Online Appendix
CODING SCHEME OF THE TERRISS_DATASET (Adapted Version)
1.
Why this Coding Scheme?
This coding scheme has been developed to analyse the political discourse of parties on the territorial
dimension. The coded documents are party electoral manifestos. When not available, leaflets and
other programmatic documents are analysed instead. The principle underpinning the coding scheme
is that the analysis of party manifestos can be useful in deciphering the attitudes adopted by political
parties in electoral competition. In other words, the focus is on the rhetoric of a party and on the
image they convey to voters on a specific issue. This might be different from the actual position of
the party, as well as that of individual party members. Furthermore, the attitude adopted in a manifesto is often the result of bargaining and compromise among divergent currents of opinion within a
party (and especially between parties in the case of coalition documents).
The codebook outlined here is an adapted version of the original coding scheme (Basile, 2014).. It
therefore does not include some elements that are not relevant to the analysis undertaken in this article. The complete dataset and codebook is available upon request from the author.
2.
How are Manifestos Coded?
According to Krippendorf (2004, 18), content analysis is a “research technique for making replicable and valid inferences from texts (...) to the context of their use” (emphasis added). Moreover,
content analysis is often described as an unobtrusive and non reactive method (Ibid), to the extent
that the systematic and neutral procedures used in the coding process imply a narrow scope of interpretation on the investigator's part. However, a degree of subjective evaluation from the coder is
difficult to exclude completely. The coder individually reads the text and decides to apply codes,
although according to strict and clearly defined rules. For this reasons, content analysis can be understood as a way of quantifying information that is intrinsically qualitative.
This latter point leads to a further aspect, namely the choice of a hand-coded procedure rather than
computer-assisted content analysis. Computerised techniques have the merit of reducing the probability of coder errors, and permitting the analysis of a large amount of text with vast cost savings.
Nevertheless, manual coding is preferred to automated coding for theoretical and methodological
reasons. Firstly, the study of a single issue presupposes a deep knowledge of it. Accordingly, only a
coder who has been trained to a certain level of familiarity with the issue can observe some of the
more “subtle” references to it. Secondly, the use of software is based on the input of a set of keywords that can then be searched for in a document. The problem here is that words like “region”,
“governance” “subsidiary principle” and “autonomy” can be used in different contexts from that of
territorial politics. For instance, the notion of region may identify the “European” or the “Mediterranean region”, as an expression of a supranational entity; similarly, the subsidiary principle can be
understood as a sharing of competences with non-state authorities other than the sub-central governments. Even the term decentralisation can refer to other processes that do not necessarily involve
the redistribution of resources to regional and local levels. For instance, in the 1994 manifesto of the
1
Partito dei Democratici di Sinistra 1994, in the passage: “(...) che prevedano un decentramento della
proprietà e dei poteri di decisione”1, the term decentralisation is used with reference to market and
economic policies. Hence, as in a study focusing on one single political dimension it is important to
reduce to the greatest possible extent any misinterpretation of the meanings of words, the preference
has been to ground the coding procedure in the investigator’s informed evaluation. The price to pay,
of course, is reduced reliability and more labour intensive work; this has required narrowing the
analysis to one single case (Italy). As always, it is a matter of choices and trade-offs, as reflected in
the necessity to balance research goals with practical constraints.
The coding procedure is based on a two-stage analysis. Firstly, a spreadsheet is developed for each
manifesto, where sentences are split and codes are applied according to each category. Then, the data is aggregated according to the rules that are specified in the following sections and inputted into a
second spreadsheet, which constitutes the final TERRID_DATASET, available in Excel®, STATA®
and SPSS® format.
3.
