Introduction to
2013-14 debate
topic
The Resolution
• Resolved: The United States
federal government should
substantially increase its
economic engagement
toward Cuba, Mexico or
Venezuela.
The Topic Paragraph
Because of the prevalence of Mexico in the news and Cuba in
the study of American history, novice debaters should be
able to make their entry into the topic relatively easily, while
issues related to indigenous peoples and deeper discussions
of capitalism will provide fertile educational ground for
advanced and kritik oriented debaters. Affirmative cases
may examine the role of embargoes and sanctions,
remittances from immigrants, foreign assistance and issues
regarding the drug economies. Negative arguments may
address the efficacy of foreign assistance, non-economically
oriented solutions to issues raised by the affirmative, kritiks
of capitalism, the state and the United States specifically and
the effects of these policies on United States hegemony.
Resolved:
• The presence of resolved as a
convention. We call the topic a
resolution.
• ‘Resolved’ requires a commitment to policy action
Words and Phrases 64 (Permanent Edition)
Definition of the word “resolve,” given by Webster is “to express
an opinion or determination by resolution or vote; as ‘it was
resolved by the legislature;” It is of similar force to the word
“enact,” which is defined by Bouvier as meaning “to
establish by law”.
American Heritage Dictionary,
http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/resolved)
INTRANSITIVE VERB:1. To reach a decision or make a
determination: resolve on a course of action. 2. To become
separated or reduced to constituents. 3. Music To undergo
resolution.
Random House 6 (Unabridged Dictionary,
http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/resolve)
re·solve 1. to come to a definite or earnest decision about;
determine (to do something): I have resolved that I shall live
to the full.
•
Aff critical use– Resolved as an openness to thinking rather than
a commitment to acting. Resolved as openness to a thought:
Pezze, 2k6, 2k6 (Barbara, PhD Philosophy at Honk Kong U, “Heidegger on
Gelassenheit”, Minerva, vol .10, http://www.ul.ie/~philos/vol10/Heidegger.html
Let us pause for a moment to consider a possible misunderstanding. It could appear, from what we
have been saying, that Gelassenheit “floats in the realm of unreality and so in nothingness, and,
lacking all power of action, is a will-less letting in of everything and, basically, the denial of
the will to live!” (1966a, p. 80). But this is not the case, for in the Gelassenheit we find
something that recalls the “power of action,” but which is not a will. It is a “resolve”
[Entschlossenheit] (ibid., p. 81), but not as an act of will that makes a
decision and finds a solution to a problem or a situation. This
“resolve,” as Heidegger himself suggests, must be thought as the one that is spoken
of in Being and Time, that is, it is a “letting oneself be called forth” (1996, p.
283) to one’s own most possibility of being. “Resoluteness” — as Entschlossenheit is translated
in Being and Time — is “authentic being a self” (1996, p. 274).
It is quite difficult to think a resolve that is not a matter of will that moves to an action; we tend, in
fact, to consider resoluteness as a strong determination to attain something. As we read in
Heidegger’s Introduction To Metaphysics (2000), the essence of the resolve, as
he intends it, is not an intention to act; it is not a ‘gathering of energy’ to be
released into action. Resolve is the beginning, the inceptual beginning of any
action moved. Here acting is not be taken as an action undertaken by
Dasein in being resolute. Rather, acting refers to the existential and fundamental mode of being
of Dasein, which is to be “care,” and which is the “primordial” being of Dasein.
----Aff is a critical way of thinking about things – beginning of action
•
Resolved does not require doing and can be tentative
Barbour 98
Rejecting mere stasis, Feltham's resolve of process risks the dispersion that any sage must finally avoid: as a verb, the word "resolve"
can mean "dissolve" or "disintegrate." In turn, Feltham tips the balance in the direction of Stoic perfection by including a
resolve that praises inviolable resolution and by making such resolution the goal of resolve: thus, the word can mean
"harmonize," "compose," "be certain," or "solve." His readers have noticed that Feltham, like Ford, is in conflict with himself
over the relative ethical merits of fixed resolution and tentative resolve. Indeed, Ford's tragic protagonists cannot escape
from the very extremes of stasis and dispersion that Feltham s resolve attempts to navigate.¶ By name and structure,
contributors to the premiere genre of the second decade distinguished "resolves" from "vows," which
are insistently termed as such and separated for their inviolable sanctity from the
exploratory resolve.14 In the twenties, Feltham's Resolves defined for his
generation the fundamental difference between a tentative resolve and a static
vow:11¶ Resolutions may often change, sometimes for the better; and the last ever stands
firmest. But vowes well made should know no variance; for the first should bee sure without alteration. Hee that violates
their per¬formance failes of his dutie, and every breach is a wound to the soule. I will resolve oft, before I vow once; never
resolve to vow, but what I may keepe: never vow, but what I both can and will keepe. (Lievsay, 105)¶ This sequence—
tentative resolves, last and firmest resolution, invariant vow—advocates process
but not dispersion. It resists a premature fixity yet issues in secure and stable
resolution, which merges with the sacred vow. Although the abuse of vows is a common theme in
Renaissance literature, the emphasis on their difference from exploratory resolves is especially remarked by writers like
Feltham, who encapsulates the mental and spiritual assets of self-reformat ion, still guided by structure, still secured in
hierarchy.16
-----New year’s resolutions – but is not a vow – or commitment, resolve is more tentative
– resists premature fixity / incomplete cite?????
•
Resolve does not require permanence
Barbour 98
Reid Barbour is Professor of English at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
English Epicures and Stoics: Ancient Legacies in Early Stuart Culture google books
In the second decade of the seventeenth century, the notion of a static, unswerving "resolution" was
decisively challenged by developments in the prose essay, medication, and vow. Culminating in the
enormously popular work of Owen Feltham, these developments produced a prose genre, the
"resolve,"
which advocates a tentative process in self-determination,
eventually yielding (rather than presupposing) closure or "avowal." That the resolve has generic
boundaries or strategies has been demonstrated by John Lievsay and Ted-Larry Pebworth.11 Diverging
from the essay and meditation, the structure of a complete resolve comprises the
writer's observation of public or private phenomena, followed by a
judgment, usually along moral or religious lines, which issues in a proposed
course of action with fluctuating degrees of self-determination: "I will,"
"let me," "I would." Even when the resolve is incomplete, the familiarity or momentum of the process
encourages us to fulfill the expected sequence of observation, judgment, and decision. Most important ,
the resolve is remarkable for its tentativeness, a point underscored by the
hypothetical "if or casuistic "when" in an essay's culminating proposal to effect some change or to do
some act, for example, "if I find that lost, which I thought to have kept, I will comfort myself."12¶
Beyond structure, this emerging genre subsumes and transforms Ford's beloved resolution—the Stoic's
fixed, static endurance seamlessly elaborated in a rigid code of behavior—into an engagement with the
processes of human potential, ripe with the possibilities of change, growth, error, improvement, and
finally, firm composure. This last stage of preparation, the true resolve of the framed mind, is designed
to avoid the dispersed or "uncomposed man" as Feltham describes him in "Of Resolution" (Lievsay, 83).
