The Oslo Seminar
Theme: Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation
A Lecture Presented By
Professor Hamdessa Tuso, PhD
Department of Peace and Conflict Studies
University of Manitoba
Winnipeg, Canada
COPYRIGHT. Hamdesa Tuso
Acknowledgments
I wish to thank the leadership of the Oromo Community in Oslo for organizing this
seminar and for inviting me to speak.

I wish the audience for coming and listening to my presentation.

I wish to thank the panelists – Professor Makuria Bulcha and Professor Girma .. . for
their willingness to participate as panelists regarding the subject under
consideration.

I wish to thank two other persons who helped me with the preparation of this
lecture:

Sam Okoi, a Ph.D. student in our department, put the lecture in Power Point. Some
of the diagrams were made by him. He is my Graduate Assistant. He is a young
man who is committed to the cause of peace and justice

Annette Jones, as a staff member in our department, helped me with some of the
diagrams. I receive the best support from her for my humble efforts. She is the most
mature person in our unit.
2
Outline
The following interrelated themes will be discussed:
PART 1: Basic Theories About Social Conflict
PART 2: Different Approaches to Conflict Resolution and
Reconciliation
PART 3: Oromo System of Conflict Resolution and
Reconciliation
3
Theory
1. What are the basic causes of conflict? Is it caused by genetics,
or by social conditions, or by some kind of divine?
 A). What do we mean by social conflict?
Definitions
1. The basic concept of social conflict has gone through
various stages.
Such changes are reflected in the evolution of the newly
attained definition, which reflects more broader social realities .
Briefly the definition of social conflict has gone through four
different stages.
4
Definitions Contd.,
1. The Customary Definition of Social Conflict:
The customary definition of social conflict is found in
the Webster dictionary. Webster defines social conflict
as “ a fight battle, or struggle.” This definition is limited
to the description of physical confrontations of the
parties.
5
Definitions Contd.,
2. The Second Phase Definition of Social Conflict
Later on, the term conflict has come to describe “a
sharp disagreement or opposition relative to some
ideas or interest,” etcetera.
This definition encompasses the psychological
underpinnings of physical confrontation itself.
6
Definitions Contd.,
3. As a Struggle Over Things
This approach to the definition of social conflict was
developed by Lewis Coser, the author of the seminal
work The Functions of Social Conflict (1956). He
conceived conflict as a struggle over something.
To this end, he defined “ Conflict as a struggle over
values and claims to scarce resources, in which the aims
of opponents are to neutralize, injure, or eliminate their
rivals.”
7
Definitions Contd.,
4. Perceived as Divergence of Interest:
The definition provided by Pruitt and Rubin (1994)
includes the issue of perception. They state that
“conflict means perceived divergence of interest, or
belief that the parties current aspirations cannot be
achieved simultaneously.”
8
II: Why Do People Engage in
Conflict?
 Some Theoretical Explanations
1. History of contradictory manifestations
 A). Contradictions
 B). Collaboration
9
DECLARATION OF SEVILLE
An international colloquium on the Brain and Aggression was
held in Seville, Spain, under the auspices of the Spanish UNESCO
Committee. The following statement was issued by a group of
scientists who attended the colloquium. Led by COPRED member
David Adams, the group included representatives from the
disciplines of psychology, neuropsychology, ethology, biological
anthropology, behavior genetics, social psychology, sociology,
psychiatry, and animal behavior. The the statement was adopted
by UNSESCO.
10
The Seville Declaration on Violence
FIRST PROPOSITION
IT IS SCIENTIFICALLY INCORRECT to say that we have inherited a tendency to make
war from our animal ancestors. Although fighting occurs widely throughout animal
species, only a few cases of destructive intraspecies fighting between organized groups
have ever been reported among naturally living species, and none of these involve the
use of tools designed to be weapons. Normal predatory feeding upon other species
cannot be equated with intraspecies violence. Warfare is a peculiarly human
phenomenon and does not occur in other animals.
The fact that warfare has changed so radically over time indicates that it is a product of
culture. Its biological connection is primarily through language which makes possible
the co-ordination of groups, the transmission of technology, and the use of tools. War is
biologically possible, but it is not inevitable, as evidenced by its variation in occurrence
and nature over time and space. There are cultures which have not engaged in war for
centuries, and there are cultures which have engaged in war frequently at some times
and not at others.