Spreadsheet n.1: Applying codes to the document
In the first step, each manifesto is read and divided into quasi-sentences (hereinafter: QSs; see below for the rules for the division into quasi-sentences). Then, a code is applied to each relevant quasi-sentence, according to four main categories, namely: Territorial Issues, Policy Proposal, Territorial level and Frame. For the purposes of the present article, this appendix will focus on two of
these domains, namely Territorial Issues and Frames. In defining categories and codes, two criteria
are followed: firstly, the categories must be exhaustive, so that each coded unit should have an appropriate category in which it can be included; secondly, the categories and levels should be mutually exclusive. In other words, there must only be one code applicable to each coded unit (Neuendorf 2002).
All the sentences that are related to territorial issues are coded under the Territorial Issue category.
In particular, the coder, having identified the relevance of the statement for the topic of the research,
has to choose among five codes. 100 is applied when the quasi-sentence generically refers to territorial issues, be they related to cultural or institutional aspects 2, but it does not express any supportive
or negative stance on it. For instance: "Le Regioni vanno sempre più assumendo un ruolo quasi
statuale, svolgendo competenze di grande valenza politica trasferite dallo Stato, e un tempo di
esclusiva competenza legislativa nazionale” 3 (Electoral manifesto of Rifondazione Comunista,
2001). This sentence describes the current territorial system and the distribution of powers within
the state, but it does not provide any clear indication of potential party support for a process of
transferring powers downwards, just as it does not provide information about the views of a party
about the cultural distinctiveness of sub-central authorities. Different codes are applied when the QS
refers to what has been defined as the Institutional Dimension. The latter includes all the statements
dealing with the territorial redistribution of competencies and resources in several policy fields,
“(…) entailing a decentralisation of property and decisional powers”.
This neutral code does not distinguish between institutional and cultural dimensions, because these sentences
are often generic references to the status quo of state architecture, thus making irrelevant any distinction.
3
“Regions are increasingly assuming a more public role, carrying out competencies of great political valence
transferred from the State and once of exclusive national competence” (author’s translation).
1
2
2
constitutional reform, centre-periphery relations and so on. A QS will be coded 101 if it expresses
preference for a delegation of competencies downwards; otherwise, as 103 if a QS indicates support
for strengthening the central level of government. In contrast, the Cultural Dimension identifies
those parts of the document that are devoted to the question of promoting and protecting local and
regional identity, culture and symbols (code 102) or national ones (code 104).
Table i provides a summary of these codes.
Table i. Territorial Issues
Code Title
Description
1
Decentralist Issue (DECIS1)
100
Neutral
QSs containing statements concerning the territorial organisation of the
state, the distribution of power and resources such as: state-regions relationship, the coordination and control of the state over the sub-national entities, state financial aids to regions and local authorities. Use this code
when the document refers in a general or ambiguous way to these issues
and it does not express any specific supportive or negative stance on it. Example (RC 2001: ‘Le Regioni vanno sempre più assumendo un ruolo quasi
statuale, svolgendo competenze di grande valenza politica trasferite dallo
Stato, e un tempo di esclusiva competenza legislativa nazionale’4)
101
Institutional prodecentralist argument
Statements expressing support for the redistribution of powers to subnational levels; statements describing the current centralist asset as negative.
102
Cultural Regional- QSs related to linguistic and cultural issues, namely: support for preservation of local and regional symbols and customs; protection of minorities;
ism
reference to regional or local identities.
103
Institutional centralist argument
104
Cultural National- Similar to 102 but negative; reference to national identity and to the national unity as a value to be protected.
ism
Similar to 101 but negative: support for further centralisation of the state
structure or for the current centralist asset; preservation of the unity of the
state. Claims stating that powers should be kept at central level in order to
protect the major ‘national interest’.
‘Regions are increasingly assuming a more public role, carrying out competencies of great political valence
transferred from the State and once of exclusive national competence’ (author’s translation)
4
3
Sometimes, the quasi-sentences coded as Territorial Issue might also contain a reference to a specific topic associated with it, to a particular cause or pressure that is deemed to trigger the process of
devolution, as well as to a particular actor involved in the process of devolution. In this case, the
codes of the category Frame will be applied. The same QS might thus be subjected to multiple coding, as each sentence related to the territorial issue can also contain a reference to a specific frame.