•
Resolve can be temporary and performative
Barbour 98
Reid Barbour is Professor of English at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
English Epicures and Stoics: Ancient Legacies in Early Stuart Culture
google books
The similarity between Perkins's purpose/vow and Feltham's resolve/vow is manifest- Vows mark the end of a tentative process
Resolves, on the other hand, allow
for imperfection, that is, for a discrepancy between the actor's
intentions and performances, and for some ambiguity or uncertainty
within intentions and performances. To adopt Epictetus's metaphor for the Stoic sage who by
and of alteration; like Feltham, Perkins is remarkably careful about this.
choice is identical to the part already destined for him, the resolver struggles to realize his election, though election ensures
his perseverance toward Feltham's last and firmest resolve. 10 Thomas Fuller summarizes the entire point when he declares
that "there is a grand difference betwixt a Resolution and a Vow." "Resolution" admits change according to occasion or
further search into "the world of [one's] own heart." Only God can acquit a vow."
•
Firmness of resolve does not require permanent commitment
Theosophical¶ Movement 03
A Magazine Devoted to The Living of the Higher Life Vol. 74—No. 2 http://www.teosofia.com/Mumbai/7402goal.html
Technically, action planning is the second most important step, next to the first management rule, namely, goal-setting. One must
be able to define or identify the steps that could lead to goal achievement. Sometimes the plan, however well set, may
require to be modified as we go along the way—after due deliberation. One must be ready for an unexpected turn of
Firmness of the
resolve does not mean frozen rigidity or one-track thinking.
events. The game-plan may be ready at hand but we must be creative and flexible in approach.
The United States federal
government
• The Agent of Action in resolution
• The Government in Washington D.C.
The Free Dictionary.com
federal government - United States - the
executive and legislative and judicial
branches of the federal government of the
United States
• People as 4th branch of government
Should
• Should/would “ought to”—
• Fiat implications
• “should” is used to express obligation or duty: You
should be taking notes.
• “Should” is used to express the idea that someone or
some thing ought to take a particular course of action.
• The action in question will not necessarily happen. It
merely ought to take place; this is no guarantee that it
actually will.
• The affirmative’s power of “fiat” is derived from this
word in the resolution.
• “Fiat” is the Latin expression for “let it be done.”
substantially
a) Substantially is an adverb modifying the verb increase
sub·stan·tial (Yourdictionary.com)
•
of or having substance
•
real; actual; true; not imaginary
•
strong; solid; firm; stout
•
considerable; ample; large
•
of considerable worth or value; important
b) It is a relative term
InState v. Rose the court held that “the term
‘substantially’ is relative and must be considered
within the context of the particular fact situation;
in essence, it means less than totally or the whole,
but more than imaginary” (Words and Phrases,
Vol. 40, 1995, p. 458).
c) %’s
•
Percentage Tests Inappropriate
LEO 08
Kevin Leo** J.D. Candidate, Spring 2008, Hastings College of the Law.
Hastings Business Law Journal Spring, 2008 4 Hastings Bus. L.J. 297 LEXIS
In contrast, the court in Haswell v. United States held that spending over
sixteen percent of an organization's time on lobbying was substantial. n83 The
court found that applying a strict percentage test to determine
whether activities are substantial would be inappropriate,
since [*308] such a test "obscures the complexity of balancing the organization's
activities in relation to its objectives and circumstances in the context of the
totality of the organization." n84
•
•
SUBSTANTIAL MEANS TANGIBLE
…SUBSTANTIALLY DOES NOT REQUIRE ANY PARTICULAR
PERCENTAGE.
WORDS AND PHRASES 95
(Words and Phrases, Vol. 40, 1995, p. 458)
In State v. Rose the court held that “the term ‘substantially’ is relative and
must be considered within the context of the particular fact situation; in
essence, it means less than totally or the whole, but more than
imaginary” (Words and Phrases, Vol. 40, 1995, p. 458).
• How do you measure substantial
economic engagement?
• ----
• SUBSTANTIALLY MEANS WITHOUT MATERIAL
QUALIFICATION
Smith 84
Jim, Attorney General of florida 1984
http://myfloridalegal.com/ago.nsf/Opinions/9CF0AA7178DC692C8525657700610790
No definition or construction of the term "substantially" is contained within s 166.041(3)(c), F.S., as that term is used in the phrase
"which substantially change permitted use categories." However, words in common use in a statute are to be construed in
their plain and ordinary sense. See, State v. Tunnicliffe, 124 So. 279 (Fla.1929); Gasson v. Gay, 49 So.2d 567 (Fla.1950);
Pedersen v. Green, 105 So.2d 1 (Fla.1958); State v. Egan, 287 So.2d 1, 4 (Fla.1973). "
Substantially" is defined
as: "Essentially; without material qualification; in the main; in substance; materially; in a
substantial manner." Black's Law Dictionary 1281 (5th ed. 1979). " 'Substantially' is variously defined as meaning in a
substantial manner; in substance; in the main; essentially; solidly; actually; really; truly; competently." 83 C.J.S. Substantially
p. 765. Further, the term has been construed as not meaning wholly or completely, but it may mean part. See, 83 C.J.S.
supra. Nor does the statute define or limit or qualify the phrase "permitted use categories" in zoning districts or distinguish
between absolute or conditional uses.
In the absence of any legislative direction, it would appear that the addition of any other permitted use within a particular
district, whether conditioned upon the grant of a special exception or otherwise, would "substantially change" the
permissible uses within a particular district. The addition of various uses permitted by special exception such as those
contemplated in your question seem to "substantially change," i.e., materially or essentially change, the uses permitted in
the affected zoning districts of Riviera Beach. Therefore, it would appear that the City of Riviera Beach must comply with the
notice requirements of s 166.041(3)(c), F.S., as the proposed ordinances substantially change permitted use categories in
zoning districts as contemplated therein.
• Black's Law Dictionary 1428-29 (6th ed. 1990)
"Substantially" means " without material qualification
• Substantially can mean how it is done not the amount
JAMES L. WATSON, SENIOR JUDGE 2002
UNITED STATES COURT OF INTERNATIONAL TRADE GENESCO INC.,
:Plaintiff, :v.Court No. 92-02-00084 UNITED STATES
http://www.cit.uscourts.gov/slip_op/Slip_op00/00-57.pdf.
The term “substantially” is used as an adverb preceding a
verb, the term means “in a substantial manner: so as to
be substantial.” Webster’s Third New International
Dictionary of the English Language Unabridged
(1968).
