Cultural capital of Bogans and how it influences their health The

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Cultural capital of Bogans and how it influences their health
The Artifact
Shane “Shagga” Merret, age 34 (left) is a self confessed Bogan.
He loves going to the footy, drinking excessive amounts of
alcohol and wearing both rock band clothing and Ugg boots
(Jones, 2012).
According to Australian society, this cultural artifact is indicative
of a Bogan as Shane’s main characteristics are associated with
this stereotype. Generally speaking, the term Bogan is a
derogatory term associated with people of a low
socioeconomic status, primarily from Australia. Characteristics
such as poor education, unrefined accent, cheap dress style and
limited manners, are what differ Bogans most from the general
Australian public (Lauder, 2008).
Public Health Issue
There are a number of public health issues associated with the Bogan demographic due to their
inability to meet needs such as healthy nutrition, adequate health care and education (Pini,
Mcdonald, & Mayes, 2012). Primarily the concern is that Bogans are partaking in unhealthy
behaviours such as binge drinking, smoking and poor diet choices. These behaviours are a chief
public health concern as they can all lead to significant health implications that increase the
likelihood of disease, disability and death (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2010).
Unhealthy lifestyle behaviours are expected if someone is Bogan due to the norms and values
of this sub culture. This analysis will investigate the role of cultural capital in generating and
sustaining health inequalities and the relationship between cultural group and socioeconomic
position in regards to Bogans.
Literature Review
French Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu proposed the concepts of Cultural capital, Economic capital
and Social capital. Cultural capital refers to people’s informational and symbolic resources that
enable social mobility, and can greatly influence Economic and social Capital (Abel, 2008).
These cultural resources such as education, skills and knowledge are obtained through social
learning and differ between social classes (Abel, 2008). A Bogan would have limited Cultural
capital due to there being a low level of education (Pini et al., 2008).
In regards to the analysis of health inequality, resources such as behavioural norms and
knowledge are the cultural capital tools that can be used to improve health. A Bogan’s limited
cultural capacity may be a reason as to why they do not take good care of their health, as there
norms and knowledge towards health is limited. Additionally, an individual’s cultural capital
capacity affects decision making in regards to economic and social health decisions (Abel, 2008).
Economic related health capital is any economic related decisions that influences health,
including food purchase decisions, payment for health services and health insurance. Typically
Bogans purchase unhealthy food, rarely visit health services and do not invest in their health.
Cultural capital has a significant influential role towards economic related health choices as
one’s education, knowledge and values will influence spending behaviour (Abel, 2008). Bogans
spend their economic capital on toys, alcohol and other consumer items. Due to a Bogan’s lack
of knowledge and care about health, the spending of money to maintain a suitable level of
wellbeing is not a high priority (Pini et al., 2008).
A prime example of how cultural capital can influence economic decisions is the emergence of
the cashed up Bogans. This term relates to Australia’s recent resource boom where there was a
demand for skilled labour which led to Blue collar Bogan’s finding themselves earning six figure
salaries. These Bogans now have a greater economic capital, however they are still spending
their money on expensive consumer items such as fancy utes and boats (Pini et al.,2008).
Social related health capital is any access to interpersonal support systems that have health
benefits such as groups and clubs (Hawe & Shiell, 2000). Cultural resources play a vital role in
the application of health related social capital benefits as they greatly influence an individual’s
acceptance within a support system. This is due to particular set of values being needed, such
as knowing how to communicate and also the use of appropriate language in order to be
accepted (Abel, 2008). The ability to use communication may be limited for people of Bogan
status, as they tend to associate themselves with those who have a lack of manners and
communication skills, therefore also demonstrating these qualities (Pini et al., 2008).
Furthermore Bourdieu proposed the concept of habitus, which analyses routines that a person
or group takes part in daily. The concept regarding habitus was developed by looking at
similarities between individuals and classes who have equal experiences and from this
understand how they have become an indicator of that culture. In other words, habitus is the
collective set of practices and habits that an individual or collective group partakes in on a day
to day basis (Abel, 2008; Portes, 2000)
The theory of habitus helps explain how Bogans who have the means to take better care of
their health do not. As through their life they acquired the perception that there health is not a
priority (Abel, 2008). From this perspective, it can be viewed that a Bogan’s practices and habits
were formed early on in life and are difficult to change.
When taking an analysis of the role of cultural capital and habitus it should be considered that
research regarding Bourdieu’s theory has been criticised. Pierre’s concepts have been critiqued
for not being clear and therefore findings have been varied due to researchers interpreting his
theory in different ways. Additionally, Bourdieu has been critiqued regarding his lack of
consideration towards gender in the majority of his work (Swartz, 2003; Portes, 2000).
Cultural and social analysis
The most recent social change regarding Bogans that has influenced Australian social class has
been the emergence of the cashed up Bogan. As stated in the literature review, this term
relates to Australia’s recent resource boom where a demand for skilled labor led to many blue
collar Bogans finding themselves earning six figure salaries. Access to this extra economic
capital has allowed for social mobility of Bogans who were once part of the lower socioeconomic class to move up into the middle class, at least from an economic perspective.