11
The Seville Declaration on Violence
SECOND PROPOSITION
IT IS SCIENTIFICALLY INCORRECT to say that war or any other violent
behavior is genetically programmed into our human nature. While genes are
involved at all levels of nervous system function, they provide a
developmental potential that can be actualized only in conjunction with the
ecological and social environment. While individuals vary in their
predispositions to be affected by their experience, it is the interaction between
their genetic endowment and conditions of nurturance that determines their
personalities. Except for rare pathologies, the genes do not produce
individuals necessarily predisposed to violence. Neither do they determine
the opposite. While genes are co-involved in establishing our behavioral
capacities, they do not by themselves specify the outcome.
12
The Seville Declaration on Violence
THIRD PROPOSITION
IT IS SCIENTIFICALLY INCORRECT to say that in the course of human
evolution there has been a selection for aggressive behavior more than for other
kinds of behavior. In all well-studied species, status within the group is
achieved by the ability to co-operate and to fulfill social functions relevant to
the structure of that group. 'Dominance' involves social bondings and
affiliations; it is not simply a matter of the possession and use of superior
physical power, although it does involve aggressive behaviors. Where genetic
selection for aggressive behavior has been artificially instituted in animals, it
has rapidly succeeded in producing hyper- aggressive individuals; this
indicates that aggression was not maximally selected under natural conditions.
When such experimentally-created hyperaggressive animals are present in a
social group, they either disrupt its social structure or are driven out. Violence
is neither in our evolutionary legacy nor in our genes
13
The Seville Declaration on Violence
FOURTH PROPOSITION
IT IS SCIENTIFICALLY INCORRECT to say that humans
have a 'violent brain.' While we do have the neural apparatus
to act violently, it is not automatically activated by internal or
external stimuli. Like higher primates and unlike other
animals, our higher neural processes filter such stimuli before
they can be acted upon. How we act is shaped by how we
have been conditioned and socialized. There is nothing in our
neurophysiology that compels us to react violently.
14
The Seville Declaration on Violence
FIFTH PROPOSITION
IT IS SCIENTIFICALLY INCORRECT to say that war is caused by 'instinct' or
any single motivation. The emergence of modern warfare has been a journey
from the primacy of emotional and motivational factors, sometimes called
'instincts,' to the primacy of cognitive factors. Modern war involves
institutional use of personal characteristics such as obedience, suggestibility,
and idealism, social skills such as language, and rational considerations such as
cost-calculation, planning, and information processing. The technology of
modern war has exaggerated traits associated with violence both in the training
of actual combatants and in the preparation of support for war in the general
population. As a result of this exaggeration, such traits are often mistaken to
be the causes rather than the consequences of the process.
15
The Seville Declaration on Violence
CONCLUSION
“We conclude that biology does not condemn humanity to war, and that humanity can be
freed from the bondage of biological pessimism and empowered with confidence to
undertake the transformative tasks needed in this international year of peace and in the
years to come. Although these tasks are mainly institutional ad collective, they also rest
upon the consciousness of individual participants for whom pessimism and optimism are
crucial factors. Just as “wars begin in the minds of men sic,” peace also begins in our
minds. The same species who invent war is capable of inventing peace. The responsibility
lies with each of us.””
16
Why People Engage in Conflict
 Human Needs Theory:
Posits that there are certain generic basic needs, which must be
met in order for human beings to feel that life is okay. It includes
the following elements:
 Security
 Participation
 Autonomy
 Recognition
 Identity
17
III: Categories of Social
Conflict
1. Intra-personal Conflict:
The conflict we feel within ourselves (for example:
competing demands, needs and loyalties; guilt – an
important form of inner conflict about which much
has been written; honesty vs dishonesty; conflicting
values).
18
Categories of Social Conflict
2. Inter-personal Conflict:
The conflict between two individuals (for example:
people living together including husband and wife;
parents and children; neighbors; employer and
employee; customer and supplier; professional and
client; academic and student).
19
Categories of Social Conflict
3. Intra-group Conflict:
The conflict within a group (for example: between
factions within a political party).
