THE FILIPINO AMERICAN IDENTITY
POST COLONIZATION THEORIES AND
THE IMPACTS OF PEER GROUP MEMBERSHIP
A Thesis
Presented to the faculty of the Department of Sociology
California State University, Sacramento
Submitted in partial satisfaction of
the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
in
Sociology
by
Mark Andrew Carnero
SPRING
2014
i
© 2014
Mark Andrew Carnero
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
ii
THE FILIPINO AMERICAN IDENTITY
POST COLONIZATION THEORIES AND
THE IMPACTS OF PEER GROUP MEMBERSHIP
A Thesis
by
Mark Andrew Carnero
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Dr. Manuel Barajas
__________________________________, Second Reader
Dr. Elvia Ramirez
____________________________
Date
iii
Student: Mark Andrew Carnero
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format
manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for
the thesis.
__________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________
Dr. Amy Liu
Date
Department of Sociology
iv
Abstract
of
THE FILIPINO AMERICAN IDENTITY
POST COLONIZATION THEORIES AND
THE IMPACTS OF PEER GROUP MEMBERSHIP
by
Mark Andrew Carnero
The purpose of this qualitative study is to: 1) examine how the ethnic identity
development process for Filipino Americans influences their involvement in ethnic-peer
groups, 2) identify which social structures and institutions foster or prohibit the ethnic
identity development of Filipino Americans, and 3) theorize how the process of both
physical and internal colonization affects the types of ethnic-peer groups Filipino
American gain membership to. This study examines three specific peer groups: defensive
groups, social movement groups, and inter-ethnic equalization coalition groups.
Through in-depth interviews of members from each of these groups, the study provides
reasoning for individual membership, sustained involvement, and how involvement
began. In contributing to pre-existing research, this study helps to cross examine the
impacts of social and institutional racism, colonization, and ethnic identity development
on Filipino American lives. Understanding how these intersections affect ethnic-peer
group membership is critical in examining the Filipino American experience.
_______________________, Committee Chair
Dr. Manuel Barajas
_______________________
Date
v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis was born from the people. It represents the wisdom of my elders, the
knowledge and guidance of my mentors, the love and support of my family and friends,
and the voices of the Filipino community.
Thank you to all of my professors, your intelligence and dedication to teaching
has always inspired me. To Dr. Manuel Barajas, you have become a great friend, thank
you for sharing with me your passion for the people. Your mentorship, support, time,
and motivation were essential to my research and my experience as a graduate student.
To Dr. Elvia Ramirez, thank you for supporting my thesis and providing me with the
critical lens that I needed. To my Ate, Dr. Angela-Dee Alforque, you will always be my
first mentor, thank you for helping me believe that I could make it this far.
Thank you to my ancestors, my Nana, Tata, Lola, Lolo, Ate Kristine, and all my
family who have passed, your blessings are always felt. To my parents, I dream big
because of you, thank you for supporting all of my wild ideas, I have finally found my
path. To my Mom, I am privileged to be your son, thank you for showing me how to
love, and what it means to be strong. To my Dad, thank you for your patience,
friendship, and loyalty, you have become one of my best friends. To my sister, you hold
within you the best parts of all the women in our family, thank you for letting me be your
Kuya. To my Tita Lita, thank you for your selflessness, the home you have given me,
your constant support, and for having faith, I would not be here without your help.
vi
To Trisha, you are my heart; wherever this life takes us, I will walk with you
forever, tiwala always.
To my homies in the Bay, thank you for every drink, laugh, and memory, I
definitely needed those weekends!
To the cohort I started with in Fall of 2012: Christina, Christine, Courtney,
Deraan, Johanna, Kaitlynn, Kevin, Lucy, Max, Meredith, and the 3 Pauls, thank you for
your brilliance, it was an honor to share the classroom with you.
Finally, to the Filipino community, the activists, the organizers, the soldiers, the
teachers, the youth leaders, whose voice I lift up through this research, thank you for
allowing me to share your stories. Ito ay para sa aming mga tao!
Makibaka! Huwag Matakot!
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................. vi
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION ……………...……………………………………………………….. 1
Statement of Research Problem ................................................................................... 2
Social Significance ...................................................................................................... 3
2. LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................... 5
Traditional Theory: Double Consciousness ................................................................. 5
Social Structure Personality Perspective...................................................................... 6
The Ethnic Identity Development Model................................................................... 11
Pre-Colonization – Orientalism and Othering ........................................................... 17
The Colonial Mentality .............................................................................................. 18
Same Ethnicity Peer Group Membership .................................................................. 21
3. METHODS. ...................................................................................................................... 29
4. DATA ............................................................................................................................... 37
5. RESULTS ......................................................................................................................... 84
Appendix A. Interview Questions ........................................................................................ 92
Appendix B. Informed Consent Form................................................................................... 95
Appendix B. The Organization ............................................................................................. 96
Work Cited ............................................................................................................................. 98
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1
Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION
Filipinos have a historically significant relationship with the United States. This
connection has been constructed by colonization, sustained by offshore and domestic
labor exploitation, and marred by discriminatory institutional policies and practices
(Breshnahan 1979; David Ozaki 2006; Felipe 2010; Kiang and Takeuchi 2009; Glenn and
Rondilla 2009; Tuason et al. 2007). For Filipino Americans, developing a sense of self
and community in the United States, is an arduous process which requires them to forge
an identity within a social structure tainted by racism.
Some scholars argue that the impact of colonization has developed a specific way
of thinking for Filipinos, a type of self-hate that works sub-consciously, negatively
affecting perceptions of self, while simultaneously rejecting all things related to their
Filipino ethnic identity, and accepting all things White (David and Ozaki 2006; David
and Ozaki 2010; DuBois 1903). Furthermore, scholars assert that Filipinos who have
migrated outside of the Philippines to America, hold within them a psyche burdened by
colonization; a transformative mentality that has the power to affect psychological health,
ethnic identity development and peer group membership (Breshnahan 1979; David and
Ozaki 2006; Dubois 1903; Felipe 2010; Kiang and Takeuchi 2009; Glenn and Rondilla
2009; Tuason et al 2007).
This thesis integrates several ethnic identity development frameworks for
theorizing one central research question: How does the ethnic identity development
process of Filipino Americans influence their involvement in ethnic minority peer
groups?
2
Statement of Research Problem
I argue that Filipino Americans have developed three specific peer groups in
relation to their ethnic identity development: defensive groups, social movement groups,
and inter-ethnic equalization-coalition groups. I propose that these three groups work to
empower Filipino Americans in both an individual and collective sense. Through these
groups, Filipino Americans are able to build community, fight for social justice, regain a
sense of social power, redefine their social, racial and ethnic identities, and develop
solidarity with other marginalized communities.
The ethnic identity development of Filipino Americans is a critical component to
their membership to same-ethnicity and cross-ethnic peer groups. Socialized by the
attitudes of parents, society, and colonization, Filipino Americans develop both positive
and negative feelings overtime towards their ethnic group identity. These feelings have
later implications on their ethnic identity development, psychological well-being, and
association with same-ethnicity peer groups (Adams, Tessler, and Gamache 2005; Cheng
and Kuo 2000; Ferrera 2011 Graf, Mullis and Mullis 2008; Martinez and Dukes 1997;
Mossakowski 2005; Phiinney et al 2001; Pulido 2006; Rotherbam-Borus et al. 1998; Tse
1999; Umana-Taylor, Bhanot, Shin 2006).
Dependent upon an individual’s feelings towards their ethnic identity, he or she
may choose to identify with specific ethnic group social issues (Phinney 1993). These
ethnic group issues become catalysts for future individual action and involvement in
social causes which in turn develops a deeper sense of ethnic identity. In contrast, those
who lack a developed sense of Filipino ethnic identity may choose to avoid same-
3
ethnicity peer groups and ethnic group issues in general, choosing more of an
assimilationist American identity (Phinney 1993). Researchers assert that lacking an
ethnic identity and group membership has negative psychological effects for individuals
(David and Ozaki 2006; Dubois 1903; Mossakowski 2005). Furthermore, researchers
state that belonging to a same-ethnicity peer group is beneficial in developing an
individual’s positive self-concepts, self-esteem, and self-confidence in relation to their
ethnic identity (Adams, Tessler, and Gamache 2005; Cheng and Kuo 2000; Graf, Mullis
and Mullis 2008; Martinez and Dukes 1997; Phinney et al. 2001; Pulido 2006;
Rotherbam-Borus et al 1998; Tse 1999; Umana-Taylor, Bhanot, Shin 2006).
Social Significance
Though friendship and comfort are the main premises for same-ethnicity peer
group interaction, I argue that there are deeper social purposes that membership serves.
Defensive groups, social movement groups, and inter-ethnic equalization coalition
groups, help to integrate individuals into the needs of their ethnic community while
building a more solid ethnic identity. These groups help to redistribute power and social
justice back to marginalized Filipino communities who exist in a discriminatory and
racist society. Regaining a sense of identity and seeing parallel experiences with other
colonized ethnic communities can unify and collectively empower Filipinos and other
minorities.
Understanding the ethnic identity development of Filipino Americans is important
because it has implications outside the individual. Furthermore, building knowledge in
this field of ethnic identity development can help to serve individuals struggling to
4
achieve their own ethnic identity. Also, it can help to address, heal, and transcend the
damages sustained from centuries of colonization. Individuals who have become secure
in their own ethnic identity can be assets to both their ethnic community and society as a
whole.
5
Chapter 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
Traditional Theory: Double Consciousness
There are direct parallels between the experiences of Filipino Americans and
other colonized groups in America. Native Americans, Mexican Americans, Filipino
Americans and African Americans have been subjected to a specific American
colonization process in addition to prior histories of colonization with British, Spanish,
and Portuguese imperialists. Though these experiences are significantly diverse and
individualized by personal narrative, one theory helps to find a commonality between
these groups: double consciousness.
WEB DuBois (1903) developed the theory of double consciousness to explain a
specific mental process experienced by African Americans. This mental process is
confounded by conflicting self-images.
DuBois argues that African Americans are
unable to actualize a true self-consciousness because they are forced to see themselves
through the eyes of the surrounding American society. Furthermore, this image that
society holds of African Americans has not been created by African Americans, rather it
has been developed from a racist colonization process and a history of slave labor in
America. DuBois (1903) terms this ill produced image as “the veil.” The veil shrouds
African Americans in an artificial appearance; stereotypes, misconceptions, and
racialized expectations become the costume of those wearing it.
The veil, however, can serve a dual purpose: it can hide the individual behind it or
let the individual who wears it, see through it. A certain power lies in wearing this
societal mask. Those who see the veil on an individual are forced then to measure the
6
actions of the individual to the supposed validity of the mask they wear. Individuals can
break pre-conceived notions about their character only if they are made aware or become
aware of them. The veil makes it possible for individuals to break their own stereotypes
and for society to correct its misconceptions of the communities who wear it.
DuBois’ (1903) theories of double consciousness and the veil work well to
partially describe the Filipino American experience. Filipino Americans subjugated to
nearly 400 years of colonial history from Spain and the United States, have developed a
distorted self-image. I argue that Filipino Americans develop their ethnic minority peer
groups in accordance with how they believe society views them. Having a double
consciousness is what helps Filipino Americans understand how to better integrate or
alienate themselves from the society as a whole.
DuBois’ (1903) theories offer a framework that integrates the power of socially
produced images as a means of identity development. However his theory lacks an
incorporation of how macro-level social environments may affect Filipino American
identity development. Furthermore, his theories need to be expanded by more modern
frameworks and research to incorporate specific ideas about immigration, native
language, colonization, the effects of social institutions and various proximal
environments, and the influence of ethnic group membership, to fully understand the
Filipino American experience.
Social Structure Personality Perspective
The Social Structure Personality Perspective may offer critical insights on the
effects that large social institutions and physical environments have on the Filipino
7
American identity development process.
Physical environments like home, school,
neighborhood, and country can be investigated through this model.
Also, social
institutions like family, racism, and various social roles can be explored through this
perspective to better understand the psychology affecting both negative and positive
Filipino American attitudes towards their own identity.
The Social Structure Personality Perspective (SSP) was developed as a framework
for understanding how macro-level institutions affect individual feelings, attitudes, and
behaviors (McLeod and Lively 2003). This perspective asserts that individuals are at the
core of a social world that is composed of complex systems. These complex systems
include the social system itself, the organizations and institutions that operate within it,
communities, small groups, dyads that have developed from it, and the individual who
remains at the center (McLeod and Lively 2003).
There are three key concepts that drive the SSP perspective: the components
principle, the proximity principle, and psychological principle (McLeod and Lively
2003).
Components Principle
The components principle is composed of three interlinked ideas: social structure,
culture, and agency. SSP researchers insist that there must be a comprehensive analysis
of all social systems in which the individual is centered within before moving onto the
proximity and psychological principles. Understanding the social systems in which an
individual is entrenched is key in utilizing the SSP perspective (House and Mortimer
1990; Mcleod and Lively 2003)
8
Social structure, the first idea of the component principle, represents the entirety
of the social systems and institutions within any given society affecting the individual.
SSP researchers use a functionalist framework which asserts that social structures have a
direct impact on individual action and experience. Within the SSP framework, social
systems are seen as societal institutions that impinge on individuals in ways that either
foster or inhibit an individual’s attitudes and behaviors (McLeod and Lively 2003).
Culture, the second idea of the component principle, is defined as a systemic set
of beliefs, attitudes, and principles that are transmitted through groups of people through
socialization (McLeod and Lively 2003). SSP researchers assert that Culture and Social
Structure can sometimes be confused for one another but they argue that the difference
between the ideas is the degree to which they constrain an individual’s thinking and
action (McLeod and Lively 2003).
Human agency, the third idea of the component principle, can be defined as the
amount of action that an individual can take in consideration to how social structures
affect or control that individual (McLeod and Lively 2003).
Proximity Principle
The Proximity Principle asserts that the effects of social structures are
communicated to individuals through the most immediate stimuli available to that
individual’s social context. These stimuli may include but are not limited to smaller
societal structures (ie. classrooms, work office, home, etc.) and intimate interactions with
other individuals within those given social structures (House and Mortimer 1990;
McLeod and Lively 2003). SSP researchers highlight that individual characteristics that
9
create power dynamics in social settings (ie. gender or SES) have a large effect on
situational outcomes for individuals in their proximal environment (House and Mortimer
1990; McLeod and Lively 2003). SSP perspective also asserts that proximal contexts are
driven by structures of interpersonal relations and the nature of those relations (McLeod
and Lively 2003).
Interpersonal relations are conceptualized by social networks and social roles
(McLeod and Lively 2003).
Social networks are defined as the degree to which
individuals are connected with an emphasis on the presence or lack of linkage between
those given individuals (McLeod and Lively 2003). Social networks are affected by
social structures and act as conduits of socialization and communication to individuals
who are affiliated with or indirectly affected by them (McLeod and Lively 2003).
Social roles refer to the behavioral expectations associated with social positions
within the context of specific social situations.
Within these roles, individuals can
experience a range of attitudes and behaviors that all occur in relation to how well the
individual integrates their social role to the context of the given social structure and
setting (McLeod and Lively 2003).
SSP researchers assert that the nature of interpersonal relations is highly affected
by socialization and the conditions of the immediate environment (McLeod and Lively
2003). Social roles work to affect the attitudes and behaviors of individuals within
certain social settings. The conditions of the given proximal setting will either heighten
or lessen an individual’s attachment or adherence to particular social roles, hence
affecting the given situation itself (McLeod and Lively 2003).
10
Psychological Principle
The Psychological Principle asserts that social structures have direct impact on
the internalized attitudes of individuals and how they conceptualize their place within the
social world (House and Mortimer 1990; McLeod and Lively 2003). SSP researchers
stress that it is not enough to focus on the impact of social systems and proximal
conditions, there must be an emphasis on the impact of the structure on the psyche of the
individual as well (House and Mortimer 1990; McLeod and Lively 2003).
SSP researchers emphasize that social systems have the power to alter the mental
and physical body of the individual.
For example, if the individual is in constant
proximal conditions which induce stress and internal tension, those events could
permanently alter the mental chemistry of the individual and manifest themselves in
medical conditions like Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, Anxiety Disorders, and
Depression (McLeod and Lively 2003).
Social systems may also affect a person’s conceptualization of self and identity.
As discussed before, certain social settings may ingrain social roles into the psyche of
individuals creating sustained belief systems with attached behaviors. These same social
systems can reinforce an identity within an individual to such a degree that the individual
maintains that identity outside of its appropriate social setting. This ingrained psyche
could cause interpersonal conflicts with others which could cause negative attitudes that
affect an individuals self-concept (McLeod and Lively 2003).