However, this recent social change has resulted in the rest of Australia reinforcing class
boundaries through discrimination of Bogans to distinguish them socially, as economically they
are now similar (Pini et al., 2008)
Cashed up or not, Bogans are still typically viewed as coming from a low socio-economic status
(Lauder, 2008). Socioeconomic status is the combination of different social factors: income,
education and occupation (Clarke & Leigh, 2011). However, the issue is not whether a
tradesman is now making more money than someone with a university degree. The key issue is
that Bogans emerged from a class struggle, which developed a strong culture that has inherited
some unhealthy behaviours (Lauder, 2008).
Bogans are regarded as having a low social status in Australia, with low social status occurring
more for people living in remote areas, individual’s without-post school qualifications, and the
unemployed (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2010). Social status directly affects
health and those at a low level are at greater likelihood of disease, disability and death
(Sapolsky, 2004). In Australia, recent trends have seen that individuals of a low socio economic
status are more likely to be obese, smoke tobacco, drink excessive alcohol, be physically
inactive and have a poor diet (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2010).
Much of the population who fit into low social class have or have had at some stage the lack of
money to meet such needs as nutrition, health care, education and other needs of everyday life
(Haughton & Khandker, 2009). Current statistics show that in Australia, inequality is evident
with a significant amount of Australians living below the poverty line. The amount of people
living below the poverty line (50% of median income) in Australia is approximately 12.8%
(Poverty in Australia, 2009), while almost 70% of all wealth in Australia is owned by the richest
(Lauder, 2008).
This inequality can be reflected by estimates on differences in mortality between the poor and
rich within society. Research has found that the disadvantaged within society have lower life
expectancy (4 years less males, 2 years less females) and mortality rates were twice as high
(Clark &Leigh, 2011).
Therefore, from a public health perspective the awareness of Bogan health is an important
issue as Bogans represent a proportion of the disadvantaged and highlight an inequality within
Australia.
Reflection
At face value, this artifact represents a typical Australian Bogan, the pun of many derogatory
views from the rest of Australia. However, looking beyond the Ugg boots and ACDC, the artifact
represents a subculture within Australian society which is facing many problems including
health inequality. The artifact is of a proud Bogan, demonstrating that Bogans are proud of
their behaviour even if many of the behaviours reduce their ability to lead a healthy life.
Before researching the issue at hand I had always seen Bogans as a problem within society who
deserved to be ignored. However, through research I personally found it interesting how a
demographic such as Bogans are much more then beer drinkers. Instead, they actually
represent a product of lower Australian class and inequality within our country. Until now, I had
always perceived a person’s health as a direct indicator of their wealth, although now I realize
that a person’s culture can be an influence on their health.
For future reference I believe this assessment piece has resulted in my learning of the forming
of assumptions when it comes to different cultures, classes and people within society. It has
also taught me that the way people are is not always a conscious decision and that many
people are a product of their environment and therefore should be helped instead of
discriminated against.
References
Abel, T. (2008). Cultural capital and social inequality in health. Journal of Epidemiological
Community Health 62(7), p 1-5. doi 10.1136/jech.2007.066159
Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2010). Risk Factors. Retrieved from
http://www.aihw.gov.au/
Clarke, P., Leigh, A. (2011). Death, Dollars and Degrees: Socio-economic Status and
Longevity in Australia. Journal of applied economics and policy, 30(3), p 348-355. doi
10.1111/j.1759-3441.2011.00127.x
Haughton, J., Khandker, S. (2009). Handbook on Poverty and Inequality. World Bank
Publications, p 7613. Retrieved from http://issuu.com/
Hawe, P., Shiell, A. (2000). Social capital and health promotion: a review. Social Science
Media, 51, p 871-875. Retrieved from
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10972431?dopt=Abstract
Jones, K. (2012). It’s Official I’m a Bogan Legend. Herald Sun. Retrieved from
http://www.heraldsun.com.au
Lauder, S. (2008). Bogan PI residents lobby for name change. ABC News. Retrieved from
http://www.abc.net.au
Pini, B., McDonald, P., Mayes, R. (2012). Class Contestations and Australia’s Resource
Boom: The Emergence of the ‘Cashed-up Bogan’. Sociology, 46 (142), p 143-158. doi
10.1177/0038038511419194
Portes, A. (2000). Social Capital: Its Origins and Applications in Modern Sociology [EBL
version]. Knowledge and Social Capital, 1, p 43-50. Retrieved from http://books.google.com.au/
Poverty In Australia.(2009). Australian Council of Social Service. Retrieved from
http://acoss.org.au
Sapolsky, R. (2004). Social Status and Health in Humans and Other Animals. Annual
Review of Anthropology, 33, p 393-418. doi 10.1146/annurev.anthro.33.070203.144000
Swartz, D. (2003). From critical sociology to public intellectual: Pierre Bourdieu and
politics. Theory and Society 32 (6), p 791-823. doi 10.1023/B:RYSO.0000004956.34253.fb
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