20
Categories of Social Conflict
4. Inter-group Conflict:
The conflict which occurs between groups (for
example: racial conflicts in towns or suburbs; conflict
between developers, community groups and
conservationists – environmental dispute.
21
Categories of Social Conflict
5. Inter-national Conflict:
The conflict between nation states or arguably,
between international corporations or organizations
and/or nation states (for example: Iraq-Iran, USSRUSA).
22
IV: The Structure of Social Conflict
The structure of social conflict involves interrelated
elements, as indicated below:
1. The process through which contradictions starts in
social relations (Conflict Situation).
2. Such contradictions enter into the psychological process
(Conflict Attitude), leading to;
3. The decision to engage in conflict (Conflict Behavior).
This is known in the literature as the ABC of social conflict.
23
The ABC of Social Conflict
A Attitude
24
PART TWO
Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation
Four Basic Ways of Handling Conflict
1. CONFLICT STYLES: This refers to the disposition a party
brings to the conflict.
A). A party may come wit the disposition to contend;
B). A party may come with the disposition to withdraw (run away from
conflict);
C). A party may come with the disposition to compromise;
D). A party may come with the disposition to accommodate;
E). A party may come with the disposition to collaborate
25
Four Basic Ways of Handling Conflict
Contd.,
2. NEGOTIATION:
Parties still have some level of trust in each other;
there is still direct communication between the parties.
3. MEDIATION
Mediation becomes necessary when there is more
element of trust left between the parties; it is when
the communication breaks down. It becomes
necessary for someone else to carry the burden of
carrying the message between the parties.
26
Four Basic Ways of Handling Conflict
Contd.,
4. COERCIVE APPROACHES:
This is when parties decide to use a coercive approach in dealing with the
conflict. Essentially, the concerned party declares that they want to force the
other party to do what he/she would not do otherwise. Coercive approaches
may involve the following tactics:
A). Going Legal: In such case, the party decides to the state to be on his/her
side. Thus he/she goes to court.
B). Sabotage: A party may decide to engage in sabotaging the interests/assets
of the opponent.
C). Propaganda/Demonstration: In such case, the concerned party will engage
in some type of campaigning against the interest of the opponent.
D). Violence: Violence takes place as direct application of physical power.
Examples include: Iraq vs US War; Iraq vs Iran War; Russia vs Ukraine War
27
II: Conflict Escalation
1. TYPES OF CONFLICT
A). CONSTRUTIVE CONFLICT
This type of conflict is when parties jointly seek solutions to the
identified contradictions. It is characterized by:
1. Coercion
2. Persuasion
3. Reward
B). DESTRUCTIVE CONFLICT
Destructive conflict is when the parties chose to escalate the conflict. It
is characterized by :
1. Competition
2. Escalation
28
Conflict Escalation Contd.
2. MOVES AND COUNTER MOVES
Conflict interaction is made and sustained by moves and counter
moves between the conflicting parties. These types of
negative/hostile interactions lead to conflict escalation.
3. Two Critical Factors Which contribute to Conflict
Escalation:
A). Power
B.) Psychology
29
Conflict Escalation Contd.
4. Conflict Escalation Movement in Two Directions
A). Conflict moves horizontally; this process will add more parties and
issues;
B). Conflict moves vertically; this process will lead to more escalation
leading to a situation where the conflict gets out of hand.
30
Conflict Escalates Vertically
Conflict Escalation Ladder
Conflict Escalates Horizontally
31
Diagram Showing Conflict
Escalation
32
PART THREE:
The Oromo Systems of Conflict Resolution
I.
The Oromos as a collectivist society: The Oromo
social system falls within the category of societies
classified as collectivist system.
33
1. Characteristics of Collectivist Society and
Conflict Management
A). The interests of the larger are more important than the interest of the
individual member;
B). Members of a collectivist society tend to use approval seeking
strategy in dealing with conflict;
C). Members of a collectivist society use more other positive face and
other negative face superstrategies in dealing with conflict.
D). Members of collectivist societies use a greater degree of indirect facenegotiations in dealing with conflict;
E). Members of collectivist societies use more obliging and smoothing
strategies to manage conflict;
F). Members of collectivist societies use greater conflict avoidance
strategies in dealing with conflict.
34
II. Oromo Worldviews
Worldviews: Definition
“Worldviews refers to the fundamental cognitive
orientation of society, a sub-group, or even an individual.