Integrating the SSP Model with Dubois
11
The SSP Model in conjunction with Dubois’ theories works as a great foundation
in understanding the complexities of the Filipino American Identity. These models
provide the basis for theorizing how social structures and institutions affect the
psychological processes of individuals. These models offer the beginnings of how
identity processes can be affected on both macro and micro levels.
However, a more in depth explanation of the identity development process needs
to be taken into account. The following sections will thoroughly analyze how the
Filipino American ethnic identity is developed, sustained, challenged, and utilized. It
will incorporate more micro level theorization which includes research from the fields of
Child Development, Ethnic Studies, and Psychology. Using an interdisciplinary
approach should aid in further analyzing the previously stated research question: How
does the ethnic identity development process of Filipino Americans influence their
involvement in ethnic minority peer groups?
The Ethnic Identity Development Model
Phinney (1993) developed the ethnic identity development model to describe the
mental process that ethnic minorities experience from childhood to adulthood. This
developmental process is something specific to ethnic minorities, a process separate and
unique from White majority groups. This development model is marked in time periods,
often referred to as stages. However, Phinney (1993) asserts that these stages should be
viewed as something non-linear. The way individuals navigate through their
developmental process is specific to their own life experience. Furthermore, stages can
be revisited and reinterpreted as necessary for the individual.
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Stage One: Home, Family, Language
The first stage, usually in childhood, is defined as a time period where an
individual thinks little about his or her own ethnic identity (Phinney 1993). During this
period, a child’s thinking is highly shaped by the home environment. Feelings towards
their own ethnic identity are developed in relation to their socialization by family or
society. This socialization process can have both positive and negative implications for
the child. Dependent upon the primary socialization source, the child can harbor a
spectrum of attitudes developed from their parents or the society at large.
Parental and family socialization has the ability to have the longest lasting effects
on an adolescent’s ethnic identity development (Adams, Tessler, and Gamache 2005;
Cheng and Kuo 2000; Graf, Mullis and Mullis 2008; Martinez and Dukes 1997; Phinney
et al. 2001; Rotherbam-Borus et al. 1998; Tse 1999; Umana-Taylor, Bhanot, Shin 2006).
Parents are the main conduits of native language, ethnic culture, and cultural expectations
(Cheng and Kuo 2000; Graf, Mullis and Mullis 2008; Phinney et al. 2001; Umana,
Bhanot and Shin 2006). Cheng and Kuo’s quantitative (2000) study stated that
adolescent proficiency in their native language reflected the level of involvement parents
had in transmitting culture to their child. Researchers argue that language holds
ingrained cultural beliefs and perspectives specific to certain ethnicities that cannot be
transmitted through non-native languages (Phinney et al. 2001). Cheng and Kuo (2000)
found that parental pressure was a key factor in language proficiency. Furthermore, they
found that some parents went as far as enrolling their children into language schools; sites
which submerged adolescents into their ethnic culture while simultaneously fostering
13
same-ethnicity peer group interaction (Cheng and Kuo 2000). Their findings asserted
that parental involvement and interaction was integral for a child to retain and utilize their
native language as a tool for ethnic identity development. Learning and using their native
language created opportunities for adolescents to connect with same-ethnicity peer
groups and same-ethnicity adults based on shared culture.
At home, adolescents learn specific cultural traits transmitted through their
parents that will affect future interactions in other social environments. Phinney et al.
(2001) found that parents who communicated the importance of their ethnic history
positively affected who their child chose to include in their own social networks and
friendships circles. Rotherbam-Borus et al. (1998) also found that parents who celebrated
their ethnic identity at home, developed a sense of pride within their children that later
affected the child’s attitudes towards chosen peer groups. Umana-Taylor, Bhanot and
Shin (2006) found similar results in their study, concluding that a parent’s level of ethnic
socialization affected how their child perceived their place within their own
neighborhood, schools, and friendship networks.
Educational Institutions
Phinney (1993) notes that aside from the home, schools and neighborhoods also
play a large part in the development of these initial feelings towards ethnic identity. The
degree of impact on adolescents varies from individual to individual because of the
amount of time certain adolescents spend within the school system (Adams, Tessler and
Gamache 2005; Martinez and Dukes 1997; Rotherbam-Borus et al. 1998). Due to time of
14
immigration or success within the actual school system, adolescents have varied
experiences with the school institution.
Within the school institution and classroom, Filipino American adolescents learn
the value of their ethnic identity both directly and indirectly. For example, Mathematics
is a subject where Filipino American and Asian American adolescents are indirectly
taught about expectations surrounding their ethnic and racial identity. The Model
Minority Myth about Asian Americans asserts that they are inherently superior at math in
relation to other races and ethnicities (Martinez and Dukes 1997; Yoo, Berola, Steeger
2010). Because Filipino Americans are often aggregated into the same racial grouping as
“Asian Americans,” they are often times held to this same stereotype (Martinez and
Dukes 1997). If the student excels at mathematics, they have in turn adhered to the
cultural stereotype, furthering the model minority assumption (Martinez and Dukes 1997;
Yoo, Berola, Steeger 2010). On the contrary, if the adolescent fails to meet the
stereotypical expectation, they face opportunities for incongruence between social role
and proximal environment, creating a negative self-attitude and identity (Martinez and
Dukes 1997).
Another subtle example can be seen in Social Science classrooms. Topics like
social science de-emphasize the importance of Filipino American ethnic history while
placing higher importance on White American culture and history. Though most history
teachers will not explicitly tell their students that Filipino American or Asian American
history is unimportant, their lack of integrating an ethnically diverse history curriculum
into classroom discussions relays the same message (Tse, Lucy 1999). This message
15
multiplies in its impact overtime if the adolescent’s ethnic history is repeatedly not
included in classroom discussions from elementary to high school grades (Yoo, Berola,
Steeger 2010).
However, Tse (1999) notes that negative situations like these can often times
become positive opportunities for identity development. Her qualitative research showed
that some respondents used these moments of feeling “unimportant” as a catalyst for selftaught cultural investigations; in some cases, learning on their own about their ethnic
identity and history was more impactful than being taught by an adult. Tse (1999) asserts
that these times of subtle conflict and lack of integration are necessary for adolescents to
develop resiliency and growth.
Stage Two: Conflict
The second stage is described as a period of self-search (Phinney 1993). This
developmental period comes as a result of the individual being placed in situations where
they encounter people from other racial and ethnic backgrounds. In many situations,
discrimination based on group membership is experienced. These situations act as
catalysts for self-exploration (Phinney 1993). From here, the individual seeks knowledge
about their own ethnic history, culture and social group position. As the individual
becomes more aware of their ethnic self, their ethnic identity becomes more salient. This
salience of ethnic identity makes the individual more aware and sensitive to the racism
and discrimination experienced by their ethnic group (Phinney 1993). Other researchers
note that this developmental stage has the power to create the beginnings of empathetic
attitudes towards other ethnic minority groups and experiences but may simultaneously
16
develop negative feelings towards White majority groups (Atkinson et al 1993; Cross
1991). The development of these attitudes is driven by the lived experiences that the
individual encounters within their specific social location (Phinney 1993).
Stage Three: Securing an Identity
The last stage is described as a period in which an individual becomes
comfortable in their own ethnic identity (Phinney 1993). In this stage, the individual
understands their membership within their ethnic group. It is here, in this last stage,
where the individual uses the feelings and attitudes they have developed throughout the
developmental process to either integrate or separate themselves from other racial ethnic
groups. Other researchers argue that the choice for separatism or cross-ethnic
collectivism has large implications on the future attitudes and experiences of the
individual (Atkinson et al 1993; Cross 1991). This spectrum of attitudes could range
from extreme out-group racism to universal inclusivity and empathy.
Phinney’s (1993) ethnic identity development model is critical for analyzing the
Filipino American experience. However, the Filipino American experience is different in
consideration to other ethnic minority experiences because of its extensive history with
colonization. Researchers argue that this history of colonization has direct impact on the
way Filipino Americans navigate through their ethnic identity development which has
later consequences on chosen peer groups and psychological health (Breshnahan 1979;
David and Ozaki 2006; Felipe 2010; Kiang and Takeuchi 2009; Glenn and Rondilla
2009; Tuason et al. 2007). Phinney’s (1993) research is a good foundation but must be
expanded upon to fully understand and integrate the Filipino American experience.
17
Pre-Colonization – Orientalism and Othering
Colonization can be defined as a forceful process of controlling the mental,
physical, and socio-cultural conditions of a subjugated country, by an outside power that
has appropriated both the resources of the country and its human inhabitants. Before the
colonization of any country, community, or people, can occur, a specific, dehumanizing
justification must happen. This justification is created by the colonizer through scientific
methods of observation, report, and analysis (Said 1979). Said (1979) argues that
European and American colonizers create an organized system of “scientific othering” to
justify the invasion of foreign countries, especially in regards to the “Orient.” This
science was created to define sharp contrasts between European and American culture
and the “other.” Said (1979) explains that this division was developed as a means of
properly defining the worldview and position of the Europeans and Americans as a
superior culture, race, and people. He calls the scientists who create this substantial
difference “Orientalists,” producers of knowledge who are able to scientifically justify a
logical means of difference. These orientalists are able to create geo-political boundaries
which have the ability to justify future thought and action, in this case, colonization. Said
(1979) notes that the views of the Orient change and shift dependent on authorship;
revisions to the worldview are created from outside the cultures being investigated, edited
from time to time to fit political agendas, and remain rooted in racism and ethnocentrism.
Said’s (1979) notions of “othering” help to explain the relationship between
America, the Philippines, and Filipino Americans. The roots of this scientific othering
process by America began in the late 1800’s, specifically in the years preceding, during,
18
and after the Philippine-American war. Racist propaganda in the form of cartoon
depictions, news letters, and live “anthropological” world fair exhibits, showcased the
common Filipino as savage, tribalistic, and in need of “saving” from itself. Scientists and
propagandists under President McKinley were instructed to research, construct, and
maintain a threatening image of the overseas Filipino (Felipe 2010). These ill-produced
images affected not only the common White American psyche when viewing the
Filipino, but centuries later, the propaganda began to affect Filipinos themselves (Felipe
2010; David and Ozaki 2010). It could be argued that centuries of colonization and selfhate have made some of today’s modern day Filipinos orientalists themselves.
The Colonial Mentality
The Philippine Islands have undergone two historical periods of colonization.
Spain established colonial rule over the country from 1565 to 1898. The United States of
America immediately asserted its own colonial presence from 1898 to 1946. A total of
381 years of colonization has permanently altered the culture, customs, environment,
society, religion, language and psychological characteristics of the modern day Filipino
(Breshnahan 1979; David and Ozaki 2006; Felipe 2010; Kiang and Takeuchi 2009; Glenn
and Rondilla 2009; Tuason et al. 2007).
David and Ozaki (2006) argue that 381 years of Spanish and American
colonialism has developed a colonial mentality within modern day Filipinos (Breshnahan
1979; David and Ozaki 2006; David and Ozaki 2010; Felipe 2010; Ferrera 2011; Tuason
et al. 2007). These authors (2006) define the term colonial mentality as “a form of
internalized oppression, characterized by a perception of ethnic or cultural inferiority that
19
is believed to be a specific consequence of centuries of colonization by Spain and the
United States” (241). Furthermore, they add that this mentality builds an inherent
acceptance of all things American while simultaneously and sometimes unconsciously
rejecting all things Filipino. They argue that 4 major themes are associate with having a
colonial mentality: 1) denigration of the Filipino self 2) denigration of the Filipino
culture or body 3) discriminating against less Americanized Filipinos, and 4) tolerating
historical and contemporary oppression of Filipinos and Filipino Americans (David and
Ozaki 2006: 241-242). Breshnahan (1979) and Tuason et al. (2007) argue that these
thematic problems of self-hate are associated with the development of a colonial
mentality and are a direct result of culture dilution and culture eradication.
Using the themes proposed by David and Ozaki (2006) it is possible to argue that
the colonial mentality has the ability to impede progress through Phinney’s (1993) ethnic
identity development model. The colonial mentality creates an obstacle which blocks the
movement of some Filipino Americans from progressing through stages 1 to 3. This
model asserts that some Filipino Americans accept the inherited identity that American
society has created for them, instead of investigating their own; a similar process which
DuBois (1903) argued African Americans experience. The stereotypes and negative
attitudes created about Filipino-Americans from colonization become ingrained within
the psyche of some Filipino Americans and then becomes manifested in their adherence
to a specific non-ethnic, assimilated, American identity (Breshnahan 1979; David and
Ozaki 2006; David and Ozaki 2010;l Felipe 2010; Ferrera 2011; Tuason et al. 2007).
20
The colonial mentality model creates a splintered ethnic group; FilipinoAmericans who assume more of a White-majority, colonization based identity, and
Filipino-Americans who ascribe to more of a minority based Filipino, pro-ethnic identity
(Breshnahan 1979; David and Ozaki 2006; David and Ozaki 2010; Felipe 2010; Ferrera
2011; Tuason et al. 2007). This lack of solidarity within the ethnic group creates certain
dysfunctions which make it difficult to see commonalities in ethnic group issues (Phinney
1993; Tuason et al 2007). This division of identities creates a negative outcome for those
who cannot move past having a colonial mentality. If adolescents move into adulthood
with this mentality, transitioning from it later in life becomes more difficult (David and
Ozaki 2006; David and Ozaki 2010; Felipe 2010; Felipe 2011).
The Colonial Mentality: Psychological Effects
David and Ozaki (2006) tested the effects of this colonial mentality on 603
research participants and noted that those who showed self-reported signs of this
mentality also showed higher signs of depression while the opposite was seen in those
who did not. Mossakowski (2007) argues that Filipino Americans have some of the
highest rates of depression in relation to all other Asian Americans. She asserts that these
signs of depression are seen more in second generation Filipino Americans because of
disconnected feelings towards their ethnic background. This disconnect could stem from
colonization, a lack of positive socialization from parents into their ethnic identity,
inherited negative societal attitudes towards their ethnic identity, or a lack of membership
or acceptance into same-ethnicity peer groups. All of these factors contribute to a halted
progression through Phinney’s (1993) ethnic identity development model.
21
Same Ethnicity Peer Group Membership
Some researchers assert that it is possible for Filipino-Americans to mediate
negative, disconnected, ethnic group feelings, by entering into same-ethnicity peer groups
at an early age (Ferrara 2011; Martinez and Dukes 1997). However, some structural
situations, like physical segregation or lack of ethnic community in a social location,
make same ethnicity peer group membership difficult to achieve for some adolescents
and adults (Adams, Tessler, and Gamache 2005; Cheng and Kuo 2000; Graf, Mullis and
Mullis 2008; Martinez and Dukes 1997; Phinney et al. 2001; Pulido 2006; RotherbamBorus et al. 1998; Tse 1999; Umana-Taylor, Bhanot, Shin 2006).
Membership to same-ethnicity peer groups affects an adolescent’s perceptions of
self, importance of ethnic identity, feelings towards other racial and ethnic groups,
proficiency in native language, levels of ethnic pride, and their development of their own
ethnic identity (Adams, Tessler, and Gamache 2005; Cheng and Kuo 2000; Graf, Mullis
and Mullis 2008; Martinez and Dukes 1997; Phinney et al. 2001; Pulido 2006;
Rotherbam-Borus et al. 1998; Tse 1999; Umana-Taylor, Bhanot, Shin 2006). Within
same-ethnicity peer groups, adolescents choose how their ethnic identity affects their
place within social environments. The choices adolescents make towards the reasoning
behind creating their same-ethnicity peer groups, could affect how the adolescent views
the importance of their own ethnic identity. For example, some adolescents may choose
same-ethnicity peer groups because of safety, friendship, comfort, or to reaffirm their
ethnic identity (Adams, Tessler, and Gamache 2005; Cheng and Kuo 2000; Graf, Mullis
22
and Mullis 2008; Martinez and Dukes 1997; Phinney et al. 2001; Pulido 2006;
Rotherbam-Borus et al. 1998; Tse 1999; Umana-Taylor, Bhanot, Shin 2006).
Choosing to communicate and interact only with same-ethnicity peer groups is
something that researchers note as having both positive and negative consequences.
Rotherbam-Borus et al. (1998) note that same-ethnicity peer groups can produce positive
feelings of belonging and positive self-labels. In the same study (1998) the researchers
found that adolescents became so secure in the norms of their own peer groups, they
became insensitive to the cultural expectation of other ethnic or racial groups. This
negative effect tended to create more separatist attitudes; adolescents would consciously
remove themselves from certain social structures that allowed for integration. However,
Tse (1999), Cross (1991), and Phinney (1993) note that being separated from other
groups, especially because of conflict, racism, or discrimination, helps the adolescent to
develop a stronger tie to people with the same ethnicity because of their shared struggle.