• Being fully committed to the action – unconditional
plans / used by neg to stop conditional affs /
engagement generally has conditions
Increase
• To make greater in some manner
THINKEXIST.COM
http://thinkexist.com/dictionary/meaning/increase/
INCREASE: (v. t.) To augment or make greater in bulk,
quantity, extent, value, or amount, etc.; to add to; to
extend; to lengthen; to enhance; to aggravate; as, to
increase one's possessions, influence.
-• Increasing a political strategy hard to measure /
mexico aid – for judicial system conditioned on
corruption investigations within the systems – would
removing conditions be an increase or are the
restrictions a part of the engagement /
•
Increase requires preexistence
Buckley et al, 06 - attorney (Jeremiah, Amicus Curiae Brief, Safeco Ins. Co. of America
et al v. Charles Burr et al,
http://supreme.lp.findlaw.com/supreme_court/briefs/06-84/06-84.mer.ami.mica.pdf)
First, the court said that the ordinary meaning of the word “increase” is “to make something greater,” which
it believed should not “be limited to cases in which a company raises the rate that an individual has
previously been charged.” 435 F.3d at 1091. Yet the definition offered by the Ninth Circuit compels
the opposite conclusion. Because “increase” means “to make something
greater,” there must necessarily have been an existing premium, to
which Edo’s actual premium may be compared, to determine whether an “increase” occurred.
Congress could have provided that “ad-verse action” in the insurance context means charging an
amount greater than the optimal premium, but instead chose to define adverse action in terms of an
“increase.” That def-initional choice must be respected, not ignored. See Colautti v. Franklin, 439 U.S.
379, 392-93 n.10 (1979) (“[a] defin-ition which declares what a term ‘means’ . . . excludes any meaning
that is not stated”).
Next, the Ninth Circuit reasoned that because the Insurance Prong includes the words “existing or applied
for,” Congress intended that an “increase in any charge” for insurance must “apply to all insurance
transactions – from an initial policy of insurance to a renewal of a long-held policy.” 435 F.3d at 1091.
This interpretation reads the words “exist-ing or applied for” in isolation. Other types of adverse action
described in the Insurance Prong apply only to situations where a consumer had an existing policy of
insurance, such as a “cancellation,” “reduction,” or “change” in insurance. Each of these forms of
adverse action presupposes an already-existing policy, and under usual canons of statutory
construction the term “increase” also should be construed to apply to increases of an already-existing
policy. See Hibbs v. Winn, 542 U.S. 88, 101 (2004) (“a phrase gathers meaning from the words around
it”) (citation omitted).
Its
•
•
Its is a Possessive Pronoun
May be defined to require ownership—
Your Dictionary.com
its (its)
pronoun
that or those belonging to it: the possessive form of it, used without a following noun
Origin: Early ModE analogical formation < it + ʼs; written it's until early 19th c.: the ME & OE
form was his
possessive pronominal adjective
of, belonging to, made by, or done by it
English Grammar 5 (Glossary of English Grammar Terms,
http://www.usingenglish.com/glossary/possessivepronoun.html)
Mine, yours, his, hers, its, ours, theirs are the possessive pronouns used to
substitute a noun and to show possession or ownership. EG. This is your disk
and that's mine. (Mine substitutes the word disk and shows that it belongs to me.)
•
Who does engagement – neg says govt to govt engagement –
only owned by government /
• “Its” is exclusive--• Douglas F. Brent 10, attorney, June 2, 2010, “Reply Brief on Threshold
Issues of Cricket Communications, Inc.,” online:
http://psc.ky.gov/PSCSCF/2010%20cases/201000131/20100602_Crickets_Reply_Brief_on_Threshold_Issues.PDF)
Notably, Merger Commitment 7.4 states that “AT&T/BellSouth ILECs
shall permit a requesting telecommunications carrier to extend its
current interconnection agreement . . . . As written, the
commitment allows any carrier to extend “its”
agreement. Clearly, the use of the pronoun “its” in
this context is possessive, such that the term “its”
means - that particular carrier’s agreement with AT&T
(and not any other carrier’s agreement). Thus, the
merger commitment applies to each agreement that an individual
carrier may have with AT&T. It necessarily follows then, that Cricket’s
right to extend its agreement under Merger Commitment 7.4 is
separate and distinct right from another carrier’s right to extend its
agreement with AT&T (or whether such agreement has been extended).
Its own actions, not others
• Affirmatives may want to include broader definitions meaning associated with
Its means belonging to or associated with
Dictionary.com, 9 (based on Collins English Dictionary,
http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/its?s=t)
its (ɪts) — determiner
a. of, belonging to, or associated in some way with it: its left rear wheel
Possessive pronouns mean associated with
Zozanga.com
http://www.zozanga.com/grammar/pronounpossessive.htm.
The possessive pronoun shows who the thing being referred to belongs to or is
associated with.
http://www.englishforums.com/English/PossessivePronoun/vlvn/post.htm.
Possession doesn't always mean "ownership", of course. When it comes to human
relationships, possession just means "associated with" or "related to", but
such relationships still count as possessive case.
•
Meet its even if done by private parties in terms of engagement
Economic Engagement
• Economic Engagement is a term of art.
• Engagement strategies have generally
evolved out of strategies for dealing
with nations with which we have
political disagreements. It grows out of
the 1980’s strategy of “Constructive
Engagement” with South Africa. It is
generally treated as an alternative to
strategies of economic isolation or
sanctions on a country.
•
Unfortunately there is a lack of consensus and precision in the
literature on how the term of art is used
Resnik, 1 – Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yeshiva University (Evan, Journal of International
Affairs, “Defining Engagement” v54, n2, political science complete)
While the term "engagement" enjoys great consistency and clarity of meaning in the discourse of romantic
love, it enjoys neither in the discourse of statecraft. Currently, practitioners and scholars of
American foreign policy are vigorously debating the merits of
engagement as a strategy for modifying the behavior of unsavory regimes. The quality of this
debate, hof the US foreign policy establishmentowever, is diminished by the persistent
inability to advance a coherent and analytically rigorous conceptualization
of engagement. In this essay, I begin with a brief survey of the conceptual fog that surrounds
engagement and then attempt to give a more refined definition. I will use this definition as the basis
for drawing a sharp distinction between engagement and alternative policy approaches, especially
appeasement, isolation and containment.
In the contemporary lexicon of United States foreign policy, few terms have been as frequently or as confusingly invoked as that of engagement.(n1) A growing consensus extols the virtues of engagement as the most
promising policy for managing the threats posed to the US by foreign adversaries. In recent years, engagement constituted the Clinton administration's declared approach in the conduct of bilateral relations with such
countries as China, Russia, North Korea and Vietnam.