For each frame, the coder identifies whether it expresses a neutral stance or, on the contrary, a
pro/contra attitude towards sub-central authorities. Accordingly, codes might be neutral, pro or contra the sub-national levels. In this case, each frame has an initial two/three-digit code, ranging from
30 to 103; then, a second digit should be applied (0 if neutral, 1 if pro-sub-national level, 2 if otherwise).
Table ii. Frames (Code from 30 to 103 + 0, 1 or 2, if neutral, decentralist or centralist) 5
30-10
Frames/arguments (FRAME)
30 -Subsidiary principle
300
Neutral
301
Subsidiary positive
This frame should be used only when the subsidiary principle is
explicitly mentioned, otherwise, another code, such as 900-902
should be applied.
302
Subsidiary negative
40 - European Union and Regionalism
400
Neutral
The EU can be mentioned as a positive framework in which decentralisation should be achieved; similarly, ideas such as the ‘Europe
401
EU positive
of People’ and ‘Europe of the Regions’ and positive references to
multilevel governance require the application of code 401.
402
EU negative
Code 402 applies when there are negative mentions of the role of
EU in triggering a process of disaggregation of the territorial unity
and/or the perspective of a Europe of the People rather than ‘of
States’ is negatively perceived.
50- National Unity
500
Neutral
501
National unity negative The value of national unity (against the enhancement of local powers) can be perceived as negative or positive.
502
National unity positive
60- Efficiency and responsibility of public administration
600
Neutral
Arguments concerning the efficiency of the public administration
601
State efficiency pro- and its modernisation. Decentralisation can be seen as a valuable
instrument to achieve greater state efficiency (601).
decentralisation
602
State efficiency anti- On the contrary, in order to address the problem of state inefficiency, other statements claim that it is necessary to further strengthen
decentralisation
5
Note that not all of these frames have been analysed in the paper; the latter, in fact, takes into account only the
frames that have been triggered or revitalised by the rhetoric of the Lega Nord.
4
the central, state structure, rather than decentralise (602).
70- Centre-periphery cleavage/territorial solidarity/cohesion
700
Neutral
Generic reference to the socio-economic gap between north and
south (richer and poorer regions)
701
Territorial solidarity and Strong federalist argument: resources should be kept where they
national cohesion nega- are produced (i.e. the richer regions).
tive
702
Territorial solidarity and Although decentralist processes seem to be inevitable, they should
national cohesion posi- be pursued within an overall framework of territorial solidarity; in
tive
particular it should be maintained the ‘centralist’ principle of redistribution of resources from the richer to the poorer regions.
80- Autonomist parties
800
Neutral
Generic reference to the emergence of autonomist parties in the political system
801
Autonomist positive
Autonomist parties are seen as a positive force in triggering processes of decentralisation.
802
Autonomist negative
Autonomist parties are mentioned as disaggregating forces, a threat
for the national unity.
90- Democracy
900
Neutral
901
Democracy positive
902
Democracy negative
Generic reference to the democratic advantages of a better territorial organisation.
The centralised state does not allow democratic control of the citizens over the resources allocated. Hence, more autonomy is an advantage for the democratic control of the citizens over the decision
process.
The purported democratic virtues of decentralisation are denied.
100- Liberalist argument
1000
Neutral
State competencies are described as they are: e.g. many powers for
the central state.
1001
Liberalism
A ‘lighter’ state is pursued. In order to achieve this goal, a redistribution of competencies downward is invoked.
1002
Interventionism
Interventionist state: this implies that resources and powers should
be kept as much as possible at central level.
101- Identity argument/territorial attachment
1010
Neutral
Generic reference to identities.
1011
Local Identity
1012
National identity
Decentralisation is invoked with reference to the need for protection of local identities.
Reference to national identity and values.
102- Cooperative federalism
5
1020
Neutral
1021
Clear separation
powers
Cooperative federalism
1022
Generic reference to the kind of cooperation among territorial levels.
of Clear separation of powers across levels is envisaged.