Worldviews encompasses natural philosophy, fundamental,
existential and normative postulates……values (often
conflicting), emotions and ethics; its includes conventional
cognitive models of persons, of sequence actions and events;
it includes social scenarios and situations, together with
their affective values, contingencies and fleeting states”
(Garry Palmer, 1996).
35
Oromo Worldviews
 The following interrelated concepts constitute the basic
Oromo belief system:
1). Waaqa (the universal creator);
2). Ayana: (A process through which Waaqa made all things);
3). Shetna: (evil spirits which cause wrong);
4. Chubu: (conscious acts to harm others).
5). Balessa: (transgression against others, usually through omission).
6). Kayyo: (a concept which describes a person’s fullest life or lack of it);
7). Qitte: (equality among others).
36
Oromo Worldviews
 In the Oromo worldview, conflict creates disharmony and
poisons the relationship between Waaqa (the universal creator),
Lafaa (the earth), humans, and other creatures.
 Thus, the Oromos believe that:
1.
As much as possible, conflict should be prevented from
occurring.
2.
Once it occurs, everything should be done to prevent it from
escalating.
3.
All institutions should work together to manage conflict.
37
Oromo Worldviews
4. The ideological themes underpinning the processes
of conflict resolution include:
A. There is no conflict which cannot be resolved (the
message is that relevant elements in the society
should work hard until it is resolved).
B. Pertinent facts must be unearthed before resolution
to a conflict can be found.
C. The goals of peacemaking must include the
consummation of justice.
38
Oromo Worldviews
D. While the individual parties must pay the price of
causing conflict, conflict formation must be treated as
a collective responsibility of the family and
community of the individuals who are responsible for
causing the conflict in the first place.
E. The ultimate goal of conflict resolution is to make
arara (reconciliation) of the parties. In the Oromo
worldview, reconciliation is necessary so that the
relationships between the supernatural, human, and
nature that have been damaged as the result of the
conflict should be repaired. (Hinnant, 1972, pp 35)
39
III. Oromo Peace Process
Four Major Organizations Which are Important in Conflict Resolution
and the Promotion of Peaceful Co-existence:
A). Gadaa: The Gadaa representative ensures the blood and life of an Oromo
citizen is considered thoughtfully during a conflict and peacemaking.
B). Qalluu: The Qalluu (religious leader) will urge and encourage the
parties in conflict to restrain from escalating the conflict and make
peace.
C). Attette: The members will mobilize the women in the community
and intervene in a violent conflict to dislodge the actors so that the
conflict can be de-escalated.
D). Jaarsumaa: Once the parties are dislodged from violent
interaction and start the process.
40
Multi-Party Intervention System
Initial Stage
Gada
Kallu
Conflicting
Party 1
Conflicting
Party 2
Eldership
Atete
Note: The unbroken lines indicate direct interactions between leaders of each institution; the broken
lines denote indirect interaction between the parties in41the conflict dynamic.
Multi-Party Intervention System
Second Stage
Gada
Conflicting
Party 1
Kallu
Atete
Conflicting
Party 2
Eldership
Note: The unbroken lines indicate direct interactions between leaders of each institution; the broken
lines denote indirect interaction between the parties in42the conflict dynamic.
Multi-Party Intervention System
Third Stage
Gada
Conflicting
Party 1
Kallu
Eldership
and Gada
Conflicting
Party 2
Atete
Note: The unbroken lines indicate direct interactions between leaders of each institution; the broken
lines denote indirect interaction between the parties in the conflict dynamic.
43
Processes of Peacemaking:
The Major Steps
Step One: Identification of the conflict through a
presentation to Jarsa Biya (Community elders).
Step Two: Identification and recruitment of Jarsa Biya
Step Three: Formation of the Jarsa Biya and selection of
the Haiyu (Judge).
Step Four: Deliberation on the conflict
Step Five: Hearing from the conflicting parties
44
Processes of Peace Process
Step Six: Hearing from the witnesses.
Step Seven: Sorting out issues and still unresolved
allegations and questions.
Step Eight: Declaration of the Murtte (verdict).
Step Nine: Admission of wrong doing.
Step Ten: Acceptance of forgiveness.