Robert Suettinger, a onetime member of the Clinton administration's National Security Council, remarked that the word engagement has "been overused and poorly defined by a variety of policymakers and speechwriters"
and has "become shopworn to the point that there is little agreement on what it actually means."(n2) The Clinton foreign policy team attributed five distinct meanings to engagement:(n3)
A broad-based grand strategic orientation: In this sense, engagement is considered synonymous with American internationalism and global leadership. For example, in a 1993 speech, National Security Advisor Anthony Lake
observed that American public opinion was divided into two rival camps: "On the one side is protectionism and limited foreign engagement; on the other is active American engagement abroad on behalf of democracy and
expanded trade."(n4)
A specific approach to managing bilateral relations with a target state through the unconditional provision of continuous concessions to that state: During the 1992 presidential campaign, candidate Bill Clinton criticized the
Bush administration's "ill-advised and failed" policy of "constructive engagement" toward China as one that "coddled the dictators and pleaded for progress, but refused to impose penalties for intransigence."(n5)
A bilateral policy characterized by the conditional provision of concessions to a target state: The Clinton administration announced in May 1993 that the future extension of Most Favored Nation trading status to China
would be conditional on improvements in the Chinese government's domestic human rights record.(n6) Likewise, in the Agreed Framework signed by the US and North Korea in October 1994, the US agreed to provide North
Korea with heavy oil, new light-water nuclear reactors and eventual diplomatic and economic normalization in exchange for a freeze in the North's nuclear weapons program.(n7)
A bilateral policy characterized by the broadening of contacts in areas of mutual interest with a target state: Key to this notion of engagement is the idea that areas of dialogue and fruitful cooperation should be broadened
and not be held hostage through linkage to areas of continuing disagreement and friction. The Clinton administration inaugurated such a policy toward China in May 1994 by declaring that it would not tie the annual MFN
decision to the Chinese government's human rights record.(n8) Similarly, the administration's foreign policy toward the Russian Federation has largely been one of engagement and described as an effort to "build areas of
agreement and...develop policies to manage our differences."(n9)
A bilateral policy characterized by the provision of technical assistance to facilitate economic and political liberalization in a target state: In its 1999 national security report, the White House proclaimed that its "strategy of
engagement with each of the NIS [Newly Independent States]" consisted of "working with grassroots organizations, independent media, and emerging entrepreneurs" to "improve electoral processes and help strengthen
civil society," and to help the governments of the NIS to "build the laws, institutions and skills needed for a market democracy, to fight crime and corruption [and] to advance human rights and the rule of law."(n10)
Unfortunately, scholars have not fared better than policymakers in the effort to conceptualize
engagement because they often make at least one of the following critical errors: (1) treating
engagement as a synonym for appeasement; (2) defining engagement so expansively that it
essentially constitutes any policy relying on positive sanctions; (3) defining engagement in an
unnecessarily restrictive manner.
Evidence caution
• Bauschard 13 –published in rostrum
may 15,2013 / shouldn’t be quoted
• Massive amount of references to a
wide variety of things
– also includes mechanisms for
engagement
– see where he found these arguments -
• Developing precise definitions is important
Resnik, 1 – Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yeshiva
University (Evan, Journal of International Affairs, “Defining
Engagement” v54, n2, political science complete)
In matters of national security, establishing a clear definition of
terms is a precondition for effective policymaking.
Decisionmakers who invoke critical terms in an erratic, ad hoc
fashion risk alienating their constituencies. They also risk
exacerbating misperceptions and hostility among those the
policies target. Scholars who commit the same error undercut
their ability to conduct valuable empirical research. Hence, if
scholars and policymakers fail rigorously to define "engagement,"
they undermine the ability to build an effective foreign policy.
The refined definition I propose as a substitute for existing descriptions of engagement is
different in two important ways: First, it clarifies the menu of choices available for
policymakers by allowing engagement to be distinguished from related approaches such as
appeasement, containment and isolation. Second, it lays the groundwork for systematic and
objective research on historical cases of engagement in order to discern the conditions under
which it can be used effectively. Such research will, in turn, help policymakers acquire the
information necessary to better manage the rogue states of the 21st century.
---Precondition for effective foreign policy
• Engagement must have the purpose of changing
behavior of the target state
Kahler & Kastner 06
Economic engagement – a policy of deliberately
expanding economic ties with an adversary in order to
change the behavior of the target state and improve
bilateral political relations – is a subject of growing
interest in international relations.
•
•
Four different types of engagement—Political, Military, Economic
and Cultural
Lee, 12 - Instructor, Department of Military & Strategic Studies,
Republic of Korea Air Force Academy (Jeongseok, “Hedging against
Uncertain Future: The Response of East Asian Secondary Powers to
Rising China” http://rc41.ipsa.org/public/Madrid_2012/lee.pdf)
The Seventh option is to engage with the ascending power. Engagement
is defined as “the attempt to influence the political behavior of a target
state through the comprehensive establishment and enhancement of
contacts with that state across multiple issue-areas.” (Resnick 2001: 559)
Instruments of engagement policy include diplomatic contacts (e.g.
extension and elevation of diplomatic relations, summits, high level
meetings, etc.), military contacts (e.g. military exchange, joint training or
exercise, confidence building measures, intelligence sharing), economic
contacts (e.g. agreements, foreign aids and loans, coordination of
macroeconomic policies), and social contacts (e.g. cultural exchanges,
improvement of tourism, youth exchange programs).
--Different areas of engagement – makes separation between the
types / good t area
• Distinctions in types of engagement
Hall, 11 - Senior Fellow in International Relations, Australian
National University (Ian “The engagement of India”, Paper
submitted at workshop for the Australia India Institute,
http://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu.documents/30197993/
1_Hall.pdf
Engagement strategies take different forms depending on their
objectives. They can emphasize diplomacy, aiming at the
improvement of formal, state-to-state contacts, and be led by
professional diplomats, special envoys, or politicians.
Alternatively, they can emphasize military ties, utilizing militaryto-military dialogues, exchanges, and training to build trust,
convey strategic intentions, or simply to foster greater openness
in the target state’s defense establishment.16 They can be
primarily economic in approach, using trade, investment, and
technology transfer to engender change in the target society, and
perhaps to generate greater economic interdependence,
constraining a target state’s foreign policy choices.17 Finally, they
can seek to create channels for people-to-people contact through
state-driven public diplomacy, business forums and research
networks, aid and development assistance, and so on.