Perhaps the most beneficial part of membership in same-ethnicity peer groups is
the positive effect it has on the overall well-being of the adolescent. Martinez and
Duke’s (1997) large quantitative study of 12,386 diverse students, found that the high
levels of ethnic identity were positively correlated to same-ethnicity peer group
interaction, which was also directly related to positive self-esteem, self-confidence, and
having greater purpose in life. Furthermore, other researchers agree that the simplicity of
“belonging “ to a group outside of the home raises positive self-attitudes and selfconcepts (Adams, Tessler, and Gamache 2005; Cheng and Kuo 2000; Graf, Mullis and
23
Mullis 2008; Martinez and Dukes 1997; Phinney et al. 2001; Pulido 2006; RotherbamBorus et al. 1998; Tse 1999; Umana-Taylor, Bhanot, Shin 2006).
Within Filipino Same-Ethnicity Peer Groups
I argue that within these same-ethnicity peer groups, there are specific themes
which sometimes supersede friendship and camaraderie. Through inter-personal
friendships are extremely important to adolescent well-being, same-ethnicity peer groups
have the ability to achieve more for the ethnic group as a whole.
I contend that Filipino American membership to these same-ethnicity peer groups
serves three specific purposes which fulfill precise social functions for the individual,
their ethnic community and the society at large. These purposes are: 1) defensive
practices 2) developing social movements and 3) creating cross-ethnic coalition groups.
Defensive Groups: Protecting the Filipino Community
Filipino-American experiences with racism have been historically extensive
(Ferrara 2011). American structural institutions have promoted war, anti-Filipino
immigration laws, exclusionary policies and anti-miscegenation laws that worked to
alienate, discriminate, and exterminate Filipino immigrants (Ferrara 2011). Filipino
Americans were victimized through racial slurs, hate crimes, physical violence, and
murder by racist White majorities since the earliest records of their immigration from the
Philippines to America, in the late 1700’s (Ferrara 2011).
Recently, new Filipino-American immigrants have experienced in-group
discrimination from second and third generation immigrants because of perceived
cultural and physical differences (Felipe 2010; Ferrera 2011; Tuason et al. 2007).
24
Language differences and perceived differences in phenotypic characteristics have
created divisions between Filipino-American immigrant groups (Felipe 2010; Ferrera
2011; Glenn and Rondilla 2009; Tuason et al. 2007). Furthermore, Glenn and Rondilla
(2009) assert that racial hierarchies created by Spanish colonization have developed a
sustained in-group division, where skin tone differences create tension and separation
between groups. In addition to this, David and Ozaki (2006) state that internal
colonization has created divisions between immigrant groups based on levels of
assimilation to American culture.
In response to both out-group and in-group racism and discrimination, FilipinoAmericans have used same-ethnicity peer groups as a defensive coping mechanism.
Historically, older generations of Filipino-immigrants lived in ethnic enclaves to protect
themselves from the physical violence of White majorities (Ferrera 2011). Creating
physical spaces where Filipino immigrants could live in large numbered groups fostered a
safer environment which acted as a cultural network, support group, and barrier for
protection (Ferrara 2011).
In more recent years, some Filipino-American youth have formed gangs to serve
the same defensive purpose (Alsaybar 1999). These gangs are divided by time of
immigration and level of assimilation to American society. Some gangs have been
directly transferred from the Philippines to the United States and some have been
developed in specific United States social locations (Alsaybar 1999). In some povertystricken neighborhoods, membership to Filipino-American gangs is used as a survival
technique for protection against violence from other racial out-group gangs. In these
25
certain neighborhoods, Filipino-American gang members use their ethnic identity as a
mechanism for both ethnic pride and self-protection (Alsaybar 1999). In addition, some
Filipino gangs are developed for protection against same-ethnicity peer groups. Violence
specifically between first generation Filipino gangs and second generation and higher
Filipino American gangs is highly prevalent in some areas.
In an American social structure where racism and discrimination is rampant,
defensive practices have been historically necessary. Overtime, the type of defensive
practices used by Filipino-Americans has changed, but a central goal remains: selfpreservation.
Social Movement Groups: Advancing Filipino Community Needs
Filipino-Americans have been at the forefront of many social movements. These
social movements have attempted to correct social and institutional injustices that are
faced by Filipinos both in the United States and the Philippines. Same-ethnicity peer
groups have been the catalyst for such movements, creating collective identity struggles
that cross international boundaries. For example, during the 1980’s Filipino-Americans
and native Filipinos joined together for a non-violent revolution called the People Power
Movement (Schock 1999). This social movement was a form of civil resistance against
the Marcos presidential regime that had been in power in the Philippines since the late
1960’s (Schock 1999). Using religious groups, Filipino Americans staged meetings at
Catholic churches and organized plans of how to support and send supplies to activists
living in the Philippines. Filipino-Americans backed the struggles of their countrymen
26
staging rallies and marches in the United States to bring attention to the struggles
overseas (Schock 1999).
In recent years, Filipino-Americans have created and joined many non-profit
organizations which have voiced the struggles of specific marginalized Filipino
communities. For example, Filipino-Americans have been advocating for Philippine
Overseas Foreign Worker (OFW) rights here in America. Activists have been organizing
federally recognized unions for immigrant labor populations who arrive here in the
United States as care takers and health care workers. These workers have been
continuously exploited by employers through lack of benefits, unfair pay, and physical
abuse (Filipino Community Center 2012). Another example is seen with FilipinoAmerican activists who have continuously fought for the rights of Filipino World War II
veterans. These veterans fought for the United States Military but were denied pension
and benefits. Various social movements like these have shed light on social injustices
while simultaneously fighting for ethnic group reparations.
These social movements based on ethnic identity have had powerful outcomes for
the Filipino community both in country and overseas. Gaining solidarity through ethnic
membership is an empowering tool that builds community while at the same time serving
the purpose of social justice.
Inter-ethnic Equalization Coalition Groups: Solidarity in Struggle
Pulido (2006) argues that the most powerful social movements come from
addressing the needs of diverse marginalized communities and working together towards
common goals. These shared interest struggles work to promote solidarity across ethnic
27
boundaries while at the same time voicing the needs of ethnic minority communities.
Creating social networks based on inter-ethnic cooperation is beneficial because it creates
allies, builds social capital, and increases the level of power available for involved
groups (Pulido 2006). However, maintaining equality both in power and vision
throughout an inter-ethnic coalition partnership is key for group success (Beeman 2010).
Filipino-Americans have been working in solidarity with many ethnic groups in
the United States. For example, Filipino-Americans protested alongside MexicanAmerican and Japanese American farm workers during 1960’s labor struggles. Contrary
to popular American media portrayals, Filipino-Americans lead by Larry Itliong and
Pilipino Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (PAWOC) started the 1965 Delano
strike which gave birth to the United Farm Workers (UFW) who were most notably led
by Cesar Chavez (Magaggnini 1996). This solidarity struggle fought for fair pay, equal
treatment, worker rights, and established labor unions which are still operating today
(Magagnini 1996).
Another historical example is the 1968 San Francisco State University Student
Strike in which Filipino-American, Black, Chicano, Chinese-American, and JapaneseAmerican students and activists fought for equity in higher education hiring practices
(Pulido 2006). These communities stood on the platform of racial and ethnic justice,
advocating for the creation of an ethnic studies department, and the hiring of racially and
ethnically diverse teaching staff. The struggles of these marginalized communities
developed educational rights for students, teachers, and campuses which are still in effect
today (Pulido 2006).
28
Though same-ethnicity peer groups can develop positive self-concepts, ethnic
pride, and positive ethnic identity development, joining together with other marginalized
ethnic communities can be just as fruitful. Shared community struggles create
empathetic attitudes which help to reaffirm placement in one’s own ethnic identity while
simultaneously bridging the gap between ethnic groups (Phinney 1993). Creating
structural change for disenfranchised groups is more possible when their struggles are
focused together. When social movements for equalization happen in cohesion across
racial and ethnic boundaries, the struggle becomes shared, both in its power and outcome.
29
Chapter 3: METHODS
I conducted qualitative in-depth interviews of nine Filipino American people
currently residing in the Bay Area of Northern California. Each interview consisted of a
formulated set of questions outlined in APPENDIX 1. The purposeful combination of
these questions was used to assess personal motivation, the effects of colonization, and
parental and familial pressure.
In order to conduct this research, I was granted formal approval from the
California State University of Sacramento Human Subjects Committee. Furthermore,
contractual agreements were made between the nine participants and I, which outlined
their rights as interviewees throughout the interview process and post-transcription
process. The exact copy of this contract is provided in APPENDIX 2.
There were certain ethical issues that were acknowledged before starting the
interview process. The population being interviewed was considerably marginalized
because of their racial and ethnic identification, membership to certain social groups,
income, education, gender, and citizenship status. Furthermore, in answering interview
questions, I expected some levels of discomfort from reliving past situations that may
have been forgotten or dismissed. As outlined in APPENDIX 2, all interviewees were
provided contacts for free counseling at local facilities.
Geographic Location
All interviews took place at a Filipino American Community Organization Center
(FACOC) in a metropolitan city in the Bay Area of Northern California. Throughout this
research, this city will be referred to as “the metropolitan city.” As outlined by the
30
contract between myself and participants, the exact location and name of the organization
will remain undisclosed.
I chose this specific social location in the Bay Area because of the long history
that Filipino Americans have with this region and the specific city in study. The city as a
whole has historically been at the forefront of many diverse social movements. Filipino
Americans have been instrumental in the formation and leadership of some of these
social movements and civil rights organizations inside of the city. Because of their high
immigration numbers to the city, they have developed several ethnic enclaves within the
city boundaries as well as in neighboring communities. Dependent upon which
neighborhood you travel within the city, stark class divisions are extremely apparent,
especially in relation to race.
The Neighborhood Setting
The Filipino American Community Center Organization (FACOC) sits in the
middle of the lowest per capita income neighborhood in the metropolitan city, “XTown.”
There are high concentrations of Filipino, Samoan, Chinese, and Chicano residents in
XTown. Interestingly, there are clearly divided ethnic enclaves split between sets of
blocks with specific ethnicities intersecting at certain cross streets. In a recent census of
the city, there were an estimated 27 dialects spoken in this one sub-section of the city
alone.
The physical look of the housing in this area is reflective of the per capita income
of residents; one, two, and three bedroom “flats” are squashed next to each other with
shared walls between each residence. It is not uncommon for families with as many as
31
11 members to reside in this type of housing. In some households, there is an
intergenerational richness, with as many as four generations residing in the same space.
Jobs in this area are scarce and most labor from residents is outsourced to
different sections of the city. Most residents are recent or undocumented immigrants who
find work in construction, health care, and menial labor. The median income in this
neighborhood is nearly 30% less than the average of the metropolitan city. The lack of
resources has made this neighborhood an epicenter for youth gang activity, drugs, and
crime. However, the disparity in resources has also brought forth many culturally
specific, non-profit community organizations, which have attempted to serve the people
of the community.
Unlike most of the metropolitan city, the businesses and storefronts in this
neighborhood are reflective of the community which resides in it; Filipino grocery stores
and restaurants, Mexican grocery stores, carnericias and taquerias, Samoan textile and
cultural apparel stores, Chinese eastern medicine centers and small eateries, and a
plethora of culturally specific places of worship are prominent staples throughout
XTown. In addition, there is a local high school whose student population is nearly
identical to the population percentage of the neighborhood. This neighborhood is one of
the last places within this metropolitan city where gentrification has proved to be a
difficult process. Because of this, housing and rent is significantly cheaper in relation to
the rest of the city, cultural enclaves remain tight knit, and racial and ethnic minorities
remain the majority.
The Filipino American Community Organization Center
32
The Filipino American Community Organization Center (FACOC) has been a
part of XTown for more than 9 years. Vibrant aerosol murals decorate the interior walls
of the facility showcasing the faces of historical worker’s rights advocates, leaders of
resistance, and prominent folk heroes and heroines. The front door to the workspace is
rarely closed, working as an open invitation to all community members seeking
resources, culture, and a sense of pamilya. The organization was created by long time
residents and community advocates; a group of second generation Filipinos who wanted
to provide a cultural resource hub for working class Filipino immigrants.
As a non-profit entity, the organization draws funding from local, state, and
federal grants yearly. Funders are chosen in alignment with the strategic and political
goals of the organization. The FACOC draws an 87% membership of Filipinos and
Filipino Americans with the remaining 13% representing a diverse group of ethnicities.
The FACOC works in direct collaboration with other Chicano, Latino, Polynesian, South
East Asian, Chinese, and African American organizations who have similar organization
interests. The Mission, Vision, and Goals of the organization have been outlined in
APPENDIX 3.
Pre-Research Relationship
I volunteered at FACOC from 2008-2010 while living in the same metropolitan
city where this research had taken place. As a Filipino American, I found myself drawn
to the events that were showcased at the FACOC community space. My interests in the
organization were driven by an opportunity to help lead a cultural arts program that used
music and poetry as a conduit for teaching traditional folk stories. As a volunteer, I was
33
able to work with Filipino American youth, recent undocumented immigrants,
community organizers, and labor rights advocates on a daily basis. It was in this year and
seven months where I developed a strong relationship with the organization, the
community, and the people. I left FACOC to pursue and education at California State
University in Sacramento.
I returned back to FACOC in 2013-2014 to conduct this research. I was surprised
to find that most, if not all of the same directors, employees, and volunteers were still
working at the facility. The pre-existing relationship made the transition from volunteer
to researcher quite smooth. Because of the past we shared, there were no barriers of trust
or apprehension that had to be overcome.
Interview Participants & Recruitment
An open invitation was presented to all members of the FACOC through an email
sent to one of the organization’s main directors. A total of 13 people responded to the
invitation but only 9 were able to complete interviews because of work and personal time
constraints.
I interviewed 9 Filipino American people who have resided in XTown for a
minimum of 10 years. These 9 people were chosen to represent the 3 distinct “same
ethnicity peer groups” as outlined previously for this research: defensive groups, social
movement groups, and inter-ethnic equalization coalition groups. Interviewees were
given a brief description of each group as described in the literature review section of this
research. After these descriptions were explained, participants were asked to self-identify
with the group they felt most aligned with. There was an even division between all 3
34
group categories, with 3 Filipino Americans assigned to each group. It should be noted
that each individual was also given the opportunity to self-identify as Filipino or Filipino
American or any other word signify their ethnicity.
In this study there were 4 Filipino American females and 5 Filipino American
males. The age range of participants was from 19 to 36. The range of immigration
spanned from first to second generation, with most immigration happening in the early
1990’s. The education background of participants varied from high school graduates to
current enrollment in graduate school. There was a significant gap in income with
participants self-reporting ranges from approximately $10,000 to $80,000 per year. This
income gap may have been reflective of education and or lack of documentation for legal
working status. All of these participants are currently working at the FACOC as
volunteers, part time, or full time employees.
It should be noted that all participants were given the option to speak in their
indigenous language or English. Most participants came to XTown as predominately
Tagalog speaking immigrants, some with the ability to speak “Tag-lish,” a hybrid of both
Tagalog and English. However, during interviews, all participants made a conscious
decision to conduct nearly entire interviews in English.
All interviews took place at the FACOC in a conference room with only myself
and the participant present. Before every interview, I placed a tape recorder between the
participant and I and gave them thorough instructions on how to stop, start, and review
anything that was recorded on the device. Under contractual agreement, all participants
were allowed to stop the interview at any time, for any reason, without consequence. All
35
interviews took a little more than one and half hours to complete. Interview questions
were often masked in relaxed dialogue and chiss-miss (gossip).
Throughout this research, participants are referred to with generic nicknames to
protect their identity and to sustain the anonymity as required by their informed consent
contracts.
Post Interview Analysis
After transcribing interviews verbatim, my transcriptions were coded through
Atlas-Ti computer programming. I attempted to find specific concepts and trends
throughout the transcriptions and cross examine them with Phinney’s (1993) ethnic
identity model, David and Ozaki’s (2006) colonial mentality theories, and House and
Mortimer’s (1990) SSP theories. By using these three key frameworks, I expected to find
both macro and micro reasoning behind the membership of the three mentioned sameethnicity peer groups: defensive groups, social movement groups, and inter-ethnic
equalization-coalition groups. Through this method, I hoped to gain new insights about
contemporary Filipino race issues, the effects of colonialism, social movement dynamics,
and the ethnic identity process. Furthermore, I wanted to examine the intersections of
race, gender, and class to see how these factors affect peer group membership.