45
Processes of Peace process
Step Eleven: Administration of penalty.
Step Twelve: Arara/Reconciliation.
Step Thirteen: Bonding.
46
Processes of Peace process
Some common features found in indigenous systems of conflict resolution:
1. The goal of conflict resolution is to find the “Truth” and bring about Justice.
2. The individual, family and community take responsibility in resolving the conflict.
3. Elders are key players in conflict resolution.
4. Spirituality plays a significant role in peacemaking
5. Telling stories, parables is an important form of discourse during the peacemaking process
6. In the discourse, connections are made between the individual, community, nature, and
supernatural.
7. Conflict resolution is used as a means of keeping unity and cultural traditions in the community.
8. Conflict resolution is mandatory.
9. Justice is not based on one’s social status, wealth and power in the social order.
10. The main goal of dispute resolution is to repair damaged relations not to exact punishment
11. Forgiveness is one of the critical means of achieving the goal of repairing the damaged relations
12. Rituals play a significant role in the process of conflict resolution
13. Bonding is made through positive gestures such as intermarriage, adoptions, and providing
services for the family who had lost a member who had had been providing such services.
47
Summary and Conclusion
In this presentation, I have focused on three themes:
1). Theories about social conflict (why people engage in conflict)
2). Different approaches to conflict
3). The Oromo system of conflict resolution
Here I wish to provide a summary of the main ideas covered in this
lecture.
1. I emphasized that conflict is part of human experience – it takes place at
all social levels. People engage in conflict due to the fact that they
perceived there are unmet needs. Under the right leadership and right
circumstances conflict can be prevented, resolved and managed.
48
Summary Contd.,
 2. There are four major ways in which a party can handle
a conflict.
 A) The disposition a party can bring to the conflict
universe;
 Negotiation;
 Mediation;
 Coercive power approach
49
Summary Contd.,
3. Coercive approach to conflict leads to escalation – this is
when a conflict evolve to become destructive.
4. When conflict escalates it travels in two directions – it
travels horizontally (the process adds more parties); it
travels vertically (this makes the conflict spin out of
control).
5. The field of conflict studies and resolution started about
four decades ago, primarily in North America by academics
and practitioners; since then it has spread exponentially.
However, the indigenous communities around the world
have practiced peacemaking more successfully for
centuries.
50
Summary Contd.,
David Auglsburger reports that the indigenous communities use 11 different ways of
resolving conflict, while in the West, they have three main mechanisms only (mostly
through the use of force).
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
Family mediation
Clan-resolution process
Caste/panchayet adjudication
Third party mediators
Community mediation
Tribal or village palaver
Political brokers
Local or regional headmen
Regional leaders
Police (law)
Court system (law)
51
Summary Contd.,
6. The Oromo society has been described as egalitarian and
collectivist by scholars. As such, the Oromos developed a worldview
regarding the ideas of social justice and conflict. Thus, in the Oromo
worldview, conflict disrupts and poison the intricate relations
between human beings, nature and the divine. Because of this
national ethos, the Oromos invest enormous amount of resources –
time, energy, prestige - to prevent, resolve, and manage conflict.
Ngaa, arraraa are the major national script.
7. Historically, the Oromos used four different institutions (Gadaa,
Qalluu, Attette, and Jaarsumaa) when dealing with violent conflict.
However, the first three have been marginalized as a result of
colonization, incursion, of the two prominent Semitic religions.
Despite the difficulties caused the above listed forces, the Oromo
Processes of Peacemaking survived the most.
52
Summary Contd.,
8. The Oromos have used different processes of different types of
conflict. For example, there is one set of processes for a conflict,
which involves domestic conflict, and another set of processes which
evolves around marriage. More significantly, they have developed an
elaborate system when it involves gumaa (violence which takes a life).
In this presentation, I have discussed 13 different steps, which are
used in dealing with such conflict. The overarching goal of such
elaborate peacemaking is to bring arrarra (reconciliation), nagaa
(peace).
53
Implications
1. Conflict and domination: In general, the oppressed
groups experience more conflicts than the dominant
group. The reason is that the subordinate groups do
not necessarily use power to control their own affairs.
Conflict emanate from two main sources. First, conflict
emerges as a result of the oppressed system in place.
