could give me more of their
time helping you study or give you
space and 'time to have' time to
study on your own.
I
F
16AdjA-F
N/A (No)
Not knowing my major because it takes a Time management and knowing
Just by being there and believing in lot of time and classes that needs to be
the materials that I've learned
my education.
taken before my decision is set.
even after years of graduation. I
S
17AdjA-F
Of course money, grants,
scholarships, why not
qualified or whatsoever.
By cheering and support(ing) me on
keeping me moving forward with
Biggest would be completing in my major: Time management and self
advice.
Biochem-heard its hard with hard courses determination and a mind set
I
S
18AdjA-F
Need friends who I know
are taking same course and Take time to study and have fun
motivates me to study.
through college
Trying to make time and just commit to
studying.
My self commitment and family
and friend support
S
S
19AdjA-F
N/A
to understand why we choose the
college we want to attend
Procrastination
the work ethics of getting
assignments done and on time
S
S
N/A (No)
giving me space and time to myself
or do homework instead so I get
time management, work plus school plus
motivated
club meetings
attending class
S
S
20AdjA-F
parents don’t speak English
Working hard to pass all my classes and
getting at least 3.5 G.P.A.
the more help from others and
have less stress from family
C
N/A
F
114
21AdjA-F
N/A
I need them by my side through
thick and thin
22AdjC-F
N/A
encouragement
finishing college
motivations
being able to get good grades and have a
high G.P.A.
financially stable
23AdjN-F
N/A
by keeping me motivated and
encouraging me to do my best
changing major and not having enough
resources to guide me to the right way of
which classes I should take and I should
not take
24AdjA-M
N/A (I think there's all sort
of assistance that's available
but I just choose not to use
it.)
N/A
Staying motivated, it takes a lot of time so
trying to keep up with school work after 4
years can take a big toll
N/A
25AdjA-M
N/A (Most are already
offered by the school)
self-motivation
Time, most of us are busy and
don't have enough time in the
day for school.
balancing of many statuses and roles
Getting into classes and the financial
aspect.
Motivation from family and
friends my own motivation too of
course (the American Dream) F
Just having people with you
along the way
M
26AdjA-M
support, motivation
S
S
M
I believe social support will help
me the most because we are all
going through the cycle of
pursuing a higher education
I
C
S
N/A
S
S
27AdjA-M
N/A (I don't think so)
Mainly just money to help
my family as well.
28AdjA-M
Maybe to car pull (carpool) By being helpful when I have (a)
that way my parents don’t hard time and always having fun
have to take me.
things to do.
One of the things I consider
Really trying to focus only on school work helpful through college is(are) my
with all the distractions around me
friends
S
C
29AdjA-M
30AdjA-M
Guidance in college such as
how to pick your career
choice such as being able to
get feedback from alumni
success
Honesty
N/A
N/A
My biggest challenge would be work.
money
Tutoring sessions (free)
Networking
M
M
I
I
finances, workload, stresses
focus, be able to focus when the
time is right- know how to have
fun/go out but also know when
not to, time management
M
S
31AdjA-M
N/A
just simply believing in me
I think just the support they can
give.
F
F
C
32AdjA-M
N/A
Just be there when needed
listen/asks me about my school
work once in awhile, motivation
more
33AdjA-M
N/A (none)
help me push to achieve my goals
keeping my time management right
34AdjA-M
N/A
family and friends always support
when I’m in need
Biggest challenge is time management
35AdjA-M
tutor with harder materials
in school
by attending same school and taking time management, work plus school plus
same courses
club meetings
motivation
S
S
36AdjA-M
more free money
help me when I need it
getting through
being financially fit more
N/A
M
37AdjA-M
intern connections, "real
ones"
leave me alone till I ask
waking up to morning classes
financial stress, free from
temptations, distractions of
materialistic items
S
M
38AdjA-M
Places to help you get a
job. A quiet study only
building.
by encouraging me to keep going
trying to get into my major program and
even when I don't believe in myself. tuition
To find a well paid job and to be
able to support my family
I
M
39AdjA-M
Hmong leaders who give
opportunity
40AdjA-M
N/A (no-0)
41AdjA-M
N/A (No)
42AdjA-M
N/A
my courses, don't think I will get all my
courses done in 4-5 years of college
motivation, all I need is
motivation
S
believing in myself and having
people believe in me
S
one thing is always walking the
right path solving your problems
the way you move (as you go
on)
S
Giving me motivation.
Push/encouragement to finish
school.
The courses get more and more difficult
along the way. Also professors are not
the best.
cannot get into my nursing program, I feel
dumb now.
(by helping) financially and with
school work
be a good friend and family
member, show your support
getting into the courses I need, there are getting the grades and classes I
very little available
need
bridging the cultural gaps and meeting new
people
a place to study
43AdjA-M
N/A
N/A
Persistence, lacks of knowledge
44AdjA-M
Hmong student, faculty
teacher assistant
motivational support outside social
involvement
completing classes
A clear mind and focus till the
end with no distractions
start my family and have an
official job from my degree
S
S
S
I
S
I
I
I
I
I
I
gaining confidence as I go
through each semester. Mainly
my peers and family members
are support me
I
I
Having economics (financial
freedom) and support from
faculty and staff.
I
I
115
guide and show you way from their passing in class and picking what class to
success
take
finding a job in that field
45AdjA-M
N/A
I
I
46AdjA-M
N/A
47AdjC-M
N/A
I want my family to stop worrying
too much about me and my friends
when I need support
Finding what I really want to do in my life. friends
more funding to the higher ed.
support financially
unit caps, want to graduate earlier
System
I
C
I
I
48AdjC-M
N/A (No)
money and academic tips
being away from home/parents unsure of
potential future career
moral support
I
C
49AdjN-M
N/A
N/A
study groups and forming ever
money and hard to get into classes due to lasting friendships among peers
CSUS budget cuts
and classmates
M
I
116
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