Language
Throughout the development of the Data section of this research project, there
was no attempt made to censor any dialogue that was spoken. All slang and profanity
used throughout was written verbatim. In cases where certain slang terms sounded
36
unclear or muffled, I played backed recordings to those individuals who spoke those
words to clarify spelling for later transcription.
Confidentiality
To ensure the confidentiality of the participants, I created a systematic process for
the handling of all gathered data from interviews. As mentioned previously, a written
contract was created between myself and the interviewees to ensure that no duplications
of the interview tapes were made. Furthermore, that none of the interview information be
used for any other purpose than this study, and that no identifiable information was
released about the interviewee or the organization (all names and organization name was
changed). Second, all tapes were marked with labels as “interviewee 1, 2, 3 etc,” making
sure that no actual names were attached to the tapes themselves. These numbers were
attached to names in a log that was kept in a secure and locked file and discarded after
transcription. Third, I was the only person transcribing data received from the recorded
conversations to ensure that no one else heard or used the information. Finally, once all
transcriptions have were made, I kept the tapes in a locked safe, inside of a location that
remained undisclosed to any parties either indirectly or directly affiliated to the research
project. The tapes, logs, and any other research related material with personal
information on it was destroyed and discarded after the completion of this thesis research
project, which was estimated to be May 1, 2014.
37
Chapter 4: DATA
In the following section, I have provided short profiles on each interviewee to
illustrate to audiences the nuisances of each person’s personality, personal narrative, and
cultural experience.
Defensive Group Members
This same ethnicity peer group consisted of three Filipino American males. There
were strong commonalities between these three participants in terms of family
background, immigration status, income level, and past affiliation.
All three men were raised in multi-generational households, living with family
members who immigrated at the same time. These three men immigrated directly to
XTown because of loose familial ties with other neighborhood residents who were from
the same provinces and barrios in the Philippines. Each of the men had fathers, who had
either abandoned the family or were left behind during the immigration process. Most
reference their mothers, aunties, or grandmothers as the main parental figures during their
youth.
All three men were at one time or another highly involved in “gang” activity both
in the Philippines and in XTown. It is important to note that while in XTown, these
“gangs” consisted of members who were recent immigrants from the Philippines; there
are extremely few members of these gangs who are not first generation immigrants. The
gangs that these men were initiated into are often seen as highly visible and definitive
symbols of the male youth inside of the Filipino ethnic enclave of XTown. The spray
38
paint and marker tags of the group are decorated along side many of the walls, fences,
bus stops, and store fronts in the neighborhood.
Rin
Rin is a first generation Filipino from the province of Balayan, Batangas,
Philippines. He immigrated at the age of 12 as an incoming seventh grader to a local
middle school in XTown. He remembers the process of immigration as a strange
experience, aboard a ship with characters who seem more ghostlike than human. More
than anything he remembers the smell, the unbathed stench of what seemed like hundreds
of others, sweating, crammed into iron rooms with bamboo mats. He can still recall the
distinct feeling of humidity and the damp weight of his clothing. “I don’t know why but
I remember it brotha…blue Nike shorts, a Mickey Mouse t-shirt, tsnielas (slippers), and
my tatay’s (father’s) wooden rosary.”
He made the six-day journey with his mother, aunties, and two sisters. The
family carried nothing but a single suitcase and three large balakbayan boxes (shipping
boxes) filled with all of their belongings and pasalubongs (souvenirs) for their family
who waited in XTown.
Rin recalls his youth as a troublesome one. Often finding himself ridiculed and
bullied because of his small stature, broken English, and prominent accent. He
remembers trying to speak as little as possible throughout his first year in school. “Kids
are fuckin’ mean at that age homie, everytime I talked they’d laugh...I’d get pissed off,
throw some shit at em’, spit, whatever. Fuckin’ fightin all the time, teachers ain’t give a
shit neither, just another Fob getting picked on, feel me?”
39
Rin rarely felt like he belonged. In America, in XTown, at school, he was the
outlier. He recalls countless lunches spent by himself or in the library, hiding behind
comic books and a binder full of in-class doodles and crayon daydreams. However,
towards the end of his seventh grade year he was befriended by a group of young Filipino
boys, recent immigrants who had arrived in the previous year. “It was a trip, six of them
cats walked up to me talkin’ Tagalog. Sat down wit’ me like I knew them from back in
the day. I didn’t care who they was, just tripped me out, I could see me in them, like a
mirror or something...But they was different though...(laughing) tougher than me ” Rin
said.
This group of boys called themselves “BN,” short for Bahala Na, roughly
translated to “whatever comes, may come” the Filipino equivalent to saying “I don’t give
a damn” or “whatever” in English slang phrasing. Rin was tattooed with letters “BN” on
his right hand between the creases of his thumb and index finger at the age of 13. “We
was some dumb ass kids back then, flashin’ hella red all over my clothes, tatted up,
scribin’ BN on everything I could find bro.” He remembers rarely being picked on after
joining BN, “Other kids just knew, like, if you fuckin’ wit me, you gotta deal with the
rest of the homies too.”
Rin says his youth was riddled with regretful situations, violent altercations, and a
few “close calls” but he firmly states that without BN, he does not think he would have
made it through his first years of school in XTown.
Rin recently turned 24 years old. Today, he is a part time California Youth
Advocate with the Department of Juvenile Corrections and a gang intervention specialist
40
with the metropolitan city’s unified school district. His rough demeanor often hides his
education, he is a college graduate of San Francisco State University with a major in
Asian American Studies with an emphasis in Filipino American Studies. He is also a part
time youth counselor at the FACOC.
Boy
Boy is 19 year old second generation Filipino American. He is the son of Yanti, a
36 year old, home health worker, who serves elderly dementia patients in a wealthier
section of the metropolitan city. His mother was five months pregnant upon her arrival
from her home island of Bohol, Philippines. “Technically, (laughing) I’m from the
Philippines! My cousins say I’m lyin, but I got at least three or four months as an island
baby (laughing).” Boy and his mother have a distant relationship, there is a distinct
discomfort in voice and body language whenever her name is brought up in conversation.
Boy currently lives by himself, in an XTown low-income housing project a few blocks
from the FACOC building.
Boy is hyper-masculine, proud, self-sufficient, and independent. He is a high
school drop-out who recently completed his GED in summer prior to his interview.
“They couldn’t teach me shit in them schools homie, all I needed was math, I had that
shit locked down. (Laughing, grabbing money from his pockets) Addition, subtraction,
feel me? All that other shit wasn’t for me.” Boy was in and out of juvenile hall as a
young teen for several misdemeanor counts and for his affiliation with a local XTown
gang, RPB, “Real Pinoy Bloods.”
41
Boy never knew his father, had very few male relatives, and was raised by a
household of women. He affectionately refers to these women as “queens.” “There’s
only so much my fam could do you know? Ain’t nobody gon’ teach me how to be man
but me. Them streets teach a motherfucka’ quick though, you feel me? (laughing)” He
recalls never having a shortage of male friends, “every color, all kinds” he says, but he
sought the approval of RPB because “you just need brothas that really know what it’s like
to be you...poor, dark, and Filipino...shit that’s us right there, some dangerous, broke,
Filipinos, feel me?”
RPB’s acceptance of Boy is something unordinary and inconsistent with who the
gang usually recruits. This group is known for keeping a strict policy for only allowing
first generation Filipino immigrant members to join. Boy has never explained in detail
how he was able to gain membership, but rumors have circulated around XTown about
his distant father’s connection to the gang from the Philippines.
At the moment, Boy remains closely affiliated with RPB but often comments on
needing to “leave the life.” He started as a volunteer of FACOC since the age of 15.
Volunteering at the organization was a part of court mandated order for Boy to finish 200
hours of community service. After he completed the hours he said “these folks became
my family foreal, anything I needed…a place to sleep, food, whatever, they always had
my back...you don’t turn on folks like that.” Boy currently works as a part-time custodian
for both FACOC and a nearby state hospital.
Jacey
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Jacey is a 27 year old, first generation immigrant from the province of Batangas,
Philippines. At the age of fourteen, he immigrated directly to XTown with his mother,
two older brothers, and grandmother. Jacey joined a large collective of family and
friends from the same Batangas province who were already living in an apartment
complex inside of XTown. “It was so crowded back then, hella of us! (laughing) It might
have been 11 of us in that two bedroom apartment!”
Jacey was always indirectly affected by gang activity in his neighborhood, school,
and home. Four months upon arrival, his two older brothers were initiated into BN for
protection from other students at the local high school. “I remember watching my
brother’s get jumped at school, for no fuckin’ reason. Them 16th street cats (a local
Mexican gang) just kept kickin’ em’, yelling out Chino!’” Jacey never joined BN but
always felt pressured to. “Watching my brothers get jumped shook me up. I felt like a
pussy for not being able to protect them. That’s why I always had BN’s back when
anything popped off at school or in the hood, cus they was always down for my
brothers.” Jacey remembers having to step into many physical disputes that never really
involved him. “My mentality back then was ‘fuck it,’ that could be me or my brother, I
wasn’t ever gon let anotha motherfucker pick on any Filipino or Asian kid.”
“I was lucky, I was a hella bigger than most Freshman when I got to school, I musta’
been at least 5’10 already? Coach spotted me on campus and put me straight onto the JV
squad.” He recalls spending most of his high school experience with his basketball team,
a large group of African American teens; Jacey laughs about “always” being the Filipino
one in the group.
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Looking back, he says it was “luck” that helped him survive. Jacey’s skills in
basketball landed him a scholarship to a local community college. He was able to
transfer from the community college to nearby state university where he finished a degree
in nursing.
Jacey works at nearby state hospital alongside Boy. In addition he volunteers
with the FACOC as a nurse and healthcare consultant for the free clinic that FACOC
provides every other week. He is one of the few FACOC members who have moved out
of the metropolitan city.
Social Movement Group
The social movement group consists of two females and one male. There is much
diversity in this group in terms of education, immigration status, income, family
background, and religion.
Interestingly, each of these participants has some form of traditional Filipino
cultural tattoo prominently displayed on their bodies.
The social movement group is often stereotyped as the “radicals” at the FACOC
because of the highly politicized movements they lead and the ferocity they put towards
their work as organizers. They have all been detained at least one time for civil
disobedience during protests and rallies. Without question, they bear this police record
proudly, and have no hesitation to be arrested again as long as the cause is “important for
the people.”
These individuals share the same workspace inside of the FACOC and often times
collaborate in partnership to support each other’s initiatives. They serve and organize
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very diverse groups of people but work solely on targeting the needs of the Filipino
community alone.
Leila
Leila is a second generation Filipino American who was born in the United States
in a neighborhood only two miles from XTown. When asked how she describes herself,
she said “I am a mother, a daughter, an auntie, a sister, and a soldier sa atin tao (for our
people).” Leila comes from a large family, she has three older sisters, two older brothers,
and a younger sister. Leila also has a three year old daughter named Dash. She is
passionate about family and preserving history, cultural tradition, and heritage for herself
and her daughter. Leila and Dash are both members of a Filipino theatre company in the
metropolitan city famous for large productions which feature traditional dances and song.
Leila is highly active in the worker’s rights community both in the United States
and abroad in the Philippines. She finds herself “highly conflicted” with having to live
and work in the same country that “exploits us, our labor, our bodies, and our spirit” she
said. At the time of interview, Leila was organizing an international worker’s rights
summit to bring attention to the exploitation of Filipino overseas workers in Northern
California.
Leila has a degree in Political Science from the University of California Berkeley
and is highly active in both journalism and personal publication.
Taraya
Taraya is a first generation immigrant from the island of Cavite, Philippines. She
is the daughter of two highly political figures in the Philippines and entered this country
45
as a refugee. Her parents played a large part in the People Power movement of the
1980’s, leading several campaigns to oust the Marcos Presidential Regime of the
Philippines. “I remember nights when my mom had to hide me under the bed…’they’
were always looking for my parents…I’m surprised we made it out the provencia.” She
and her family were able to escape the country by plane when she was only six years old.
Taraya frequently revisits memories of her playing on several nearby U.S.
military bases as a child. “It was weird, I knew two different versions of my Tatay
(father), the officer in uniform, and the man behind the bullhorn.” She never disclosed
the role her father played at the U.S. Army base, but the odd entitlement of “refugee
status” to the United States after her family’s immigration offers vague clues to his
position.
“When we got here my parents were always active, doing something…they never
stopped organizing.” Taraya often jokes that she “never had a chance to be anything
else,” as if she was destined for this life of activism. “Ito ay sa atin dugo (it’s in my
blood) How can I not work for the people when I am one of them?” she said.
Taraya organizes from the FACOC for a Filipino women’s rights organization
which focuses on finding resources and housing for victims of sexual assault, domestic
violence, and human sex trafficking. She is highly visible in the community and is often
appointed the position of “specialist” or “expert” for any dealings with women’s rights in
XTown.
Today, Taraya is in her mid 30’s and a self labeled “work-a-holic.” Taraya sits on
several councils in Northern California for Women’s rights, she helps run the Filipino
46
women’s health clinic at FACOC, and coordinates housing and employment resources for
undocumented Filipino women.
EJ
EJ is a first generation immigrant from Luzon, Philippines. He is the son of a
U.S. Army Naval officer and a 3rd grade religion teacher. “My parents were hella
Americanized. It’s a trip…no accents…my dad is a hardcore football fan, and my mom
can’t cook (laughing).” His parents rarely spoke Tagalog and tried their hardest to speak
to EJ in English only. As a result, EJ can slightly understand Tagalog but has no grasp of
speaking the language. He remembers being teased by peers, older cousins, and family
friends for “being White.” He immigrated at the age of nine to the United States, first to
San Diego, CA then to XTown.
EJ remembers being confused about the comments his teachers would give him
about “speaking so well.” He had a hard time fitting in after immigrating to the US
because the Filipino peers he wanted to befriend thought he was “trying too hard to be
White.” This led to many self-confidence problems and an abundance of confusion as a
young teen. This struggle with identity is something he still deals with today.
This perceived lack of “Filipino-ness” is what EJ says motivated him throughout
college. “I needed to find out who I was…who we are…all I did was read, suck in the
history, memorize, read, understand, and dig for more.” This need for information led
him to pursue both an undergraduate and doctoral education in Asian American studies
with a focus in Pilipino history.
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EJ is a director of youth education at FACOC and is a professor in Filipino
American Studies at a local university. He has spearheaded the movement for equity in
the inclusion of Philippine history to mainstream California social science curriculums.
He continues to organize in XTown as an advocate for ethnic studies at the local high
schools.
The Inter-Ethnic Equalization Coalition Group
The Inter-Ethnic Equalization Coalition Group (IEECG) consists of 2 females and
1 male. The IEECG members are some the highest-ranking staff at the FACOC. Two of
these members sit on the board of directors and are some of the most visible characters of
the organization. All three members have a distinct political organizing history with
“Filipino only” issues and could have been easily categorized in the Social Movement
Group but all three insisted on IEECG title. They have brought great resources to the
organization in terms of funding opportunities and strategic partnerships.
These three members have advocated for some of the largest international and
cross-ethnic partnerships for the organization. The IEECG has helped to align the work
of the FACOC to partner with other marginalized communities to push forward political
agendas that have garnered more notoriety and positive attention to all those involved.
The African American, Polynesian, Chinese, South East Asian, and LGBTQ communities
are some of the most recent partnerships.
Lana
Lana is a 36 year old first generation immigrant from Manila, Philippines. She
entered the country as a 16 year old student who had dreams of pursuing a career in
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medicine. Lana’s mother was her inspiration, she worked both overseas and in the US as
an emergency room nurse. However, Lana struggled with remediation placement in
school classes because of a perceived language deficiency in English. Her teachers and
administrators would not place Lana in the AP and honors science classes necessary for
qualification for any major pre-med college program.
Feeling discouraged, Lana pursued community college instead. From there she
found her true passion, business and marketing. Lana went on to transfer and graduate
from University of California Berkeley with a degree in International Business and would
eventually graduate with a MBA years later.
Lana took this passion for business back to XTown. She became a consultant and
lead business developer for several non-profit organizations in the area. She specialized
in linking international corporations with new start-up ventures happening in XTown and
the surrounding metropolitan city.
Lana would later become one of the first founding members of the FACOC. Her
hope was to create a free hub for resources for all community members in XTown,
especially for Filipino residents. The dream came to fruition in the form of the FACOC.
Today, she continues to write federal and state grants which keep the FACOC running.
She also continues to push the FACOC forward, aligning with like-minded organizations
to empower many diverse groups of people in XTown and abroad.
Keilani
Stacey is a 29 year old second generation Filipino American born in Oahu,
Hawaii. She is the grand-daughter of two Filipino sugar-cane plantation workers. Her
49
father, whom she has only seen through photographs, was a fisherman in Alaska.