Principle of cooperative federalism. A clear separation of competencies should not be pursued.
103- Political foes
1030
1031
1032
Neutral
Generic reference to the interaction with other political actors on
the territorial issues.
Foes as obstacle to de- Political adversaries have been an obstacle to the full implementacentralisation
tion of decentralist reforms.
Foes as supporters of Decentralisation is negatively perceived, while political enemies
decentralisation
are deemed to be the responsible of a process of territorial disaggregation.
All these coded documents are stored as Excel® files and they also contain a basic range of identifying variables, which can be useful in case of merging of all the documents:
ID: Each document preliminarily identified by a unique number starting with the electoral year and
a progressive numeration: Yyyy + party code (e.g. 199407 is the ID for Forza Italia in 1994 and
200621 for Ulivo in 2006). See Table iii, below, for the codes of the parties.
Different identification codes have been assigned to each party and/or coalition. For example, the
Ulivo has a different code to the DS alone. It can therefore happen that, for the same year, both the
coalition document and the single party manifesto have been coded. In this way it is possible to
compare the differences in political rhetoric between coalition and party documents.
Docu_ID: Party name and year (e.g. AN_1994).
Type: Type of document (e.g. Electoral Manifesto; other programmatic document).
Type_ID:
10 = Electoral Manifesto
20 = other programmatic document. This is used when the document is something
other than an official party manifesto, such as congress final reports and leaflets. An example is the
‘Manifesto of Fiuggi’ by AN in 1994. It is a programmatic document delivered on the occasion of
the founding congress of the party rather than an electoral manifesto. Such documents have been
analysed when an electoral manifesto was not available for that specific election year.
3.1.
Rules For The Division In Quasi-Sentences
The present coding scheme relies on the same general rules that have been adopted by the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) group and by the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP). These rules
are as follows:
- Each QS should contain an argument, i.e. a subject, verb and object;
- When a sentence is long and contains either one subject and many verbs or many subjects and one
verb, it should be split;
6
- When different arguments share the subject, they should be split (‘Vogliamo un governo che
risponda alle sfide dell’immigrazione/combatta la criminalità’ …)6;
- When different arguments share the verb, they should be split (‘Vogliamo una politica estera
forte/ un forte esercito/innovazione tecnologica’)7.
- Do not divide the sentence if it contains a rhetorical series of names, adjectives and verbs, just to
further emphasise the concept;
- In cases of list of arguments introduced by the ‘:’, divide the sentences;
- The goal of a party should be divided from the QS referring to the means proposed to address it
(‘Possiamo ridurre la disoccupazione/perseguendo attivamente dei piani occupazionali’)8.
As a general rule, the QS should be a unit of significance by itself. If it is split, it should be understandable and express a single concept. When the coder has to choose whether to divide a sentence
or not, the basic distinction between position arguments and frames is kept in mind. The same sentence might contain a declaration of stance plus a justification for it; in such a case, the sentence
should be split.
6
'We want a government that responds to the challenge of immigration/fights criminality...’
7
"We want a strong foreign policy/a strong army/technological innovation"
"We can reduce unemployment /actively pursuing employment programmes"
8
7
4.
Spreadsheet n. 2: Aggregate data
4.1.
Elaboration of the aggregate data
The raw data, obtained through the coding of each manifesto, are then elaborated into a second
spreadsheet. This contains variables measuring salience, position and frames. The unit of analysis
(cases) of this comprehensive dataset are all the parties analysed over the time span chosen, in order
to allow both interparty and time-series comparisons.
4.1.1. Salience
Following an extensive scholarly literature which has analysed manifestos, salience is calculated as
the percentage of quasi-sentences related to the territorial issue for each manifesto. It is calculated
by summing up all the quasi-sentences dealing with territorial issues in each political document;
this number is then divided by the total number of quasi-sentences in which the manifesto can be
split and multiplied by 100, to obtain a percentage.