Types of engagement
Resnik, 1 – Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yeshiva University (Evan, Journal of
International Affairs, “Defining Engagement” v54, n2, political science complete)
A REFINED DEFINITION OF ENGAGEMENT
we define
engagement as the attempt to influence the political behavior of a target
state through the comprehensive establishment and enhancement of
contacts with that state across multiple issue-areas (i.e. diplomatic,
military, economic, cultural). The following is a brief list of the specific forms that such contacts might
In order to establish a more effective framework for dealing with unsavory regimes, I propose that
include:
DIPLOMATIC CONTACTS
Extension of diplomatic recognition; normalization of diplomatic relations
Promotion of target-state membership in international institutions and regimes
Summit meetings and other visits by the head of state and other senior government officials of sender state to target state and vice-versa
MILITARY CONTACTS
Visits of senior military officials of the sender state to the target state and vice-versa
Arms transfers
Military aid and cooperation
Military exchange and training programs
Confidence and security-building measures
Intelligence sharing
ECONOMIC CONTACTS
Trade agreements and promotion
Foreign economic and humanitarian aid in the form of loans and/or grants
CULTURAL CONTACTS
Cultural treaties
Inauguration of travel and tourism links
Sport, artistic and academic exchanges(n25)
Engagement is an iterated process in which the sender and target state develop a relationship of increasing interdependence, culminating in the endpoint of "normalized relations" characterized by a high level of interactions across multiple domains. Engagement is
a quintessential exchange relationship: the target state wants the prestige and material resources that would accrue to it from increased contacts with the sender state, while the sender state seeks to modify the domestic and/or foreign policy behavior
of the target state. This deductive logic could adopt a number of different forms or strategies when deployed in practice.(n26) For instance, individual contacts can be established by the sender state at either a low or a high level of conditionality.(n27)
Additionally, the sender state can achieve its objectives using engagement through any one of the following causal processes: by directly modifying the behavior of the target regime; by manipulating or reinforcing the target states' domestic balance of
political power between competing factions that advocate divergent policies; or by shifting preferences at the grassroots level in the hope that this will precipitate political change from below within the target state.
This definition implies that three necessary conditions must hold for engagement to constitute an effective foreign policy instrument. First, the overall magnitude of contacts between the sender and target states must initially be low. If two states are already bound
by dense contacts in multiple domains (i.e., are already in a highly interdependent relationship), engagement loses its impact as an effective policy tool. Hence, one could not reasonably invoke the possibility of the US engaging Canada or Japan in order
to effect a change in either country's political behavior. Second, the material or prestige needs of the target state must be significant, as engagement derives its power from the promise that it can fulfill those needs. The greater the needs of the target
state, the more amenable to engagement it is likely to be. For example, North Korea's receptivity to engagement by the US dramatically increased in the wake of the demise of its chief patron, the Soviet Union, and the near-total collapse of its national
economy.(n28)
Third, the target state must perceive the engager and the international order it represents as a potential source of the material or prestige resources it desires. This means that autarkic, revolutionary and unlimited regimes which eschew the norms and institutions
of the prevailing order, such as Stalin's Soviet Union or Hitler's Germany, will not be seduced by the potential benefits of engagement.
This reformulated conceptualization avoids the pitfalls of prevailing scholarly conceptions of engagement. It considers the policy as a set of means rather than ends, does not delimit the types of states that can either engage or be engaged, explicitly encompasses
contacts in multiple issue-areas, allows for the existence of multiple objectives in any given instance of engagement and, as will be shown below, permits the elucidation of multiple types of positive sanctions.
•
Categories are distinct
Haass and O’Sullivan, 2k - *Vice President and Director of Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution
AND **a Fellow with the Foreign Policy Studies Program at the Brookings Institution (Richard and Meghan,
“Terms of Engagement: Alternatives to Punitive Policies” Survival,, vol. 42, no. 2, Summer 2000,
http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/articles/2000/6/summer%20haass/2000survival.pdf
Architects of engagement strategies can choose from a wide variety of incentives.
Economic engagement might offer tangible incentives such as
export credits, investment insurance or promotion, access to
technology, loans and economic aid.3 Other equally useful
economic incentives involve the removal of penalties such as trade
embargoes, investment bans or high tariffs, which have impeded economic
relations between the United States and the target country. Facilitated entry into the economic global
arena and the institutions that govern it rank among the most potent incentives in today’s global market.
Similarly
, political engagement can involve the lure of diplomatic
recognition, access to regional or international institutions, the
scheduling of summits between leaders – or the termination of
these benefits. Military engagement could involve the extension
of international military educational training in order both to strengthen
respect for civilian authority and human rights among a country’s armed forces and, more feasibly, to
establish relationships between Americans and young foreign military officers. While these areas of
engagement are likely to involve working with state institutions
, cultural or civil-society
engagement entails building people-to-people contacts.
Funding nongovernmental organisations, facilitating the flow of
remittances and promoting the exchange of students, tourists
and other non-governmental people between countries are just
some of the possible incentives used in the form of
engagement.
•
The instruments of engagement must be exclusively economic
Jakstaite, 10 - Doctoral Candidate Vytautas Magnus University Faculty of Political Sciences and
Diplomacy (Lithuania) (Gerda, “CONTAINMENT AND ENGAGEMENT AS MIDDLE-RANGE
THEORIES” BALTIC JOURNAL OF LAW & POLITICS VOLUME 3, NUMBER 2 (2010), DOI:
10.2478/v10076-010-0015-7)
The approach to engagement as economic engagement focuses
exclusively on economic instruments of foreign policy with the main
national interest being security. Economic engagement is a policy of the
conscious development of economic relations with the adversary in
order to change the target state‟s behaviour and to improve bilateral
relations.94
Economic engagement is academically wielded in several respects. It recommends that the state
engage the target country in the international community (with the there existing rules) and modify
the target state‟s run foreign policy, thus preventing the emergence of a potential enemy.95
Thus, this strategy aims to ensure safety in particular, whereas
economic benefit is not a priority objective.
Objectives of economic engagement indicate that this form of engagement is designed for relations with problematic countries – those that pose a potential danger to national security of a state that implements economic engagement. Professor of the University
of California Paul Papayoanou and University of Maryland professor Scott Kastner say that economic engagement should be used in relations with the emerging powers: countries which accumulate more and more power, and attempt a new division of power in
the international system – i.e., pose a serious challenge for the status quo in the international system (the latter theorists have focused specifically on China-US relations). These theorists also claim that economic engagement is recommended in relations with
emerging powers whose regimes are not democratic – that is, against such players in the international system with which it is difficult to agree on foreign policy by other means.96 Meanwhile, other supporters of economic engagement (for example, professor of
the University of California Miles Kahler) are not as categorical and do not exclude the possibility to realize economic engagement in relations with democratic regimes.97
Proponents of economic engagement believe that the economy may be one factor which leads to closer relations and cooperation (a more peaceful foreign policy and the expected pledge to cooperate) between hostile countries – closer economic ties will
develop the target state‟s dependence on economic engagement implementing state for which such relations will also be cost-effective (i.e., the mutual dependence).