Stacey’s mother, who has recently passed, was a hospitality service maid in several hotels
in Hawaii. “I come from a long line of laborers...exploited labor...I grew up in those
fields with my grandparents, in those hotel rooms my mama and aunties.”
Stacey says she has always been an organizer, from high school onwards, she was
always advocating for worker’s rights.
“I started Kekoa High School’s first community service club. I remember one of
the first things we did was send over students from our school to the fields, to
understand what our Lolos (grandfathers) and Lolas (grandmothers) were
doing...see how they were being treated...We caused a lot of noise back in the
day.”
This advocacy work is what brought Stacey from Hawaii to California. She came
to University of California at Berkeley to pursue a law degree. Like many others, she
was drawn to the revolutionary image that Berkeley portrayed. She graduate from
Hastings Law school and became one the youngest Filipino American graduates to
complete the program. Today, she advocates for worker’s rights in courtrooms across the
United States. In addition, she sits on the FACOC board of directors as an advocate for
undocumented workers rights in the Mexican, Chinese, and Filipino communities. She
has been integral in the creation of several labor unions in Northern California.
Torrance
Torrance is a second generation Filipino-Mexican American born in Oakland,
CA. He was the only person interviewed of mixed ethnicity. This dual ethnicity is
something that Torrance sees as something that has shaped his frame of thinking, his
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social reality, and his identity at large. “I see so much commonality between our
cultures, we share a lot of the same oppression, and I carry both worlds on my
shoulders.”
Torrance’s mother has been a nurse in the city of Oakland, CA since the late
1980’s. His father has also works in the city of Oakland as a high school history teacher.
“My parents are in the business of caring...they’ve always been that way, always taking
care of somebody…” Torrance says he takes the best from both of his parents, his
mother’s sensitivity to other humans, and his father’s passion for understanding history
and people.Living in Oakland, Torrance says
“I’ve always been able to vibe with brothas’ from different backgrounds. I kinda’
just grew up that way, all my mom’s best friends were Black and they’d always
bring their kids around. Same with my dad, he hung around a lot of Black,
Chinese, White, and Chicano brothas, and they’d always bring their kids
around…my crew was always mixed.”
Torrance has taken this mentality to FACOC since first volunteering in 2006. “I
always wondered, why is it just the Filipino kids here, we gotta open this up to everyone
so they can know us.” Torrance helped to create one of the first FACOC youth programs
which later became integrated into a local high school club which encouraged crossethnic collaboration for community projects.
Currently, Torrance is a lead director for youth programming in FACOC. He is
finishing a graduate degree in Ethnic Studies at San Francisco State University and plans
to teach both community college and high school in the future.
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Discussion of Data
The results produced from the in-depth interviews conducted with the Filipino
American Community Organization Center (FACOC) members are outlined and
discussed in the following chapter. There were three central themes to the data:
Motivations, Effects of Colonization, and Societal Influences. Inside of these three
central themes are several sub-topics that provide further detail about each theme.
Research Question
The central question for this research was How does the ethnic identity
development process of Filipino Americans influence their involvement in ethnic minority
peer groups? In alignment with my guiding sociological theories, I produced three main
themes that supported the development of my interview questions. I wanted to first
assess 1) The motivation(s) behind sustained involvement in previous Filipino peer
groups and the Filipino American Community Organization Center (FACOC) 2) The
possible impacts of colonization both overseas and in the US on individual psychological
processes and decision making 3) and how societal structures have influenced
individuals overtime to be a part of certain ethnic minority peer groups.
Motivations
Within the theme of motivation, four subsets of answers were produced: 1)
developing community and offering protection 2) the calling 3) securing an identity 4)
serving the youth. Though the background of the participants were highly diverse in
terms of origins of immigration, income, education, family structure, gender, and age,
there were strong commonalities in their responses.
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Developing Community & Offering Protection
All participants referenced some idea of creating and sustaining a “community”
for the Filipino people of XTown. Conversational context and the individual speakers
often dictated this idea and definition of “community”.
Lana spoke about “community” as a physical space, “I always wanted to create a
location where we could build together. A home away from home, or a home for those
that feel like they don’t have one. Ito ay atin tahanan (this is our home).” Similar
responses were seen from other directors of the FACOC, as Keilani said
“I try everyday to create a safe space for every generation of our people. What
other community space do you know has a living room in the front and kitchen in
the back? (laughing) It’s the first thing we ask when anyone walks in, ‘are you
hungry, did you eat yet?’ Ito and tradisyon ng aming mga tao (this is the tradition
of our people).”
Most of the Inter-Ethnic Equalization Coalition Group (IEECG) felt that
developing a physical space which mimicked a traditional Filipino home was integral to
their motivation as directors. When asked why developing a “home” space was
important to her motivation Keilani responded
“Imagine how the everyday person that walks through that door will see us…if
we extend our humanity to every person in the community, what we gain is
immeasurable. That is how you develop community…you give everyone the
opportunity to become your family.”
Some of the Social Movement Group and the Defensive Group expressed this idea
of community as more of a sense, feeling, or created emotion. Taraya said
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“I live and work here to develop that trust necessary for this work…this is ‘
heartwork’...We have to intertwine ourselves with the neighborhood and the
people, I gotta’ be here in XTown to understand what’s goin’ on…to feel what t
hey feel.”
Jacey reiterated this same point “I’m here brother…I ain’t gotta be…I choose to
be because they need to see someone who cares. I could work at any hospital, any clinic,
but I do this work for free…to serve.” There seemed to be strong link between FACOC
workers, the physical space of the organization, and its special relation to other humans.
For Taraya and Jacey, this idea of community was relayed through the emotional
connection that had developed between them and their specific service population.
For other members of the FACOC the idea of developing community meant filling
the space of the organization with any and all people. Leila said
“sometimes if no one physically pulls them into this space, they’ll never come.
It’s like selling cell phones or something (laughing) but if that’s what I gotta do
I’ll do it. It’s the ones that we let slip by, or those ones that don’t walk in on their
own that usually need the most help.”
Rin added “I’m glad were in the spot were at, this is the center bro. We’re right in
the middle of XTown so it’s easy to bring folks in. I try my hardest to get the big homies
in first, cus’ the younger ones always wanna copy their kuyas (older brothers)” Boy’s
story seems to reiterate this point even more:
“I remember that first day my P.O. (probation officer) dropped me off here. I
didn’t know what to expect, I thought all these cats was gonna’ hate on me cus’ of
my record and cus’ I was still bangin’ with RPB at that point…But on some crazy
shit, L (referring to Lana) gave me a hug as soon as I walked in, stared at me hella
54
serious, and all she said was ‘are you ready to do something different?’ I didn’t
know what to say…but she just came off like she was my Ate (older sister) from
the jump…And you know L don’t play around (laughing)”
Once inside of the doors of the FACOC, staff, directors, members, and volunteers
seemed to devote themselves to the needs of all who came. Developing community in
this example meant inclusivity for all who walked into the FACOC building.
For Taraya and some others from the FACOC, the idea of developing community
means offering safety. Referencing her domestic violence clients, Taraya said
“Sometimes we’re giving them the only spot they can find for survival. Once they walk
through here they know they’re protected.” Rin restated this same notion about his gang
youth population saying “When the young homies need to hide out from whoever or
whatever, I got their back…” This selfless notion of protecting others was a commonality
with responses from both Taraya and Rin in terms of their personal motivations for
working with the FACOC. However, the danger of protecting others within a community
space was often times overlooked by both of these individuals.
The Calling
For some individuals in FACOC there seemed to be some spiritual connection
between themselves and the motivation behind their work. EJ said “I don’t know whether
it’s God or fate, whatever you want to call it, but I’m here cus’ I’m supposed to be
brother.” Torrance added an additional comment when he said “God placed these people
in my way for a reason. He gave me this ability to connect with young people through
this work, and until I find a reason to stop, I’m happy doing this man.”
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Others in the FACOC feel like their calling is something that is “owed.” The
source of “debt” and how to “repay” changes from person to person, but there seemed to
be a strong connection to family. For Keilani the debt comes from family and culture,
“I was made for this…I know nothing but the struggle it takes to be us
(Filipinos)…I’ve seen it first hand with my family, especially with my Lolo
(grandfather)…I find happiness in the work, almost like I see my Lolo and Lola in
everyone we help…I just know for some reason…pay it forward…I know I’m
here to serve.”
This debt to family can be seen in Torrance’s response as well when he said
“My parents tried so hard to steer me in the right direction. They lived it brother,
put the love into the practice…I’m just trying to follow their example, I serve our
community because of them and for them.”
Taraya’s point offers a similar perspective saying “I owe it to all of our sisters.
They look to me for the answers, and I a lot of times I don’t have them, but that’s our
work…help, serve, build.”
Many others in the FACOC claim that the calling is both unseen and unheard, but
is something that is felt. “It’s in my gut homie, I know I’m just cleaning floors and
taking out the trash…but I’m doing it here instead of being somewhere else” said Boy.
This intrinsic capability to feel drawn to the work was best illustrated when Leila said
“I feel it when I look into the crowds at the rallies, and during the chanting, when
we march…that’s when I know, Pilipino ako (I am Filipino)…and the rest falls
into place, the work just seems to makes sense.”
Sometimes the calling comes in the literal form of a phone call for some FACOC
members. “(laughing) I remember Lana calls me up, like ‘ey sis, I know you’re hella
56
busy’ but I have an opportunity for you” said Keilani. Many of the staff placements
were made in this manner by Lana. She offered an explanation for her recruitment
methods saying “when you’re doing solid work for the community, people take
notice…and when it comes time to ask for a favor (laughing) they’re more likely to
help.” Lana adds “all the people at FACOC have been put here for a reason, they’re
either the best at what they do, or they have the ability to bring the best out in others.”
Securing an Identity
There was strong thematic evidence of FACOC members continuing their service
at the organization to establish a certain identity. These identities were always centered
in being Filipino, but there was definite variation in reasoning.
The Defensive Group members seemed to set themselves apart with their
motivations for securing an identity within the FACOC. Their reasons had high relation
to either solidifying a past life or bringing validation to a socially assumed identity. Their
past involvement with gang life seemed to either directly or indirectly shape their
dealings with identity.
Rin said,
“Bro, you known me for a while now…(laughing) I don’t know if it’s good or
bad, but I don’t really kick it with anyone else but Filipino folks (laughing). It’s
never been a question of whether I’ve been down for my folks or not, cus my
hood sees that… I banged with Filipinos only, I’m servin Filipino youth, and I’m
good if that’s how they know me in XTown”
Boy seemed to echo Rin’s point saying,
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“The FACOC took me in as this hood ass kid from XTown . This is who I am G,
inside this spot, behind these doors, out on that street, I’m the same fuckin’ guy. I
love being here cus’ no ones asked me to change shit, they’ve just given me more
options, I love them for that.”
The last member of the Defensive Group, Jacey added
“It’s just how we grew up bro, you know that. We stick to our own and take care
of the brothas’ you feel me? At my other job, I’m takin’ care of all kinds of
people, White, Black, Chinese…whatever. But when I’m runnin’ clinics with T
(referring to Taraya) and KK (referring to Keilani)…I’m home. It feels like it
ain’t work no more. I know you think that’s stupid (laughing) but when it’s
Filipino patients, I feel like I’m doing my part. Like I ain’t ever left XTown.”
For others in the FACOC, there is less need to validate a past identity but more
need to bring forward one they have been trying to attain. Whether this sense of identity
can be realized or achieved is not important to these members. It is in the incessant chase,
the need for growth, and the pursuit of a higher sense of self that drives these members.
Illustrating this point, Leila said,
“I work here because it brings me to a different place mentally and spiritually.
Every day is about being better. I want to become the superhero my daughter
thinks I am...so every day is about hitting the ground a little harder, being a little
tougher, and centering myself with the people. You can’t be complacent or
apathetic when the community sits on your shoulders.”
Like Leila, Taraya understands this idea of working towards large dreams for
others. Taraya said “I understand I can’t save everyone. I get that. But I wake up every
morning and force myself to forget that. I’m better when I’m hungry for it, when I ache
to make change for our people... The work is never done.”
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For Torrance, the only mixed ethnicity FACOC interviewee, working with the
organization served as a means of connecting with what he called his “Filipino blood.”
Torrance further explained this saying
“It’s different for me. It’s one thing to understand the language, eat the food,
know the jokes, or whatever, but it’s whole other thing to be working with the
people. You feel me? I understand what it means to be Filipino on a deeper
level. The work keeps me knee deep in the struggle. It helps me channel that
space, where I feel my Lolo’s hands on my shoulders saying kahit na ano (no
matter what) push us forward.”
Lastly, for individual’s like EJ, working with the organization is a way of building
and securing an identity that other’s had previously denied him.
“It seems like no ever let me be Filipino. I was never Filipino enough (laughing)
But working and teaching here, I feel like I’m getting some of that back. Like I’m
proving those kids wrong. That’s why I try to push those curriculums, those
books, that agenda, into those schools and put our people into the history books,
so other little Filipino boys who mighta’ been like me can find themselves too.”
Serving the Youth
Through analyzing the transcriptions, it seemed as though every FACOC member
mentioned their responsibility towards the Filipino youth population in XTown. Most
reasons for serving youth populations were geared towards advocacy, protection,
resources, education and identity.
In the spirit of developing youth advocates Lana said
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“Influencing these younger kids is the only way we sustain our efforts. We are
only an extension of our manongs and manangs (elders), what we fight for is
nothing new. But like them, we’ll pass too. So we have to involve our young
ones in the process.”
Keilani echoed this sentiment saying “Who’s left after we all die? The youth!
We can’t forget about them, who do you think this is for? That’s why I tell our youth to
stop waiting to inherit the world from us, I tell them to take it, and shape it.”
For others like Leila and EJ, there is an importance in developing a connection to
the Filipino community through education before handing off the entire movement to the
youth. “They’re not gonna get everything they need from school. We have to teach them
the stories, the folk tales, the language, otherwise what are they? Filipinos by face, and
nothing more” Leila said. EJ added, “its not enough to say, ‘you’re Filipino so you
should care.’ You gotta’ develop that responsibility, cultivate that need to serve.”
Some other FACOC were less optimistic. Rin said
“We have to save them first, then we can worry about teaching them. If they’re
out there hungry, and hustlin’ to make ends meet like I was, there’s only one
place they’ll end up. That’s why I look out for em’ brotha’, cus I know where
they’ll end up if no one gives a shit.”
Torrance developed this idea even more saying
“We can throw books and rallies at them all we want, but if these kids can’t feel
safe in XTown then what’s the point how much they know or not. Culture is this
last thing on your mind when you’re in survival mode.”
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This idea of social class dynamics was mentioned quite heavily with most
FACOC when referencing the need to improve the conditions for the Filipino youth
population in XTown.
Impacts of Colonization
Within the theme of colonization there were 3 separate subset categories that
emerged from the data 1) transitioning identities 2) distrust of other groups and 3)
different types of Filipinos. The three separate same ethnicity peer groups showed
opposing attitudes in regards to the subset categories. In the theme of colonization, more
commonalities were found with people of similar immigration statuses, income, and
gender more than any other demographic category. The data also showed that the
differentiations in three separate same-ethnicity peer group labels had little effect on
commonality in responses or answers.
A Spectrum of Identities
A single question was posed to assess how respondents felt about their own
identity and self-concepts. The question “How do you feel about being Filipino?” was
asked to all FACOC respondents and nearly all members paused for a significant amount
of time before answering. Unlike many responses to other questions, there was a sense of
general discomfort from the majority of participants. Whether the question was odd or
possibly because it had never been asked to respondents before, the collective amount of
time it took for the entire group to develop an answer was worth mentioning.
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For all participants there was no definitive answer. For each person there was a
described spectrum of experience that changed dependent upon age or circumstance.
Spectrums varied in terms of feeling, emotion, and duration of experience.
For some of the FACOC respondents, there was a spectrum that had showed
negative experiences in childhood and transitioned to positive experiences in adulthood.
Rin said
“I didn’t really think about being Filipino until I got here (in the US). When
you’re back home everybody looks, talks, walks, the same man…Shit, then I got
here (laughs) Kids at that age are fuckin’ mean G. (laughs) Everywhere I turned I
was hearing FOB. Fresh Off the Boat. Monkey. All kinds of nasty shit. Check
this though, worst part was a lot of the mothafuckas’ talking shit’ were Filipino
too! The one’s that was born here like you (laughing) That’s why I had to click
up with BN, you feel me? I was tired of that shit. It wasn’t smooth sailin’ after
that or nothing, but kids was crackin’ less jokes when they found out I was
bangin’ with BN. After high school, it was just about dealin’ with my own shit,
controlling how I made myself look instead of worryin’ about what everybody
else was sayin’ or thinking. Without question though, considering all the shit I
went through cus’ of it…I wouldn’t wanna be nothin’ else G. I’m Filipino til the
death of me homie.”