The formula to calculate the overall salience of the statements related to territorial issues is:
Salience =
∑𝑛
𝑖=0 Territorial(codes 100+101+102+103 + 104)
∑𝑛
𝑖=0 𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑐𝑒𝑠
∗ 100
where “Territorial” indicates all the statements dealing with the territorial issue. In order to calculate the salience of pro-periphery statements, only the quasi-sentences coded as 101 and 102 will be
taken into account. On the other hand, by counting the frequency of codes 103 and 104, the salience
of pro-centre sentences can be calculated.
4.1.2. Direction of attitudes (or Position)
Datasets based on the counting of quasi-sentences assume that, following salience theory, the greater the relevance of the theme, the more the attitude towards it will be favourable. Nevertheless, a
detailed description of the preferences of parties on a single dimension of the political space necessarily requires a step further in the analysis. The relevance of a theme such as the territorial issue in
electoral debate may compel a party to adopt a stance on it, despite its reluctance or lack of real interest. Accordingly, beyond the emphasis attributed to the question, it is necessary also to estimate
the overall direction of party attitudes on an issue.
Following Libbrecht et al. (2011) and Maddens and Libbrecht (2009) (who in turn rely on the work
of Rabinowitz and McDonald, 1989)), directional certainty - defined as the overall orientation of a
party on a single issue - is calculated as the total amount of pro-periphery quasi-sentences minus the
total amount of pro-centre ones, divided by the total number of salient QSs. Neutral sentences
(those coded as 100) are not included in the numerator as they constitute an expression of directional ambiguity.
The formula for calculating directional certainty is thus as follows:
8
directional certainty =
∑𝑛𝑖=0 periph. (codes 101 + 102) – centre(codes 103 + 104)
∑𝑛𝑖=0 Terr. (100 + 101 + 102 + 103 + 104)
Its values range from -1 to 0 to +1, given that it is not calculated as a percentage. In order to better
understand how this formula works, the example taken from FI’s manifesto of 1994 is helpful.
There are 18 pro-decentralist sentences (codes 101+102), and 5 pro-centralist ones (codes
103+104). There are also 9 neutral statements, giving a total number of decentralisation-related sentences of 32. Hence, the value of directional certainty for that manifesto will be (18-5)/32= 0.4. The
positive sign indicates an overall pro-periphery direction, although the closeness to zero suggests
that there is a certain ambiguity, confirmed by the fact that there are 5 pro-centre statements and
nine neutral ones. If all the statements had been pro-periphery: (32-0)/32= 1, the direction would
have undoubtedly been pro-decentralist; if they had been all pro-centre: (0-32)/32= -1, the negative
sign would have indicated a straightforward opposition to sub-national levels; if they had been all
neutral (0-0)/32=0, or if there had been an even number of pro-periphery and pro-centre statements:
(16-16)/32=0, a situation of ambiguity or contradictory attitude (i.e. blurring strategy) would be
recorded.
4.1.3. Frames
The same calculation used for estimating the salience and directional certainty of the territorial dimension as a whole also applies to each single frame. For instance, the salience of the frame dealing
with the efficiency of the state in a manifesto is calculated as the sum of QSs using the argument of
the state efficiency in a document and then divided by the total number of QSs (and multiplied by
100):
∑𝑛𝑖=0 𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑡𝑒_𝑒𝑓𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑒𝑛𝑐𝑦(210 + 211 + 212)
𝑺𝒂𝒍_𝒔𝒕𝒂𝒕𝒆_𝒆𝒇𝒇 =
∗ 𝟏𝟎𝟎
∑𝑛𝑖=0 QSs
The directional certainty of the use of the ‘state efficiency’ frame is calculated as the total amount
of QSs using the state efficiency frame to support decentralisation minus the total amount of QSs
using the same frame in the opposite way, divided by the total number of QSs containing this
frame:
∑𝑛𝑖=0 𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑡𝑒_𝑒𝑓𝑓(211 − 212)
𝑫𝒊𝒓𝒆𝒄_𝒔𝒕𝒂𝒕𝒆_𝒆𝒇𝒇 = 𝑛
∑𝑖=0 state_eff(210 + 211 + 212)
The aggregate dataset also includes a set of variables containing information about each party, the
type of document analysed and the electoral context, to be used in further analyses:
EDATE: Electoral date to which the document refers, displayed in Yyyymmdd format (e.g.