However, there are some important conditions for the economic factor in engagement to be effective and bring the desired results. P. Papayoanou and S. Kastner note that economic engagement gives the most positive results when initial economic relations
with the target state is minimal and when the target state‟s political forces are interested in development of international economic relations. Whether economic relations will encourage the target state to develop more peaceful foreign policy and willingness to
cooperate will depend on the extent to which the target state‟s forces with economic interests are influential in internal political structure. If the target country‟s dominant political coalition includes the leaders or groups interested in the development of
international economic relations, economic ties between the development would bring the desired results. Academics note that in non-democratic countries in particular leaders often have an interest to pursue economic cooperation with the powerful economic
partners because that would help them maintain a dominant position in their own country.98
Proponents of economic engagement do not provide a detailed description of the means of this form of engagement, but identify a number of possible variants of engagement: conditional economic engagement, using the restrictions caused by economic dependency and unconditional economic engagement by exploiting
economic dependency caused by the flow. Conditional economic engagement, sometimes called linkage or economic carrots engagement, could be described as conflicting with economic sanctions. A state that implements this form of engagement instead of menacing to use sanctions for not changing policy course promises
for a target state to provide more economic benefits in return for the desired political change. Thus, in this case economic ties are developed depending on changes in the target state‟s behaviour.99
Unconditional economic engagement is more moderate form of engagement. Engagement applying state while developing economic relations with an adversary hopes that the resulting economic dependence over time will change foreign policy course of the target state and reduce the likelihood of armed conflict. Theorists
assume that economic dependence may act as a restriction of target state‟s foreign policy or as transforming factor that changes target state‟s foreign policy objectives.100
Thus, economic engagement focuses solely on economic measures (although theorists do not give a
more detailed description), on strategically important actors of the international arena and includes
other types of engagement, such as the conditional-unconditional economic engagement.
•
What things are economic engagement?
Derrick, 98 - LIEUTENANT COLONEL ROBERT R. DERRICK United States Army
(“ENGAGEMENT: THE NATIONS PREMIER GRAND STRATEGY, WHO'S IN CHARGE?”
http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA342695)
Economic engagement covers a wide range of programs. Financial
incentives are an effective engagement tool since countries usually
interact with the US when money is involved. Whether it is obtaining
funding for a national program; acquiring materiel, food or medicine; or
maintaining Most Favored Nation Status, financial aide has always been
a preferred way for the US to affect the behavior of others.
Diplomatic engagement ranges from recognition of sovereign states and foreign
governments, to presidential visits, to all aspects of the embassy itself. The mere
existence of an embassy is an engagement tool. Through official diplomatic
ceremonies, informal meetings, and embassy employees living among the locals, the
Department of State's presence is engagement in and of itself.
Similarly, "...overseas...forces embody global military engagement. They serve as role
models for militaries in emerging democracies; contribute uniquely to the stability,
continuity, and flexibility that protects US interests; and are crucial to continued
democratic and economic development."14 In addition to our presence overseas, our
military engagement consists of a variety of military to military and political to military
events. U.S. and host nation defense forces conduct combined exercises to improve
cooperation and strengthen ties.
•
Exchanges are non-economic engagement
Australian Government, 11 (“The White Paper and Australia’s Strategic Relationship with China”, 9/28
http://asiancentury.dpmc.gov.au/sites/default/files/public-submissions/nd.doc
Australia risks losing a healthy relationship with Asia due to overdependence on trade relations and
shortcomings of soft power. As trade and economic ties continue to grow between Australia and
China, non-economic bilateral relations must be improved in order for general engagement to remain
stable. To keep pace with the Asian Century, Australia must strive to find greater common ground
with China outside of trade and commerce. The White Paper should take into consideration issues of
non-economic relations in order to fully address Australia’s long term relationship with China.
Some possible considerations for the White Paper to take into account in building a
strategy for improving non-economic engagement with China:
Increased frequency of diplomatic visits and high-level visits; building a policy for
minimum frequency and level of such diplomatic engagement
Increasing volume and breadth of non-diplomatic high-level exchanges such
as academic conferences, exchange trips between sister agencies, and two-way exchanges
between schools by dramatically increasing government funding or subsidization of such engagement
Encouraging bilateral cooperation and partnerships between noneconomically driven organisations such as public sector agencies and think tanks for
the purpose of fostering mutual investments between China and Australia where more than trade or
profit is in question
Encouraging cultural literacy in the Australian population through people-topeople exchange, tourism, and language training; in particular encouraging Mandarin study
for non-heritage students from an early age
Increasing funding for China-Australia partnerships on development in
science, math, energy, environment and technology; mitigating the risk and impact of
China’s capabilities surpassing those of Australia in the near future
Cultivating soft power through aid funding and development projects
•
Economic engagement can be conditional or unconditional
Kahler, 6 - Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies, University of California, San Diego (M., “Strategic Uses of Economic Interdependence:
Engagement Policies on the Korean Peninsula and Across the Taiwan Strait” in Journal of Peace Research (2006), 43:5, p. 523-541, Sage Publications)
Scholars have usefully distinguished between two types of economic
engagement: conditional policies that require an explicit quid pro quo
on the part of the target country and policies that are unconditional.1
Conditional policies, sometimes labeled linkage or economic 'carrots',
are the inverse of economic sanctions. Instead of threatening a target
country with economic loss (sanction) in the absence of policy change,
conditional engagement policies promise increased economic benefits
in return for desired policy change. Drezner (1999/2000) has proposed several plausible predictions regarding the
employment of conditional strategies and the conditions of their success. He argues that the successful use of economic engagement is most likely between
democracies (because democracies are better able to make credible commitments than non-democracies), within the context of international regimes (because
regimes reduce the transactions costs of market exchange), and, among adversaries, only after coercive threats are first used.
The success of a conditional engagement strategy should also be contingent on a state's influence over domestic firms. If those firms find market-based
transactions with the target state unappealing, a government pursuing a conditional strategy must convince them to deal with the target when desired change
occurs. On the other hand, if domestic firms have strong economic incentives to conduct economic transactions with the target state, a successful conditional
strategy must prevent them from pursuing their economic exchange in the absence of the desired change in a target states behavior. In this regard, democracies
may have a harder time pursuing a conditional strategy: in a democratic setting, firms are likely to be openly critical of politicians who try to restrict their
commercial activities and will support candidates who do not place such demands on them. Our first hypothesis (HI), therefore, is that conditional engagement
strategies will be less likely to succeed if the initiating state is a democracy, especially when underlying economic incentives to trade with or invest in the target
state are strong.2
Unconditional engagement strategies are more passive than conditional
variants in that they do not include a specific quid pro quo. Rather,
countries deploy economic links with an adversary in the hopes that
economic interdependence itself will, over time, change the target's
foreign policy behavior and yield a reduced threat of military conflict.