Once the source of conflict is deprivation; the main
source of conflict is the typical divide and conquer
strategy and tactic. Another source of conflict is
internal discord as a result of power struggle by thr
elite of the oppressed society (e.g. Blacks in the U.S;
Native in Canada).
54
Implications
2. The contemporary Oromo society is facing many conflicts. One
source of the conflict is imposed by the TPLF. The fanatical fear of the
Oromo on the part of the Habesha started during the 16th century,
when the Oromo emerged as a regional political force after the
Habesha power was demolished as a result of it. Since then the
Oromo became existential enemy in the minds of the Hebasha ruling
class. Commencing with regime of king Sehle Selassie of Showa, the
Hebasha elite deployed two main strategies in conquering and
controlling the Oromos:
A). Obtain lethal weapons from the West to conquer and control the
Oromos;
B). Use the Oromos against each other for the purpose of controlling
them.
55
Implications
The Amahras who became the face of the Habesha
dominance for several centuries developed several
schemes, which were designed to destroy oromo
national identity. This reveals in the memo sent to
Council of ministers during the reign of Emperor
Haile Sellasie, where several policies were stipulated
to this end: (Read the policy).
56
Implications
3. The TPLF developed a different approach to the
Oromo issues (as well as other nationalities).
A). The TPLF has recognized the Oromo national
identity;
B). It has allowed the use of Oromo labnguage for
public use in Oromia (not in the Empire);
C). It has recognized the Oromo country as Oromia.
57
Implications
However, the TPLF devised a system for the purpose of
dividing and controlling Oromos:
A). It created the OPDO, an organization completely
controlled by the TPLF;
B). It banned the OLF, an organization which evolved to
become the symbol of Oromo nationalism. In addition, it
demonized the OLF as an evil entity to be hated and freed
off – thus, the OLF became a Kokko (the TPLF bogeman)
58
Implications
C). Now, te TPLF has engaged in the destruction of the
material bases of Oromo society – its land and other vital
resources.
D). The human rights violations of the Oromos is well
documented by several international organizations . For
example, they may be about 30,000 Oromos in TPLF
controlled jails at the present time.
59
Implications
4. The other source of conflict in the contemporary
Oromo society is the one, which emanates from within.
This form of conflict is waged by the Oromo elite actors
for power and influence from within. The current conflict
which has been raging within Oromo national movement
since 2001 is an example of this type of conflict. This
conflict has wounded the Oromo national spirit. I do not
see any efforts among the Oromo politicians and
intellectuals to take steps to heal these wounds. Of
course, there are now other actors who play games with
Oromo name for their personal interests.
60
Implications
5. In my view, the Oromos as an oppressed nationality, should
organize themselves for the purpose of gaining power to
decide their collective future. Such mission naturally will and
should entail building organizations with some level of
hierarchy. However, there is a challenge in this proposition –
how do you introduce and run organizations with some level
of hierarchy in a collectivist society such as the Oromo society?
In general, there is concrete evidence that collectivist societies
have difficulty accommodating a political system where
control comes from the top dictatorship. Example, the case of
Somalia. Briefly, Diade Barre wanted to introduce a
hierarchical system of government based on his family and
clan. The Somalis rejected such system vehemently and
violently. In the process the entire state of Somalia collapsed I a
dramatic manner.
61
Implications
6.
In order for the Oromos to wage a successful national struggle,
solidarity is absolutely essential. Building consensus in national
goals are absolute necessity. In order to achieve such level of
cooperation there should be some level of trust. Trust is the glue
that provides cohesion among various actors in national struggle.
Example: The life story of Bariso Phekama.
7.
In order for our people to trust each other there must be peace
and justice for all. This must be the mission of every Oromo of
this generation and future generations. There is cultural basis to
create an environment of peace and trust. The question is, are the
Oromo political elite humble enough and wise enough to pursue
in the maintenance culture of peace as our ancestors have
practiced it so successfully and so brilliantly?
62
Implications
8. There are some fundamentals, which every Oromo
needs to consider about peace and harmony and national
struggle for self-determination.
A). One cannot saw weed (arama) and expect to harvest
wheat – that will not happen.
B). One cannot expect to harvest a healthy wheat without
taking out weeds while the wheat is still young.
C). One cannot expect to harvest healthy wheat when
he/she has not sawn in the first place
63
Implications?