19940502 = 2nd May 1994).
YEAR: Year in which the document is issued.
9
PARNAM: Name of party/coalition (nominal variable).
PARTY: Abbreviation of the name of the party/coalition.
PARTY_ID: Code assigned to each party/coalition (see Table i above).
ID: unique identifier for each electoral document. It is displayed as a combination of year and party_id (Yyyy+party_id).
ID_LABEL: party abbreviation and electoral year (party_ID+yy).
PARFAM: Party family
11 Socialists
21 Greens
31 Communists
41 Christian Democrats
51 Conservatives
61 Liberals
71 Nationalists
81 Regionalists
91 Extreme Right
101 Other
DOCUTYPE: type of document
10 = Electoral Manifesto
20 = Programmatic document other than electoral manifesto (e.g. final report of a party congress).
PROGTYPE: Type of program
10 Single party
20 Joint program
30 Coalition
QS: Number of Quasi-Sentences identified in the document
VOTEPCT_1: Percentage of votes obtained in the election to the first chamber
VOTEPCT_2: Percentage of votes obtained in the election to the second chamber
SEAT1: Absolute number of seats in the first chamber
SEAT2: Absolute number of seats in the second chamber
SEATPCT_1: Percentage of seats in the first chamber
SEATPCT_2: Percentage of seats in the second chamber
L_R_Exp: left-right scale. This is elaborated on the basis of a set of Expert surveys, namely Castles
and Mair 1983; Huber and Inglehart 1995; Benoit and Laver 2006; and the Chapel Hill Expert Surveys (CHES) 2010. Source:
http://www.parlgov.org/stable/data/ita/party/index.html@all=false.html, last accessed on 10th July
2013.
REF_DUMMY: Reforms in the previous legislature. Has a value of 0 if no reforms have been
adopted in the legislature, 1 otherwise.
RAI: RAI index by Hooghe et al. (2010).
GOVOPP1: Government or opposition after the election (dummy).
GOVOPP2: Government or opposition during the legislature (dummy).
10
INCUMBENT: Incumbent in government at the time of election.
References
Basile L (2014) Rethinking Party Attitudes Towards the Territorial Dimension. The Concept of Territory in the Agenda of Italian Parties (1963-2008). Doctoral Dissertation, University of Siena.
Krippendorff, Klaus. 2004. Content Analysis: An Introduction to Its Methodology. Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage.
Neuendorf, Kimberly A. 2002. The Content Analysis Guidebook. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
List of coded documents
The main sources for data collection have been the archives of the Comparative Manifesto Project
(CMP) and the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP), while further documents were collected as
part of the research project undertaken by Basile (2014). 9.
1963
Electoral Party10
year
Title
DC
Programma elettorale della DC per la IV
legislatura
PCI
Battere la DC. Rafforzare il PCI. Il programma
elettorale del PCI
PSI
Il programma del PSI
PSDI
Programma elettorale del Psdi: un piu' forte
Psdi per uno stato efficiente e per il benessere
del popolo italiano
MSI
"Il MSI agli italiani" Programma del MSI per le
elezioni politiche del 1963
PRI
Programma elettorale del PRI
9
The main source of documents has been the rich archive of CIRCaP (Interdepartmental Centre for Political Change),
which has benefited, over the years, from the valuable work of many doctoral students and researchers. I am also indebted to Dr. Marcello Carammia and Dr. Enrico Borghetto, the Italian contacts for the CAP project, for having provided full access to their archives; likewise, the CMP group provided copies of several missing documents. I have also to
thank Dr. Michela Gera of the “Archivio Sturzo”, Mrs. Raffaela Valiani of the “Biblioteca Salvemini”, Mr. Alfonso
Isinelli of the “Fondazione Nenni”, and Mrs. Lucia R. Petese of the “Fondazione Ugo Spirito” for their valuable assistance in the collection of extremely rare, old manifestos.