•
Neg will need unlimits/effects arguments to claim effecting
economics is insufficient for topicality
Derrick, 98 - LIEUTENANT COLONEL ROBERT R. DERRICK United States Army
(“ENGAGEMENT: THE NATIONS PREMIER GRAND STRATEGY, WHO'S IN CHARGE?”
http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA342695)
In addition to the agencies that administer the programs listed in figure 3, the State
Department proclaims that "...protecting national interests and advancing US
goals involve virtually every agency of the government...."16 US
governmental agencies with international reach directly engage as a part
of their daily routines. Agencies that deal strictly with domestic policy
indirectly engage through the effect their actions have on US markets
and thus world markets. For example the Departments of State,
Defense, Agriculture, Transportation, and Energy, have both domestic
and international responsibilities. From trade status to travel status,
from immigration rules to export of tools, from training flights to basing
rights, US agencies directly and indirectly engage through hundreds of
programs. US governmental agencies that inadvertently operate at crosspurposes,
through misunderstanding or ignorance, must ultimately be coordinated at some point.
Since there is no single director below the President to coordinate the US engagement
activities of the three elements of national power, it becomes the responsibility of the
regional CINCs and Ambassadors.
• Does the aff have to be government to government?
Daga, 13 - director of research at Politicas Publicas para la Libertad, in Bolivia, and a visiting senior
policy analyst at the Heritage Foundation (Sergio, “Economics of the 2013-2014 Debate Topic: U.S.
Economic Engagement Toward Cuba, Mexico or Venezuela”, National Center for Policy Analysis, 5/15,
http://www.ncpa.org/pdfs/Message_to_Debaters_6-7-13.pdf)
Economic engagement between or among countries can take many
forms, but this document will focus on government-to-government
engagement through 1) international trade agreements designed to
lower barriers to trade; and 2) government foreign aid; next, we will
contrast government-to-government economic engagement with private
economic engagement through 3) international investment, called
foreign direct investment; and 4) remittances and migration by
individuals. All of these areas are important with respect to the countries
mentioned in the debate resolution; however, when discussing economic
engagement by the U.S. federal government, some issues are more
important with respect to some countries than to others.
•
Economic engagement works with state institutions
Haass and O’Sullivan, 2k - *Vice President and Director of Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings
Institution AND **a Fellow with the Foreign Policy Studies Program at the Brookings Institution (Richard
and Meghan, “Terms of Engagement: Alternatives to Punitive Policies” Survival,, vol. 42, no. 2, Summer
2000,
http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/articles/2000/6/summer%20haass/2000survival.pdf
Architects of engagement strategies can choose from a wide variety of incentives.
Economic engagement might offer tangible incentives such as export credits,
investment insurance or promotion, access to technology, loans and economic aid.3
Other equally useful economic incentives involve the removal of penalties such as trade
embargoes, investment bans or high tariffs, which have impeded economic relations
between the United States and the target country. Facilitated entry into the economic
global arena and the institutions that govern it rank among the most potent incentives
in today’s global market. Similarly, political engagement can involve the lure of
diplomatic recognition, access to regional or international institutions, the scheduling of
summits between leaders – or the termination of these benefits. Military engagement
could involve the extension of international military educational training in order both
to strengthen respect for civilian authority and human rights among a country’s armed
forces and, more feasibly, to establish relationships between Americans and young
foreign military officers. While these areas of engagement are likely to involve working
with state institutions, cultural or civil-society engagement entails building people-topeople contacts. Funding nongovernmental organisations, facilitating the flow of
remittances and promoting the exchange of students, tourists and other nongovernmental people between countries are just some of the possible incentives used
in the form of engagement.
NOT THE BEST CARD
• Engagement can include private entities
• Vickery, 11 – former Assistant Secretary of Commere for Trade and
Development in the Clinton Administration and former Public Policy Scholar at the
Woodrow Wilson Center (David, The Eagle and the Elephant: Strategic Aspects of
U.S.-India Economic Engagement, p. 283-284)
Also raised as an impediment to government partnering with the private
sector on economic engagement issues is the specter of market
distortion abroad. The problem is somewhat akin to that of
subsidization. Questions of subsidization are subject to the WTO’s
disciplines. Where government support of economic engagement does
not run afoul of these disciplines, such support should be accepted as a
legitimate instrument of foreign policy. Governments routinely and
acceptably work to promote the economic engagement of companies
operating from their national territories. Where there is specific activity that
can be seen as furthering particular US private-sector interests over those of a foreign
competitor, US governmental involvement usually operates to level the playing field
against foreign competition. Thus, the United States should move more fully
to involve its private sector as a partner in the use of economic
engagement to promote strategic cooperation. The challenges to this
involvement can be met by facing the difficulties indicated and by providing for fair
and open mechanisms to promote it.
• Economic engagement can be unconditional and towards
the private sector
Haass and O’Sullivan, 2k - *Vice President and Director of Foreign Policy Studies at
the Brookings Institution AND **a Fellow with the Foreign Policy Studies Program at the
Brookings Institution (Richard and Meghan, “Terms of Engagement: Alternatives to
Punitive Policies” Survival,, vol. 42, no. 2, Summer 2000,
http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/articles/2000/6/summer%20haass/2
000survival.pdf
The provision of economic incentives to the private sector of a target
country can be an effective mode of ‘unconditional’ engagement,
particularly when the economy is not state dominated. In these more open economic climates, those
nourished by the exchanges made possible under economic engagement will often be agents for change and
natural allies in some Western causes. To the extent that economic engagement
builds the private sector and other non-state actors, it is likely to widen
the base of support for engagement with America specifically and the
promotion of international norms more generally. Certainly, US engagement with China has
nurtured sympathetic pockets, if not to American ideals per se, then at least to trade and
open economic markets and the maintenance of good relations to secure them. The only
constraint on the scope and development of ‘unconditional’ engagement is the range of
available collaborators in civil society or the private sector. Fortunately, globalisation and
the explosion of economic entities that has accompanied it – while making economic
isolation more difficult to achieve – presents a multitude of possible
partners for unconditional engagement with non-state
actors.
• Engagement as removing a barrier.
– The plan removes a barrier to private
interactions established by the
government. The government is
currently using a strategy of nonengagement– Removing that barrier is a
shift in its strategy to one of
engagement.