For Jacey, it was easier to experience this spectrum of feelings towards identity
conflicts through others.
“My brothers used to get picked on so bad bro. In the PI (Philippines) you don’t
really understand that whole race, racism shit…here though?! (laughing) I found
that shit out my first week of school. On campus, it was dangerous to be anyone
that some other clique had a problem with…if it wasn’t the Mexicans hatin’ on
Filipinos it was the Black folks beefin’ with the Mexicans, or Samoans beefin’
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with the Black folks…I was real sensitive about that bro, maybe cus I seen my
kuyas (older brothers) get fucked up…And it wasn’t just about us Filipinos
homie, I was down for them other Asian cats too cus’ they’d get picked on too…I
was proud, too proud maybe (laughs) because I was willing to fight over that shit,
like I was hoping someone would talk shit to me about being Filipino so I could
prove to them we weren’t no chumps…But now…I’m a little more lax (laughing)
still proud, but all that fighting, I’m past all that.”
For some, the spectrum consists of fluctuating variations of the same feeling, a
constant battle of having an insecure identity. EJ said:
“It was crazy how much they used to tease me. I couldn’t fit in. Looking back I
guess I know why? I didn’t speak, didn’t understand, barely ate the food…my
parents really messed me up with that man…they must have went through some
real negative shit when they were kids because it seemed like they didn’t want me
to be Filipino at all. Immigrant who can’t speak, read, or write in our tongue?
Ain’t that crazy? And when I got here, it was the story man. All the Filipino kids
thought the FOB was trying to be white. I hated myself for a good minute, but at
the same time I kept trying to see it through their eyes too. Like, am I the fake
one? What do I have to do to be more Filipino? And seriously brother, that’s
almost my entire childhood, highschool, and college experience, shit even up to
now…this process of trying to deal with what you just asked me…truth is I don’t
know?”
For Torrance, this feeling of ambiguity about identity stemmed from the same
acceptance that EJ searched for. Being of mixed ethnicity created an effect of being
pulled in two directions. Torrance said:
“I’m in that odd space brother. The other cats here don’t feel that because I’m
always exactly two different people at the same time. For them…maybe I’m
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wrong in assuming…but I feel like they just get to ‘be.’ Sometimes I feel like I
have to throw on a little extra in front of my Filipino friends, or the same with my
Mexican friends. And I’ve done it for so long its become a reflex! I love both
sides, but sometimes I feel like I’m always trying a little harder than the next
person to just fit in? Does that make sense?”
This feeling of uncertainty is a commonality seen with 3 of 4 FACOC women
who were interviewed. Taraya said
“That’s tough, how do you answer that?... (long pause)… See it’s different for me
though, cus you pose the question like it’s a label I wear? And I guess you’re
kind of right (laughs) Around men… being Filipina makes me feel like an object.
Especially men who aren’t Pinoy…I know that’s harsh, but the few men I’ve
dated who weren’t Filipino…just had this weird fetishism shit they felt like they
were entitled to tell me about…saying shit like ‘I’ve always had a thing for
Filipino girls.’ That grosses me out. But at the same time I embrace my identity
as a Pinay because I think of my nanay (mother) and my lola (grandmother)…It’s
deep bro (laughing) there’s just more that goes into it than what you’re asking.”
Taraya was the only FACOC member to bring up this idea of a sexualized identity
in association with being Filipino. However Leila, also brought up the idea of gender
dynamics as an important part of being Filipino. Leila said
“Even the way you say it has power dynamics written all over it. ‘Filipin-o-‘ not
‘Filipin-a-‘ (laughing) And that’s me just preaching, but do you get it? There’s a
difference, to me at least…but …yeah as a Filipina woman, I’m proud…But the
definition of that word changes for me all the time. I feel it in the way I raise my
daughter, how I learn from elders, and how I treat our work…but yeah it changes
from time to time…because I see and feel the loss of power and the mistreatment
from that word at the same time.”
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This idea of power, and historical relations to the rest of society is illustrated in
the following statement from Keilani:
“It’s who I am, what else is there to say? Asking me that is basically asking me
whether I like it or not right? We are who we are because that’s what they made
us to be…(long pause)…If you’re asking me if I like the identity that’s been
pushed on us…dog eating, military wives, cheap labor, expendable? Then fuck…
I hate being Filipino. But if you’re asking me do I like the pieces I’ve found for
myself…the resiliency, our voice, ang paglaban sa aking puso (the resistance in
my heart)…Then I love being Filipino brother. You’ve got to understand there’s
a lot of weight in what you’re asking us.”
There was seriousness in Keilani’s tone that I had never heard before. A tight
clinch in her jaw after speaking. Not and expression of anger, just an honest
manifestation of her personal truth. In that moment, I knew the question I had asked all
of the FACOC members was something I had not yet answered for myself either.
Distrust of Other Groups
This following subset section highlights the emotions and dialogue brought
forward from asking respondents about their feelings towards collaboration with other
racial and ethnic groups. All three same-ethnicity peer groups shared this general theme
of distrust but the source and reasoning often varied.
For some FACOC members, the issue of distrust was developed as a result of
history and personal experience. Rin said
“I just can’t do it sometimes bro. These cats want to call it reverse racism or
whatever the fuck its called. But I’ve been burned so many time by White folks
in general, I just rather not work with em’.” Following up with Rin, I asked him
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“what do you mean ‘work?’” He responded, “Aight, like…(long pause) L,
(reffering to Lana) kicks down these local grants to us all the time, sayin’ were
gonna be working with this group and that group, blah’ blah’, you know with
other orgs’ in the area right? If I got to pick and choose, I’d choose to work with
our folks first, off top (pointing back and forth between he and I). Last on my list,
homie, but would be those cats. Cus’ L don’t get it, she’s too far from the work
sometimes…she don’t know what it’s like to be in their office space…the way
they talk to us…especially to our youth?! They always tryna’ run shit. Everything
becomes ‘their project.’”
There was a distinct agitation in Rin’s voice during this section in our interview.
He had become noticeably irritated when describing this story. However, he was not the
only person to show this type of emotional response towards working with majority
White groups. Leila added to Rin’s statements as she said
“How do you expect me to feel? I’m out here organizing every day against the
system, against what it does to our people. Sa aming mga tao! (to our people)
Then I’m expected to not put a face to root of the problem? I’m not saying it’s an
all White problem, nah, that’s not it. Ito ay isang kapitalistang problema (this is a
capitalist problem). But when I walk into those collab meetings with L and KK
(reffering to Lana and Keilani), looking for allies in other orgs’, and they send t
heir CEO’s and shit…and I get that same fuckin’ smug suit and tie look…I can’t
trust it…But I refuse to feel sorry that.”
Through Leila’s sentiments, I was able to see that, for some, the issue of race
collaboration, especially in terms of discussing White people, was often centered within
discussing a past negative event, or historical reference, and then placing that emotion
towards the general White group.
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With other FACOC members there seemed to be a general insecurity for working
with White majority groups because of fear of being treated differently by other FACOC
members. Jacey said
“I’m only here every other week for clinics bro. So I’m barely with other staff.
But you already know (laughing) who doesn’t like them, and who does
(laughing). That’s why I don’t get all buddy buddy with them and shit around
certain people…especially if they’re white females! Cus then you gotta deal with
them making jokes like you ‘sold out’ and shit.”
Like Jacey, Lana had a need to control the perceptions of others through the
collaboration choices she made for both herself and the organization. Lana said
“What does that look like if we just fight for our own the entire time? Are we
helping or hurting ourselves? I ask myself that all the time. Is this partnership
good for us? Is this the wrong move? And I get that some of them (pointing
behind her to the door of the FACOC lobby) don’t want to work with other orgs’
for whatever reason. And I understand where that hurt comes from, trust me I do.
But it’s not about race brother. We have to move past that. This is class division
diba? (right?) White, Black, Chicano, Gay…To me if you’re poor, and you lack
those resources…then we have a lot more in common.”
Even though Boy had a past of separating himself from other groups, he recaps
Lana’s dialogue in different way. He said
“To me if you’re down for my brothers, para sa aming bayan (for our
town)…then you’re good with me homie. I could give a fuck less who you are,
who am I to judge. If we got the same problems, I can vibe wit’ that. I can
connect more with a poor White dude or black dude than I can wit a rich Filipino,
no doubt.”
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This issue of social class dynamics was at the root of many of the statements of
who FACOC member were willing to collaborate with. Torrance said
“I got a different perspective cus’ I was raised in Oakland. I don’t know what it’s
like to grow up here in XTown. But in the Town (referring to Oakland), what we
had in common was the haves and have nots. I was always hanging around kids
who looked different but essentially were part of the same working class
experience…And that still holds for me now, I’m usually always working with
like minded people who usually always have that same type of upbringing.”
EJ added to this by saying
“you already know my story brother. Filipino kids didn’t like me back in the day
(laughing) so I got used to building with other people, from all types of
backgrounds, because of shared interests, or goals, or school projects and stuff.”
For other FACOC members the issue of cross-racial or ethnic collaboration was
only decided by the dynamics of power relationships. Keilani said “If you’re oppressor is
the same is mine, hop on board…I will never turn down an ally.” Taraya adds, “I think
it’s so dope when our brothers link up with us at the rallies. Because they don’t have to
be out there shouting and yelling with us for women’s rights. They see the root of the
issue and defer that power back to us…” In summary, Lana said
“Bottom line, FACOC fights against three things, imperialism, capitalism, and the
exploitation of our land…whoever I have to build with to break those systems
down, I will…for us and the organization.”
Different Types of Filipinos
Another important subset category that came out of the set of interview questions
to address the impacts of colonization was this idea of categorizing different types of
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Filipinos. For many of the FACOC members, Filipinos could be divided up and
distinguished. Immigration status, political beliefs, personal narrative, social class
background, or personal networks most often created these categorical differences in
ethnicity.
Some FACOC members believed that a person’s birthplace was a strong factor in
shaping a certain type of Filipino mindset. Taraya said “It’s just different. How do you
know what home is if you’ve never been? What exactly are you fighting for if you can’t
recall the feeling? People born in the PI have a different perspective than Pinoys born in
the states.” Adding to this, EJ said “It’s a whole different world brother. The struggle is
completely different. A lot of these folks say ‘third world’ when they speak but have no
fuckin’ clue what that actually means.” Jacey adds
“You can’t make no comparison homie. Hindi sinasabi ako ay tunay na Filipino
dahil ako ay ipinanganak doon (I’m not saying I’m a real filipino becauseI was
born there) Or saying that you and Leila or KK (referring to keilani) are fake...
it’s just you and me have a differnent set of memories cousin...my version of
problems wasn’t the same as yours growin up...But, once you touch the states,
you’re a whole different fuckin’ person. And that ain’t good or bad.”
For some FACOC members born in the Philippines, birthplace has had an
important effect on personal relationships with American born Filipinos and their
personal life trajetory. Rin said,
“for the longest time I hated yall (laughing) or people like you because you cus
yall would treat me hella different. And that put me on a whole differnent course
in life homie, you feel me? I wonder that shit all the time G...like...you think I
still woulda been bangin with BN if kids never picked on me? I dont know?...”
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Most FACOC members born in the Philippines asserted that it was American
Filipinos and Americans in general who would point out their difference and they would
often times be ostracized for that difference. Lana said
“They held me back in so many classes because they thought I was stupid. They
barely gave me a chance to prove that I could read, write, and speak in English.
As soon as I got stateside, it seemed like I had this label on me, like ‘Oh she’s
from the Philippines? Well then put her in ESL’ with all other immigrants...And
that’s just how this system...being held back because who I supposedely was
changed my entire career path after highschool.”
This “labeling effect” seemed to have a profound effect on those born in the
Philippines, shaping not only their self concepts but their life path.
For those Filipinos born in America, there seemed to be a reoccuring theme of
“deficit” in their personal narratives. Leila said “I feel like when I’m advocating for
worker’s overseas, and they find out I’m American born, there’s this huge disconnect. I
feel like they’re thinking, ‘why is this girl helping us? She’s American, does she really
get it?” Torrance added to this as he said “I feel like I’m at a loss when I’m working with
the youth. Cus’ first of all, I was born and raised here (reffering to America), second of
all, I’m half Mexican...sometimes they have a hard time believing I can help, it seems
like...I definitely feel that divide.”
For Keilani, there is less of a feeling of deficit but more of a feeling of confusion
about how others see her. She said
“Being born Filipino in Hawaii, a lot of people confuse me for something totally
different when I got to Cali. I used to hear (laughing) no I still hear, ‘Oh so
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you’re Hawaiian? Keilani? What does your name mean?’ (laughing) and then that
wall of difference comes up. So am I that Filipino from Hawaii on the Mainland,
or am I a Hawaiian Filipino, or am I Filipino American? Our people like to make
that distinction? I don’t know if that’s the same for other groups?”
This process of receiving labels from others happened not only because of
immigration but also because of political beliefs. Some FACOC members thought that
they were treated differently by other Filipinos because of the type of political groups
they ascribed to. Taraya said
“Because I’m linked up with all these Filipina orgs’ around the Bay and I’m
always advocating for other women, I’m always faced with that assumption that
I’m a lesbian. And I get that plenty of that from other LGBTQ orgs’ we work
with...like ‘cmon Leila, you gotta support us, you know how it is to be one of
us’...but truth is, I have no idea what that’s like...I’m an ally but that label gets
pushed on me...like I’m supposed to be this Filipina lesbian organizer by default.”
Sometimes these labels created from political alliances bring physical danger to
the FACOC. This can be seen in Lana statement:
“I remember when we took Boy in for his service hours. There were so many
people lookin’ for him at that point in his life, wanting to jump him or
whatever...But we protected him, but to XTown it looked like we were linked up
with RPB...our younger members didn’t feel safe here because they didnt want
that association outside these doors.”
For other members of the defensive group, these political alliances with local
street gangs created yet another definitive category type of Filipino, a more dangerous
type than what most stereotypes about Asian Americans would assume. Rin said
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“to the older generation, the aunties, uncles, whatever...we were always masama
(bad)...mambubutang (gangsters)...but they didn’t get what was going on in
XTown. They didn’t see that the Filipino kids was divided homie. The ‘flips,’
‘fobs,’ RPB, BN, TGR, CPG, hood Filipinos like me had some real beef with the
American Filipino cliques... all them fake hood cats like them 6th Street kids
(laughing)...(long pause)...and you still see that shit today with our young ones
homie, they inherited that drama, and I feel sorry that the shit keeps on like t
hat..and then theres some other Filipino brothas that never have to see that kind of
shit, and they lucky, but...you gotta know we divided out there on those street.”
This perceived division, and type casting within groups becomes highly prevalent
when social class factors like income and education get brought into conversation. Boy
said:
“They’ve never made me like I was stupid or nothin, but girls like L and KK
(referring to Lana and Keilani), they’re in a differnt world homie...They’re hella
smart, they got college in em’, degrees and all that shit...they’re those ‘educated
Filipino’ girls G (laughing)...they kinda stick to their own.”
EJ added:
“There’s this definite snobbery out there, especially in academia bro, you know
that. Like once we get all this knowledge it changes us or something? Or maybe how
thats how other people see us? And I seen that with some people too, they just feed off
their ego...I try to break that barrier between my students and I at all costs.”
On the opposite side of this Jacey asserted:
“A lot of people don’t think I’m a nurse when they see me on the street. I don’t
blame em, I’m tatted up, shaved head, brown, Filipino. Shit, they look scared
sometimes (laughing)...but as soon as I walk up in those scrubs with that hospital
ID on, their whole shit changes, especially with the aunties and uncles (referring
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to older generations)...like I’m a differnt type of Filipino now...its like they didn’t
know I was capable of some shit like that.”
The last categorical division mentioned from FACOC members was brought out
with labeling of who was “down“ or not. In popular use today, the term down or being
down is most usually translated within the context of having the ability to understand or
act with a deeper level of consciousness or commitment to a certain topic at hand. For
FACOC members this term separated more “community minded” Filipinos from those
who acted more individualistically.
For example Torrance said “That’s why I linked up with KK (referring to Keilani)
and her team because I knew they were down for the youth. Alotta’ orgs’ say they are on
paper but when it comes down to it, they aren’t.” Leila reiterates this point saying “I can
tell who’s down from the way they act around our organization...If I bring up anything
that has to do with getting out on that street to put in real work for our community, I see
who shows up, and who just fronts...Plenty of fake Filipinos out there (laughing).”