10
A full list of acronyms is provided at the end of the appendix.
11
1968
1972
1976
19
79
DC
Il programma della DC al servizio del paese
PCI
"E' ora di cambiare, si può cambiare”. Appello
programma del PCI
PSI_PSDI=PSU “Una risposta nuova ai problemi della nostra
epoca" Il programma elettorale del PSI-PSDI
Unificati
MSI
Manifesto del Movimento Sociale
PRI
Documenti programmatici PRI
PLI
Azione e programma liberale
PSIUP
Programma PSIUP
DC
Gli impegni programmatici della Democrazia
Cristiana
PCI
Il programma dei comunisti: per un governo di
svolta democratica
PSI
Il programma del PSI
MSI
I programmi della destra nazionale
PRI
Il documento programmatico approvato dal
Consiglio Nazionale repubblicano
PLI
Il PLI agli elettori
DC
Il programma della DC
PCI
PCI
PSI
PSI
PSDI
PSDI
MSI
MSI_DN
PRI
PRI
PLI
PLI
DP
Democrazia Proletaria
PRAD
Partito Radicale
DC
Il programma elettorale della DC
12
PCI
Il programma dei comunisti per la VIII
legislatura
PSI
Il programma del PSI per le elezioni
PSDI
Programma del Partito Socialista Democratico
Italiano
MSI
Elezioni 1979: il programma del MSI-DN
PRI
I repubblicani verso gli anni ottanta
PLI
Partito Liberale Italiano Appello Politico e
programma elettorale
DC
Un programma per garantire lo sviluppo
PCI
Un programma per cambiare
1987
1983
Sintesi delle proposte programmatiche del PCI
PSI
Rinnovare
l'Italia,
governare
davvero.
Programma socialista per la nona legislatura
PSDI
Il PSDI agli elettori: indicazioni per un
programma di governo
MSI
Movimento sociale italiano- Destra nazionale
PRI
Trenta punti per una legislatura. Il programma
repubblicano
PLI
1983 Manifesto e Programma Elettorale del
PLI
DC
Libertas: un programma per l'Italia. Elezioni
politiche 14-15 giugno 1987
PCI
Il PCI per la decima legislatura. Gli impegni
programmatici fondamentali
PSI
Programma socialista per la decima legislatura
PSDI
Una alternativa riformista per governare il
cambiamento
MSI
Stato nazione lavoro, Libertà per la nuova
repubbica degli italiani
PLI
Il manifesto 1987
13
1992
Verdi
Perché una lista verde nazionale
DC
Un programma per l'Italia verso l'Europa.
Prima l'Italia. Libertas. Fai vincere il tuo futuro
PDS
Costruiamo una nuova Italia. PDS opposizione
che costruisce
PSI
PSI un governo per la ripresa. Argomenti
socialisti
PSDI
Programma elettorale 1992. Più forza al PSDI
per un domani sicuro
MSI
Ogni voto una picconata
PRI
Elezioni politiche 1992. Per un'Italia nuova.