A). A leadership of any organization cannot expect
harmony and solidarity for its cause, while at the same
time engaging in spreading propaganda of hate and
falsehood.
B). An organization where leadership demobilizes
members of certain groups – pushing away some
segments of its society – cannot expect solidarity and
support for national members.
C). A society which does not invest in the collective
future cannot expect emancipation from the yoke of
colonialism.
64
Works Consulted
Augsburger, D. W. (1992). Conflict Mediation Across Cultures. London: Westmininster
John Knox Press.
Aruch, K., (1998). Culture and Conflict Resolution. Washington, D. C.: USIP Press.
Bartels, I. (1983). Oromo Religion. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Veerlag.
Baxter, P. T. W. and U. Almagor (1978). (eds). Age, Generation and Time. London: C.
Hurst & Company.
Burton, J. W. (1990). Conflict: Human Needs Theory. London: Macmillan.
65
Works Consulted
Folgler, J. P. et op. (2009). Working Through Conflict. Boston: Pearson Press.
Gnamo, A. (2014). Conquest and Resistance in the Ethiopian Empire: The Case of the Arsi
Oromo. Boston: Brill.
Hassan, M. (1990). The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History, 1570-1860. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Hinnant, J. (1977). The Gada System of the GuJi of Ethiopia of Southern Ethiopia.
Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Chicago, Chicago.
_____________ (1971). Guji of Ethiopia (2 Vol.) New Haven, Conn.: Human Relations
Area File.
66
Works Consulted
Kriesberg, L., (1998). Constructive Conflict: From Escalation to Resolution. New York:
Rowan & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
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T
Thank You
Copyright. Document not for distribution.
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Dr Hamdesa Tuso
Dr. Hamdesa Tuso was born and raised in Oromia in the Ethiopian Empire. He activism for social justice during his high school - he joined the
Arsi Basic Schools Movement (ABSM) when he was in Grade nine. Abegan his BSM was established to spread literacy among the peasants in
the Rift Valley of Oromia. In addition, ABSM advocated for social change and justice for the landless peasants who were being exploited by the
absentee landlords during the feudal regime of Emperor Haile Sellassie. His journey in search of more knowledge led him to pursue higher
education in Australia and North America. He attended Avondale College, NSW, Australia, receiving a B.A. and subsequently pursued his
graduate education at Andrews University, Berrien Springs, Michigan where he received his M. A. and Michigan State University where he
obtained his Ph.D. He started his professional career in the field of international education. He served as the International served Student Advisor
for five years and the Director of the Office of International Programs and Services for three years (both at George Mason University, Fairfax,
Virginia). During the last two decades Dr. Tuso has taught at five universities in the field of Peace & Conflict Studies in U. S. and Canada – he
currently teaches at the Department of Peace & Conflict Studies, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba Canada. During the last three
decades, he has played in critical roles in the formation of several Oromo organizations – the Oromo Committee for Immigration & Refugees,
Oromo Community Organizations, Oromo Studies Association (founder), Shanachaa Jaarsummaa (Chair). He is the Director of the African
Working Group (AWG) (www.africaworkinggroup.net) and the Editor of the Journal for Conflict Management in Africa (JCMA) (this work is in
progress) and Associate Editor of the Horn of Africa Journal. Recently he has joined four of his colleagues in producing three important
scholarly work: (1) The Role of Religion in Peacemaking; (2) Indigenous processes of Peacemaking; (3) Women Peacemaking (all to be
published by the Lexington Books). Also, he has been selected as an editor for the Lexington Books Series in Peace and Conflict Studies. Dr.
Hamdesa is one of the founders of Madda Walaabuu Media Foundation and currently serves as a member of the Board of Directors.
For further information regarding Professor Tuso’s professional accomplishments, research & publications, and history of activism for social
justice, you may visit his website (www.hamdesatuso.com).
SPONSORSHIP ORGANIZATION
The seminar was sponsored by the Oromo Community in Oslo (OCO). Founded in 1988, OCO has two main objectives: 1) to assist the
integration of the Oromo community into the Norwegian society; and 2) to promote the cause of human rights in its community in Norway and
also back home in Oromia. OCO is a registered non-profit and non-political organization with the government of Norway.
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