This idea of authenticity through action is brought out in Taraya’s statement, “I
get that organizing isn’t for everyone, but don’t tell me you’re all about being Filipino,
and when it comes time to kick out pennies for typhoon victims, you’re nowhere to be
found. That’s fake to me, you weren’t down from the start.” Rin make this point even
more clear by saying
“It’s the one’s with the traditional tats and the Pinoy power shirts and the fuckin
Pacquaio worshipers that irk me and shit...(laughing) cus that’s all they know
about our culture is fuckin Lumpia and Adobo and wearing our flag on a T
Shirt...then I ask them what they know about our history, or what they do for our
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community...and they ain’t got shit to say...they ain’t down for shit...that’s fake to
me G.”
This perceived division because of “authenticity” in identity seemed to be a strong
factor in controlling social group dynamics with interviewees. One’s authenticity worked
as a type of resume, in this way “commitment” to the Filipino community could be
measured and judged by members of the FACOC.
Societal Influences
Inside of the theme of societal influences there were three main social institutions
that were most predominately discussed. These three social institutions were 1) elders &
parents 2) friends and 3) work.
The degree in which these institutions affected each individual varied. However,
all nine FACOC members cited all three of these institutions as having a notable impact
on their world views, self concepts, culture, language, political affiliations, and general
psychological well being.
Elders & Parents
For many of the FACOC interviewees, the idea of an average household structure
was a far cry from the American cliché statistic of husband, wife, 2 kids, and a dog. For
most respondents, being a part of multi-generational household was the normative
experience. For a large majority, households were ran by single mothers. However these
single mothers were supported by a complex system of grandparents, aunties, uncles, and
older cousins. Each separate family system held different power structures but for nearly
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all respondents, the oldest member of the house usually became the patriarch or
matriarch. For example, Lana said
“I came here with my mom, but we moved into her parent’s house here in the
states. My Lolo and Lola (grandparents) petitioned us over so we stayed with
them. But my mom became like my sister, because we both were under my
Lolo’s roof...It didn’t matter if she paid all the bills, those were her parents, and
that was their house.”
For Jacey, the experience is quite similar. He said “We came over to my auntie’s
house in XTown...me, moms, my kuyas (older brothers) and my Lola...There were hella
of us in there (laughs) but no matter what, Lola was the boss...of everybody (laughing).”
This respect for age, power deference, and general acknowledgement of power
related to generational position was a recurring theme throughout most FACOC
interviews.
Jacey adds “Thats a huge part of being Filipino bro, you know that. Shit,
you get cussed out for not blessing all the old folks when you walk into someone’s
house.” This “blessing” Jacey refers to is process called mano.
To Mano requires a variation of a four or five step process: first, the younger
person greets the elder and bows their head slightly. Second, the younger person asks the
elder for their hand usually by offering their hand first with their palm upwards with their
head still bowed. Third, the elder acknowledges the younger person by placing their
hand palm down into the younger person’s hand. Fourth, the young person, head still
bowed, takes the elders hand in theirs, then raises the elder’s hand towards their own
head, and presses the back of the elder’s hand onto their own forehead. Usually after this
point, the elder well say something to confer the blessing on the young person or will end
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the process with some variation of a hug or kiss on the cheek. This process changes
dependent upon the combination of genders of both the elder and young person. The
complex process of the Mano exemplifys the power relationships between younger and
older generations of Filipinos.
The complexities of simple actions that dealt with respect were referenced by
some FACOC members as being integral parts of being Filipino. Torrance said
“It’s something as simple as taking your shoes off before you walk in someone’s
house to show respect. I remember my mom would always make my friends take
their shoes off. It didn’t matter whether my friends were Filipino or not, they just
knew (laughing) My mom did not play (laughing) And I had some big friends
too, so we had size 14’s, and 15’s in front of that door (laughing) They all did the
same thing though, took off those shoes, ran up to my mom, said “Hi Auntie!”
and she gave them a kiss on the cheek.”
Interestingly, nearly identical stories were referenced by Boy, Leila, Taraya, EJ,
and Keilani.
This respect for generational position and household ownership became the root
of most cultural teachings with FACOC members. Boy said “even though moms wasn’t
around a lot as a kid, I still listened no matter what...” Jacey adds “It don’t matter what
my Lola said, she coulda told me to slap myself (laughing) I would have done it.” In
addition Rin said “you kind of just assume they’re right all the time, like that’s how I’m
supposed to act or be when I get older.” Discussing the example of following her elders
Taraya said “I just thought that’s what being Filipino meant, you had to be down for the
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cause...my parents, well my dad really, never really directly told me that, but he was just
always involved with the people...so I thought that’s what I had to do.”
This sense of purpose shaped by elders and parental influence could be seen in
Keilani’s story:
“I remember my mom Lolo used to walk in from working the fields...smelling like
sun and sweat...I’d run up to him and he’d kiss me on the forehead...and the first
thing he’d say...everytime...(long pause)...(tearing)...saan ay ang iyong araling
mo KK? (where is your homework KK?)...and I’d hand it to him, and I knew he
couldn’t read it...(crying)...he’d glance it over, and say magaling! (good
job)...(crying)...then he’d pat me on the head and say ‘mayroon kang mag-aral
(you have to study), you don’t wanna work like Papa’...And that stuck with me, t
hroughout elementary, high school, college, now...”
This push for education from older generations was another common theme
throughout the interviews. “I was definitely that nerdy kid in highschool” Leila said.
Jacey said “I don’t know if its a Filipino thing to be hella into school. But from the
moment I got into college my mom was always like ‘you’re taking nursing right babe?’
(laughing) It’s like our destiny or some shit (laughing).” Lana adds “its always books
first, everything else came secondary.” Adding another perspective Torrance said “I
don’t think it’s a Filipino thing to push education brother. Cus my dad put that on me
too...I think that’s what people of color do brotha’...education as a way out, you know?”
Torrance’s ideas about social mobility were referenced by other FACOC member
as a point of guilt placed on them by most elders and parental figures. Boy said “My
Lola was always saying something like ‘you’re so lucky to be here you have to make
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something of yourself’ huwag mo itong sayangin Boy! (Don’t waste it Boy).” Lana
added
“That was a big part of being Filipino for me because I saw it in my mom.
Having a good job and spreading that wealth. She’d always be sending back
money to the PI. And I wanted to do that too, I wanted to make enough money to
send some back. She never explicitly told me too, but I just felt like it was my
responsibility to be sending something, anything back home.”
This indirect form of teaching happened for other FACOC members also.
However, for some, the indirect actions of parents had very negative consequences. For
example, EJ said
“To be real with you cousin...I learned to hate myself because of my them...(long
pause)...I don’t know what they were trying to accomplish, white washing me the
way they did. They deprived me of everything that had to do with our culture,
especially our language. Maybe that wasn’t their intention, but they chose,
everyday...to play that role bro, that leave it to beaver shit...I didnt know who I
was supposed to be for the longest time.”
This similar narrative of confusion with parental interaction can be felt in Rin’s
story:
“I remember I used to come home crying cus’ I was fed up with livin’ in the s
tates. I’d spend the whole day hidin out in the library duckin classes cus I didn’t
wanna get teased and shit. And I’d tell my mom that I tried to ask my teachers for
help and she’d be pissed... huwag humingi ng tulong mula sa kanila! (don’t ask
for help from them!)...And I’d be hella confused...like if I can’t ask my mom for
help, or my teachers, what the fuck am I supposed to do?”
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I later asked Rin what he thought the point was in keeping silence with teachers
and he said “She was proud homie, even more than me...She didn’t want me to be weak I
guess? hindi iyon ang aming mga tao (that’s not our people).”
Friends
For many of the FACOC respondents, friendship circles became large social
institutions which taught culture and served several specific roles dependent on the
individual. These friendships often taught cultural and life lessons that other social
institutions could not.
For members of the Defensive Group, friendships seemed to serve a very common
purpose: a sense of belonging, status, and protection. “My brothers saved me G. I really
don’t think I woulda’ made it through high school without them dudes” said Rin. He
went on to say “I didn’t want to be me, until I met them...like it wasn’t okay to have an
accent or be Filipino til’ those dude came along...cus on some real...it wasn’t okay, other
kids hated on me for being a Fob...” The identity validation that comes from having a
support network like a gang is mentioned with Boy’s story: “I felt like I could do
anything I wanted if they were behind me...and not on some criminal shit either, I mean
just being able to act how I wanted, wild, loud, whatever but carefree.” The ability to not
worry about judgement from peers was also cited in Jacey’s words as he said
“I hung around my brother’s clique cus’ they knew who I was, I didn’t have to
prove anything to them...I could do Tag-lish or Tagalog, switch it up hood, and
they understood that shit. They just felt me on different level homie.”
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This mention of language use with friendship circles in Jacey’s statement is
something that was brought up in stories from other FACOC members. Lana said
“There came a point where I felt like I couldn’t or shouldn’t speak Tagalog
because it was holding me back...in school, or college, or whatever...so I would
never use it on campus...but when my friends and I met up after school, sa
tindahan o sa library (at the store or at the library), or whatever, i pakiramdam
tulad ng gusto i alisan ng bala lang sa kanila (i felt like I would just unload on
them)...they made it okay to do that...and you know how girls are (laughing) we’d
talk forever.”
The ability to practice speaking in a native language with friends was very
important for many of the FACOC members. Jacey said
“For a second, I almost lost it entirely around my senior year, cus I was hangin’
around a different crowd...Plus I’d already been in the states for hella long... I was
forgetting that shit...so I used to crank call the homies on payphones back then
and just talk shit in Tagalog, and they’d crack up (laughing)...but it kept it on my
tongue.”
Torrance noted language practice as a way to make friends in some instances.
“A lot of the girls in my highschool knew I was mixed, so I used to play that
whole naive role a lot (laughing). I used to walk to up to the Filipino girls and be
like ‘do you know how to say this or that, or am I saying it right?’ And that would
be my move (laughing)”
Later, Torrance added “Just the ability to do that do though, made me feel like I
was ‘in’ like they accepted me...and that was important.” This need to be accepted by
other Filipinos people was shared by many others in the FACOC. In addition, the need to
have Filipino friendships was also important to many in the FACOC. For example Leila
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said “It’s a differnt type of relationship when someone gets you on a cultural level. It’s
like you share the same inside jokes (laughing).” Keilani explains this point further as
she said “My Filipino friends just get it...cus’ most of us were raised the same way ...And
its even more fun when it’s all girls because we connect on a whole other level...But
besides that, it’s the fact that we’re sharing that experience of just being...being who we
are, you know?”
Work
The category of work is also a shared theme within FACOC worker interviews.
Most note the FACOC as one of the strongest sources of social influence because of the
time spent inside everyday. This institution serves many purposes other than just
employment, in most cases it causes some validation of identity concepts and
reinvigorates the life purpose of many individuals.
“For me, I get to put it all into practice...all that knowledge, all the emotion, all
my history...I get to actualize that through my work and that’s important” said Keilani.
“It’s like all that training in college and school...in life...or at home...it all gets used here,
and the best part is, I’m giving it all back, you know?” said EJ. This idea of using work
as a conduit for accessing personal education and history is shared with many other
FACOC members also. Rin said “All that drama from back in the day...bangin’ in
XTown, getting locked up, all that shit...that’s all part of my resume here, and the young
ones connect with that homie...and they listen.” Following up with Rin’s statement, I
asked him “So was it all worth it then? All that you went through?” and after a long pause
he responded “To save one of them kids from the same shit? Fuck yeah. Those are all
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my little brothers.” This sense of reponsibility for fellow Filipinos, espcially Filipino
youth was seen throughout many other responses.
“It reminds me that my hearts is in the right place” said Leila. In response, I
asked Leila, “and where exactly is that?” and she responded “with the people.” Short
meaningful utterances like these were common throughout the FACOC interviews in
reference to their feelings about work. For example, Torrance mentioned, “Everyday I
come here, I know I’m doing the right thing.” Similarly Lana said “I’m reminded of who
I am everyday I walk through those doors...and every small win we get here, let’s me
know we’re doing something right.”
The idea of the “right” type of work is something that FACOC members
continued to reference throughout their interviews. I asked many of the interviewees
whether it was the service they provided or population they were serving that made them
feel that way. 7 of 9 FACOC members said it was the population. Taraya clarified this
by saying “It means more when you know you’re helping out your family...and that’s
how I feel about them.” Lana further demonstrates this same idea saying “there’s a
connection there, sa aming roots (in our roots)...knowing that I’m building with my
brothers and sisters solidifies who I am...my culture and my values.”
Summary
After a critical analysis of the data taken from interview transcriptions, I was able
to produce 3 broad themes: 1) Motivations 2) Impacts of Colonization and 3) Social
Influences. Within each of these themes I was able to formulate several subtopics that
provided diverse answers to my research question: How does the ethnic identity
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development process of Filipino Americans influence their involvement in ethnic minority
peer groups?
Within the discussion of motivations for joining the FACOC four smaller themes
emerged 1) developing community and offering protection 2) the calling 3) securing an
identity and 4) serving the youth. For many FACOC respondents, this idea of developing
a Filipino centered space was highly prevalent. The yearning to develop a centralized
location that had a very high cultural identity was important. In addition, many of the
interviewees cited separate reasons for being part of the organization, some spiritual,
some familial ties, and some answering to favors for job opportunities. Also,
interviewees found that their relationship with the FACOC served in reifying past
identities, inventing new identities, and developing goals to attain future ambition based
identities. Lastly, an overall motivation for most was a desire to affect the overall
Filipino youth population with their service.
Inside of the discussion of the impacts of colonization, there were three
subcategories: 1) a spectrum of identities 2) distrust of other groups and 3) different types
of Filipinos. This section on the impacts of colonization brought forward the most
emotional response from respondents. This section highlighted this idea of a spectrum of
life experiences that dealt with the Filipino identity. It also illustrated a general
weariness with some interviewees in dealing with other racial groups especially White
majorities. Lastly, it displayed the many different variations of Filipino archetypes they
thought existed. These archetypes were created through a multitude of ways, some of
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which included immigration, education, income, political affiliations, and individual
purpose.
The last theme social influences contained three subcategories which included 1)
elders and parents 2) friends and 3) work. Interview data showed that a person’s respect
for intergenerational positioning and age were strong factors in how they received and
interpreted culture. In addition, social networks and friendship circles served as vehicles
for validating positive self-concepts and were highly associated with preserving cultural
identities. Lastly, for most, the FACOC served as a location that offered more than just a
place to work, it influenced individual life paths and personal purpose more than any
other social influence discussed.
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Chapter 5: RESULTS
The following chapter will highlight the connections between what was
discovered through the data and was provided in the literature review. Furthermore, it
discusses the limitations of my research, and emphasizes the need for further study.
The data helped to provide answers to the question: How does the ethnic identity
development process of Filipino Americans influence their involvement in ethnic minority
peer groups? The data produced from these interviews offered critical insights into the
complex ethnic identity development processes of Filipinos and Filipino Americans. In
addition, the data showed how colonization has affected the mental processes of
populations of both domestic and overseas born Filipinos, and lastly, how major social
institutions such as family, friends, and occupation act as proponents in shaping life
outcomes and personal identities.
Ulitimately, the data worked to validate what was been presented by some of the
authors cited in this research from the fields of Child Development, Ethnic Studies,
Sociology, and Social Psychology in regards to Filipino Identity processess, same
ethnicity peer group dynamics, and trauma caused by colonization and immigration.
The work of DuBois (1903) which proposed the idea of marginalized groups
having dual identities was highly relevant with this specific population. The process of
immigration seeemed to heighten this splintering of individual idenities. Interestingly,
the data also suggested that the variable of gender further confounded dysfunctions with
the identity process. FACOC respondents who immigrated from the Philippines seemed
to suffer from trying to alter their personal identity to fit into American society.
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Surprisingly, this pressure to change came most predominately from American born
Filipinos, a finding which supports the work of David and Ozaki (2006).
This idea of “difference as deficit” showed itself throughout the dialogue with
interviewees. The data showed that most interviewees cited their perceived language
deficiences and accents as the main cause of interpersonal problems, confrontations,
obstacles in education, psychological distress, and in some instances self-hate.
David and Ozaki (2006) proposed that this self hate was the product of nearly 400
years of colonization. Within the research, the data suggested that much of this self hate
stemmed from Filipino vs Filipino interactions. This was especially seen in interviews
taken with members of the Defensive Group. More specifically, these findings support
prior research about “assumed heiarchies” between Filipino groups, with Filipino
Americans placing themselves over Filipino immigrants (Breshnahan 1979; David and
Ozaki 2006; David and Ozaki 2010;l Felipe 2010; Ferrera 2011; Tuason et al. 2007).