LN
Programma elettorale concernente gli enti
locali
RC
29 Febbraio 1992 Supplemento al n° 8 di
LIBERAZIONE
PLI
Elezioni 1992. Dateci la forza per cambiare le
cose
PRAD
Volantino elettorale
Verdi
Gli altri ti promettono la luna. Noi ti
garantiamo la terra
La Rete
Un nuovo movimento per garantire un valore
antico: la democrazia - 21 domande a la rete
Polo delle Libertà (Nord)/Polo del Buon Governo (Sud) Coalition
FI
Forza Italia
Il programma della destra di governo
LN
Sintesi del programma elettorale per le elezioni
politiche '94
1994
AN
Progressisti - Coalition
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PDS
Programma di governo del PDS. Per ricostruire
un'Italia più giusta, più unita, più moderna
RC
La forza dell'alternativa. Difendi il lavoro:
cambia l'Italia con la sinistra
Verdi
Il programma dei Verdi: una rivoluzione onesta
e gentile
La Rete
La rete. Le ragioni di un voto
Patto per l’Italia - Il programma del patto - Coalition
PPI
Un programma per gli italiani
P. Segni
Patto segni
Ulivo - Tesi per la definizione della piattaforma programmatica
de L'Ulivo - Coalition
PdS
Semplifichiamo la vita. Liberiamo le energie
RI (Dini + Patto Rinnovamento italiano: manifesto politico
Segni)
Verdi
La via Verde
PPI*- PpProdi
L'adesione del PPI al programma dell'Ulivo
1996
PdL -- Coalition
FI
Contratto con gli italiani: ecco il nostro
impegno di governo
AN
Pensiamo l'Italia, il domani c'è già
CCD/CDU°°
CCD_CDU
CCD°
Punti di programma del centro cristiano
democratico
LN
Lega Nord. Programma elettorale
RC
Ricominciare da sinistra per l'alternativa
2001
CdL - Coalition
CCD/CDU>UDC
Il manifesto del CCD
LN
Patto Lega_Polo
15
2013
2008
2006
Ulivo - Rinnoviamo l'Italia, Insieme - Coalition
RC
Programma politico
UNIONE
Per il bene dell'Italia
CdL
Programma congiunto casa delle libertà
PdL
7 missioni per il futuro dell'Italia
LN
Parlamento del Nord.
Risoluzione federalismo:
macroregioni
euroregioni
e
PD
Il programma di governo del PD
IdV
11 Punti per cambiare l'Italia
UDC
UDC - Programma
SC
Scelta Civica - Cambiare L’italia, Riformare
L’europa
Un’agenda Per Un Impegno Comune
Primo Contributo Ad Una Riflessione Aperta
M5S
Movimento 5 Stelle - Programma
Stato e
cittadini
PD
Italia Bene Comune – Carta d’Intenti
PdL
Programma Elezioni Politiche
Acronyms:
AN=Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance)
CCD=Centro Cristiano Democratico (Christian Democratic Centre)
CdL=Casa delle Libertà (House of Freedoms)
CDU= Cristiani Democratici Uniti (United Christian Democrats)
DC= Democrazia Cristiana (Christian Democrats)
DP=Democrazia Proletaria (Proletarian Democracy)
FI= Forza Italia (Forward Italy)
IdV=Italia dei Valori (Italy of Values)
LN=Lega Nord (Northern League)
M5S=Movimento 5 Stelle (Five Stars Movement)
MSI= Movimento Sociale Italiano (Italian Social Movement)
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PCI= Partito Comunista Italiano (Italian Communist Party)
PD=Partito Democratico (Democratic Party)
PdL=Polo delle Libertà (Pole for Freedoms)
PDS/DS=Partito Democratici della Sinistra/Democratici di Sinistra (Democratic Party of the
Left)
PLI= Partito Liberale Italiano (Italian Liberal Party)
PPI=Partito Popolare Italiano (Italian Popular Party)
PRAD=Partito Radicale – Radicali Italiani (Italian Radical Party)
PRI=Partito Repubblicano Italiano (Italian Republican Party)
PSDI= Partito Socialista Democratico Italiano (Italian Socialist Democratic Party)
PSI= Partito Socialista Italiano (Italian Socialist Party)
PSIUP: Partito Socialista Italiano di Unità Proletaria (Socialist Italian Party of Proletarian
Unity)
RC= Rifondazione Comunista (Communist Refundation Party)
RI=Rinnovamento Italiano (Italian Renewal)
SC=Scelta Civica (Civic Choice)
UdC=Unione di Centro (Union of the Centre)
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