•
Affirmatives will rely on contextual evidence
For example—allowing remittances is EE
Haass and O’Sullivan, 2k - *Vice President and Director of Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings
Institution AND **a Fellow with the Foreign Policy Studies Program at the Brookings Institution (Richard
and Meghan, “Terms of Engagement: Alternatives to Punitive Policies” Survival,, vol. 42, no. 2, Summer
2000,
http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/articles/2000/6/summer%20haass/2000survival.pdf
The United States should also expand unconditional engagement of the economic
variety; such a low-risk strategy can gradually promote internal changes as Cubans
benefit from new economic opportunities. The Clinton administration has already
authorised increased levels of allowable remittances and expanded trade with nongovernment entities. However, these changes do not go far enough. There should be no
ceiling on the amount of remittances which Cuban families can receive from relatives
living in the US. Moreover, even if Castro resists conditional engagement that could be
linked to the gradual easing of the embargo, US policy-makers should consider ways in
which investment codes could replace elements of the embargo. The possibility of
employing investment codes that allow for American trade with, and investment in,
Cuban entities meeting specific conditions concerning ownership structure and labour
rights should be explored.14 Given the paucity of privately owned businesses in Cuba
today, the instant effects of such codes in boosting trade and investment would probably
be minimal. However, the employment of investment codes – in place of more blanked
restrictions – would offer immediate psychological support, as well as tangible incentives
for growth, to Cuba’s struggling private sector.
•
•
Economic engagement includes energy
Hormats, 13 - Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the
Environment for the State Department (Robert, “U.S. Economic
Engagement with the Asia Pacific” 6/12,
http://www.state.gov/e/rls/rmk/210563.htm)
Energy
But U.S. economic engagement with the Asia-Pacific region is not limited
to traditional trade and investment issues. It includes energy as well.
As part of the U.S.-Asia Pacific Comprehensive Energy Partnership,
announced by President Obama at last year’s East Asia Summit, the U.S.
Government has earmarked up to $6 billion in a line of credit over four
years through the Export-Import Bank and the Overseas Private
Investment Corporation. This will drive trade and investment in private
sector and public-private energy-related projects across the region.
In addition to these resources, the United States will support capacity
building programs through APEC and ASEAN, as well as with our bilateral
partners, in the priority areas of interconnectivity, natural gas,
renewables, and sustainable development.
•
Economic engagement includes dialogue and technical assistance for
trade, economic reform and rule of law
State Department, 8 (Country Reports on Terrorism OFFICE OF THE COORDINATOR FOR
COUNTERTERRORISM April 30, 2008, http://www.state.gov/j/ct/rls/crt/2007/104118.htm)
High unemployment and underemployment, often a result of slow economic growth, are among the most critical issues
in predominantly Muslim countries. U.S. assistance programs attempt to address this issue with reforms to improve the
investment climate. Such reforms could include business registration, dispute settlement, financial sector and
agricultural reforms, combined with education, job training, and health programs.
The U.S. strategy of Total Economic Engagement pursues economic reform, rule
of law, and global economic integration, including countries with predominantly
Muslim populations. Total Economic Engagement includes:
Regular bilateral discussions on these topics with host government officials, with both U.S. Embassy
officials and officials from a wide range of U.S. agencies participating;
Formal structured dialogues, high-level Economic Dialogues, and Trade and Investment Framework
Agreement (TIFA) Councils;
U.S. bilateral and multilateral assistance programs for economic reform, trade
capacity-building, and rule of law managed chiefly through USAID, the Millennium Challenge
Corporation (MCC), and the State Department's Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI). Programs are often
complemented with technical assistance provided by specialized U.S. agencies and offices;
Coordinated multilateral policies and assistance strategies to advance reform
goals by working with such international organizations as the (IMF, WB, World
Trade Organization (WTO), and OECD (MENA-OECD Investment), and other
multilateral donors; and
Working with NGOs, such as Transparency International, and U.S. and foreign business
associations, such as American Chambers of Commerce and Business Councils, to advance reform issues of mutual
concern.
Toward
•
Not “to” or “with”
Definitions
Dictionary.com, 13 (‘toward,
http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/toward?r=66)
to·ward [prep. tawrd, tohrd, tuh-wawrd, twawrd, twohrd; adj. tawrd,
tohrd] Show IPA
preposition Also, to·wards.
1. in the direction of: to walk toward the river.
2. with a view to obtaining or having; for: They're saving money toward
a new house.
3. in the area or vicinity of; near: Our cabin is toward the top of the hill.
4. turned to; facing: Her back was toward me.
5. shortly before; close to: toward midnight.
• Toward
In relation to
Cambridge Dictionaries Online, 13 (‘towards’
http://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/british/towards_2)
towards
preposition (RELATION) /təˈwɔːdz/ /tʊˈwɔːrdz/ mainly UK (mainly US toward)
Definition
B2 in relation to something or someone:
They've always been very friendly towards me.
There has been a change in government policy towards energy efficiency.
He feels a lot of anger/hostility/antagonism/animosity towards his father.
A lot of people think that most newspapers are biased towards one particular political
party
• Toward doesn’t mean ‘near’
Campbell, 13 - United States District Judge (Tena, ECONOVA, INC., Plaintiff, v. DPS
UTAH, COLLIER GROUP, and KEVIN E. COLLIER, Defendants. Case No. 1:12-cv-174
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF UTAH, NORTHERN DIVISION
2013 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 2730)
EcoNova argues that the disputed phrase merely indicates a direction, and cites to the
specification and prosecution history for support. Defendants contend that the
disputed phrase establishes both orientation and direction, arguing that "toward"
in this context means "near." The court disagrees with Defendants because their
proposed construction is too far from the ordinary meaning of the word "toward,"
is at odds with the intrinsic [*25] evidence, and appears to import limitations from
the various embodiments in the specification. Instead, the court agrees with
EcoNova that the phrase merely indicates a direction.
The word "toward" is a commonly understood term that indicates a direction, and the
specification of the '017 Patent supports this conclusion. The specification uses
"toward" or "towards" thirty-nine times, many of which are unambiguously used to
indicate a direction. (See, e.g., '017 Patent col.15 ll.40—41 ("As a result of the
applied centrifugal force, heavy component 241 flows toward wall 92 at equator
97."); id. col.26 ll.39—41 ("As feed stream 506 travels within flow channels 502
toward transfer tubes 400, the stream is subjected to tremendous centrifugal
forces . . . .").)
Cuba, Mexico, Venezuela
Mexico is a republic in North America or a state in Mexico or the Gulf or a town in
Missouri
Dictionary.com, 13 (based on Random House Dictionary,
http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/mexico?s=t)
Mex·i·co [mek-si-koh] Show IPA
noun
1.a republic in S North America. 761,530 sq. mi. (1,972,363 sq. km). Capital: Mexico
City.
2.a state in central Mexico. 8268 sq. mi. (21,415 sq. km). Capital: Toluca.
3. Mexican Gol·fo de Mé·xi·co [gawl-faw the me-hee-kaw] Show IPA . an arm of the
Atlantic surrounded by the U.S., Cuba, and Mexico. 700,000 sq. mi. (1,813,000 sq.
km); greatest depth 12,714 feet (3875 meters).
4. a town in NE Missouri.