Pulido (2007) cites this imposing of a racial hierarchy as key consequence of not only
colonization but the institution of racism in America; no matter what, the system has been
created in such a way that Whites are the top, while racial and ethnic minorities fight
against each other for positioning below them. Filipino Americans who interacted with
members of the Defensive Group, imposed a specific type of social dominance over the
them. American born Filipinos, in this specific example, enforced a strict cultural code of
assimilation onto the Defensive Group. They imposed sanctions for lack of English
language proficiency, they ostracized new immigrants, and they attempted to force and
immediate change of their Filipino immigrant identities. American born Filipinos saw
86
the Defensive Group’s mastery of the indigenous language as a social stigma. This
stigma made them targets for both verbal and physical violence. In this instance, the
process of colonization was so extremely effective that it became the norm for Filipino
Americans to force the loss of indigenous language on new immigrants. Furthermore,
this manufacturing of difference ties back to Said’s (1970) notions of in-group
orientalism; the colonized mindset was adopted so drastically by American born Filipinos
that they imposed cultural codes born from racist White American supremacy, thus
making them orientalists themselves.
In multiple cases, the data showed that being “overly Filipino” through language,
or showing identity through heavy accents (specifically in the setting of the school
institution) brought forward very negative, sometimes life threatening interactions.
Finding a way to overcome this negativity manifested itself in the Defensive Groups
choice to join gangs. Seeking protection and support through gangs came as a result of
identity problems caused by outgroup conflict. These findings support previous research
from Alysabar (1999) which stated that young adolescents and teens turned to gangs for
validation and support in times in times of isolation and conflict. This newfound safety
and valued idenitity membership that the Defensive Group found in gangs showed a
strong association with the work of House and Mortimer (1990) and their research
concerning social environments.
The data showed that some immediate proximal environments controlled the
value of not only the Filipino indigenous language but the Filipino person as a whole.
Specifically in school, showing Filipino culture through language was stigmatized and
87
devalued. However, when indigenous language was used outside of the school in
environments with same-ethnicity peer groups like gangs, or friendship circles, the value
changed. Similarily when focusing on the whole individual, the same can be seen with
the story of Boy. In the community, Boy’s petty crimes and misdemeanors made him a
devalued member of society, but upon entering the FACOC building, his personal worth
and value raised. The FACOC hub acted as a proxmial environment which raised the
cultural value of Filipinos and Filipino Americans and seemingly raised the amount of
positive psychological impact and human agency for those who entered
The physical building of the FACOC and the work that happened inside, proved
to be a social institution that stablized, strengthened, and raised the value of the Filipino
cultural identity. The data showed that the FACOC building itself, acted as a network
hub for Filipino community members to find and join same-ethnicity peer groups.
Within the confines of this building, and within the organization work, Filipino culture
was highly valued. These findings validate the previous research of McLeod and Lively
(2003) which asserted that physical and social locations have the ability to alter the
values of culture and cultural interactions . The building promoted interaction between
Filipinos of diverse nationality, immigration status, education, gender, income, and
family background. This cultural space worked to curb negative Filipino vs. Filipino
American interactions which stemmed from colonization. In addition, the FACOC
building promoted same-ethnicity peer group interactions which would not be possbile in
other social environments. However, the physical space and location of the building
88
alone was not at the root of the interviewees choice to involve themselves in ethnic peer
groups that were housed at the FACOC.
The data taken from the three same-ethnicity peer groups: The Defensive Group,
the Social Movement Group, and the Inter-Ethnic Solidarity Equalization Group suggests
that there were a multitude of reasons which influenced their membership. Some of these
reasons stemmed from a variety of places like: individual self concepts, identity issues,
connections or disconnections to family, the process of immigration, political
motivations, and having a shared cultural purpose with a large group.
When looking at the data entirely, being inclusive of all the themes that were
discovered, the overarching theme throughout the data showed that moments of conflict
and power relations is what created impactful life events and transformative moments for
those interviewed. In conjunction with Phinney’s (1993) findings, conflict, no matter
how small or overlooked seem to be catalysts for how these nine individuals moved
throughout their life experiences. Conflict and power relations seem to drive all the
major themes throughout this research. Whether discussing the destruction of Filipino
land, and exploitation of its people both domestic and abroad, the forced diaspora of
millions of Filipinos globally, the 400 years of forced colonization, the racism both
experienced or internalized, or the revolutionary mindset needed to combat all of this,
conflict and power relations are at the root.
Limitations
This research studied the narratives of nine Filipino people living in a
metropolitan city in Northern California. These nine people represented three different
89
types of peer groups. Because of the small sample and precise location of the research,
this research may not be generalizable to larger population. The organization which
houses these nine people is a rarity in itself, it would be hard to identify another
organization with the same vision, mission, and goals. Attempting to replicate this study,
with the similar variables, in a different location, could prove difficult.
Aside from the generalizability, participants were speaking as representatives of
the same ethnicity peer group in which they believed they were a part of. Their
motivations or decisions to choose to present themselves in a certain way may have been
driven by how they self-categorized at the beginning of the research. Ultimately, this
process of self labeling may have had some affect on their approach to answering
interview questions.
Also, this research discussed personal issues that addressed stories of personal
trauma. In these instances of recalling traumatic events, individuals could have skewed
perceptions based on how their emotions dictated their memory. It is not uncommon for
individuals with trauma to forget or overhighlight certain events within a particular
traumatic moment.
Lastly, my past working relationship with these individuals may have caused
some censorship in recalling past events. The fear of being outed or judged by
acquaintance for any reason may have altered what they chose to share.
Suggestions for Future Research
This research showed the complexities of the ethnic identity process. In addition,
it highlighted the damaging effects of colonization for both foreign and domestic
90
Filipinos. Moreover it offered reasoning as to why Filipinos choose membership in
certain ethnic peer groups.
The data’s support of previous research posed by David and Ozaki (2006) is
highly important. The impacts of colonization proved to be highly significant to this
research group. However, some intracasies of verbal communication between Filipino
group members may have been underresearched by David and Ozaki (2006).
The data
served as evidence that colonization has had detrimental impacts on the interpersonal
interactions between Filipino people. The subtelties of interpersonal communication
between in-group members may prove to be important for future research. Topics like
language use, language denial, or language loss, would give further insight into the
Filipino colonization process.
In addition to colonization, the data showed a need for further research in
immigration studies as a source for shaping personal identity. The process of changing
nationality, assuming foreign social traits, and adopting new cultural norms, played a
significant role in the lives of many of the individuals in this study. Interviewees showed
significant change in mental health after immigration. It would be impactful to create a
longitudinal study which examined how the process of immigration affects individual self
concepts, psychology, and physical health.
Lastly, using this theme of immigration, future research could compare how other
marginalized groups experience this process in comparison to Filipinos. It would prove
useful to examine other ethnicities who have the same history as Filipinos in regards to
their past colonization with both the United States and Spain. Ethnic groups like
91
Mexicans, Afro-Carribbeans, and Indigenous Americans, would be an important
comparative groups because of their distinct relations with American and Spanish
imperialism and colonization practices. In this way, the research could affect many
diverse communities on a global level.
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APPENDIX A
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Motivations:
1. Why did you join this organization?
2. Is there something you hope to gain from being a member?
3. How does being Filipino affect your reasoning for being a member?
4. Do the goals of this organization align with your own?
5. 20 years from now, where do you hope you and organization will be?
6. How does living here in San Francisco affect your choice to be a part of this
organization?
Colonized Attitudes
1. How do you feel about being Filipino?
2. Have there ever been situations which have made it hard to be Filipino?
3. Is there a difference between Filipinos and Filipino Americans? If so, what?
4. Could you say that the goals of this organization are representative of what all
Filipinos need?
5. If you weren’t Filipino would you have still been a member of this organization?
6. Is it easier to work with people outside of the Filipino ethnicity in regards to
social movements?
Social influence:
1. Have your parents ever talked to you about being Filipino?
2. Where did you learn about the issues concerning Filipinos?
3. Have your parents or family affected the way you view Filipino issues?
4. Do you and your parents have any similar or different views about social
organizations?
5. Do you, or will you share this organization with your kids? Would you let them
be a part? Is it even important?
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APPENDIX B
INFORMED CONSENT FORM
You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Mark A. Carnero
[the principle investigator (PI)], a graduate student in the Sociology Department at
Sacramento State University. This study has 3 specific goals: 1) examine how the ethnic
identity development process for Filipino Americans influences their involvement in
ethnic-peer groups, 2) identify which social structures and institutions which foster or
prohibit the ethnic identity development of Filipino Americans, and 3) theorize how the
process of both physical and psychological abuse affects the types of ethnic-peer groups
Filipino American gain membership to. This study examines three specific peer groups:
defensive groups, social movement groups, and inter-ethnic equalization coalition
groups. Through in-depth interviews of members from each of these groups, the study
provides reasoning for individual membership, sustained involvement, and how
involvement began. In contributing to pre-existing research, this study helps to cross
examine the impacts of social and institutional racism, colonization, and ethnic identity
development on Filipino American lives. Understanding how these intersections affect
ethnic-peer group membership is critical in examining the Filipino American experience.
The purpose of this study is to investigate Filipino American experiences
specifically in the (REMOVED TO HIDE LOCATION) . Specifically, I am researching
volunteers of the (REMOVED TO HIDE LOCATION), their social and physical
structures surrounding the (REMOVED TO HIDE LOCATION), and their relationships
with other Filipinos and Filipino Americans in (REMOVED TO HIDE LOCATION).
This organization is the hub for this specific research because of the strong and positive
involvement the organization has the with Filipino Community in (REMOVED TO
HIDE LOCATION).
If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will be asked questions about the
following topics: demographic background, feelings about your ethnic identity, and
personal experiences with race and racism. The interview will take place at any time and
location decided on between you and me. The interview(s) will take about an hour. Also,
the interview session will recorded to accurately capture all your statements.
Personal questions I will ask during the interview may lead to some minimal
discomfort. If any form of discomfort does arise, you are provided with a 24 hour contact
referral to local counseling services that will be free of charge to you. You can directly
call (REMOVED TO HIDE LOCATION) for 24 hour free services through the
Community Behavioral Health Services of (REMOVED TO HIDE LOCATION) to
speak with mental health clinicians directly. This number can also be used to schedule an
appointment with a mental health clinician for a later date. Please know that you may
refuse to answer any question or discontinue your participation at any time if you feel
uncomfortable. Also, please be aware that there will not be monetary or any other
compensation provided for you to participate in this research. Nor will there any financial
94
obligations or burdens placed on the participants. You have the right to refuse
participation in this research study at any time.
If you decide to participate you can discontinue your participation at any time
without any penalty or loss of benefits; ie. there will be no loss of membership to
organization. If you do wish to discontinue your participation, you have the option to tell
me directly during the interview process or tell me after an optional final review of
transcripts from the interview, or if you feel uncomfortable telling me in person, you are
free to call me on the phone or email to end your participation.
I will not release ANY identifiable information about you, your participation in
this study, or your organization. To ensure confidentiality to the participants, in any
presentations, publications, or thesis, I will only refer to the location and the organization
as a “Filipino American Organization in Northern CA” to protect the privacy and
confidentiality of respondents and their affiliated institution. The organization’s name
will not be used, and pseudonym will be used. Your name will not be included on any
data, and pseudonyms will be in place for your identity as well as organization
affiliations or group names. I will not release any leading information about your
background or personal traits that may be identifiable. Upon request, you will have the
right to review any personal information you have given. To request a review of
information, please contact me through the phone number or email I have provided on the
next page of this consent form. A transcript of the interview will be given to you upon
that request, and if you do not wish to disclose selected information on that transcript I
will erase those specific sections, and give you a revised transcript will be used only with
your final approval. Written notes and recordings of your responses to the open-ended
and demographic questionnaires will be kept until data analyses are completed. There
will be limited access to these documents and will only be used for scientific purposes.
Personal information, research data, and related records will be stored in a secured
location.
Your participation in this research is VOLUNTARY. If you decide to participate, you
are free to withdraw your consent and discontinue participation at any time without
prejudice or penalty. Also, the investigator may withdraw you from participating in the
research if circumstances arise which warrants doing so. If you decide to withdraw for
any reason, any and all of the data you have provided will be removed completely and
will not be included in any final analysis.
The dissemination of the study findings will not include any information that
could be used to re-identify you or anyone who chooses to participate in this study.
You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have any questions regarding your rights as a
research subject, you may contact: Sacramento State University Human Subjects
Committee office or visit the CPHS Website:
http://www.csus.edu/research/humansubjects/index.htm You may also contact Leah
Vargas at (***)***-**** for all issues concerning research related activities, participant
rights, and research compliance.
The Principle Investigator: Mark Carnero: (***)***-*** and ******@******
95
The Investigator’s Advisor: Manuel Barajas: (***)***-**** and *****@*****
I have read (or someone has read to me) the information provided above. I have been
given an opportunity to ask questions, and all of my questions have been answered to my
satisfaction. I have been given a copy of the informed consent form.
BY SIGNING THIS FORM, I WILLINGLY AGREE TO PARTICIPATE IN THIS
RESEARCH.
Print Name
__________________________________________________
Date___________________
Signature
__________________________________________________
Date___________________
I authorize the recorded interview session:
_______________________________________
Time, date, and
location:_______________________________________________________
96
APPENDIX C
The Organization
Vision, Mission, Goals
Vision:
•
We stand for paninindigan, where social, cultural, political and economic
rights are respected; where relationships are based on equality; and where people
actively work for a just society.
•
We believe in pakikipagkapwa and diversity, where people from different
cultures treat each other with respect; and where individuals can realize their full
human potential regardless of age, race, religion, nationality, color, gender and
sexual orientation.
•
We believe in bayanihan, where people know their neighbors and work
collectively in building strong communities.
•
We believe in pakikibaka and self-determination, so that all people have
decision making power in their lives, in the community in which they live and
work, and in the larger society.
Mission:
•
To provide a safe space where Filipino families can access services, meet,
and hold activities.
•
To improve our collective capacity to address our immediate and long
term needs, with a commitment to the low-income and underserved, through
organizing, advocacy, and service.
•
To deepen our understanding of our history and culture as Filipinos and
heighten our consciousness of our civil and human rights.
•
To build civic participation and grassroots leadership, and to strengthen
our commitment and responsibility to each other, our community, and the larger
society.
Goals:
•
To build a community center that serves as a hub for community
gatherings, resources, and organizing, and raises the visibility of the Filipino
community.
•
To study and document the social conditions, problems, and issues facing
our community so that we may collectively and consciously address our common
needs, and advance our rights and well-being as a community.
•
To assist immigrants and low-income Filipinos to access services and
resources, to know their rights, and to enhance their capacity to assert their rights
through citizenship and other civic participation;
97
•
To support the empowerment of women and young girls to address their
particular needs and concerns, and to ensure that they have equal access to
resources and opportunities for advancing their rights and well-being, and their
development as leaders in our community;
•
To ensure that Filipino children and youth have increased access to quality
education, opportunities, and other necessary resources and support to realize
their full potential and to become active and responsible members and leaders of
the community;
•
To ensure that Filipino individuals, seniors and families have increased
access to social services to address their basic needs, such as affordable childcare, healthcare, housing, nutrition, and recreational activities, as well as
opportunities for decent livelihood and economic independence;
•
To support the development and sustainability of Filipino small businesses
so that they may provide opportunities for economic self-sufficiency and decent
livelihood, and contribute to the social, economic, and cultural vitality of our
neighborhoods;
•
To organize and mobilize our community along issues and sectors in order
to build our capacity to address our specific needs, as well as to address the
concerns we share in common with others in our diverse community;
•
To foster a deeper understanding of the Filipino diaspora, history, cultural
roots and identity; and to strengthen unity with our diverse neighbors and within
our own community.
•
To develop partnerships and build alliances in order to provide resources
for the Filipino community and organize around common issues.
98
WORK CITED
Adams, Gregory, Richard Tessler and Gail Gamache. 2005. “The Development of Ethnic
Identity Among Chinese Adoptees: Paradoxical Effects of School Diversity.”
Adoption Quarterly 8(3):25-46.
Alsaybar, Bangele D. 1999. “Deconstructing Deviance: Filipino American Youth Gangs,
“Party Culture,” and Ethnic Identity in Los Angeles.” Amerasia Journal
25(1):117-138
Atkinson, D. Morten, and Sue D. 1993. Counseling American Minorities. Brown and
Benchmark. Dubuque, IA.
Beeman, Angie K. 2010. Grassroots Organizing and ‘Post-Civil Rights’ Racism: The
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