Skaaning (2009b)

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Measuring the Rule of Law
Svend-Erik Skaaning, Assistant Professor, PhD
Department of Political Science,
University of Aarhus, Denmark
skaaning@ps.au.dk
1
Measuring the Rule of Law
Abstract
This article offers a comparative review of seven rule of law measures. The assessment
demonstrates that the differences are not only a question of form, but also of
appropriateness. The shortcomings are, among others, restrictions in scope and availability
of disaggregate data, insufficient codebooks, and unjustified aggregation procedures.
Moreover, the indices tap into two different if related dimensions: quality of the legal
system and societal order. Finally, statistical analyses show that if different indices are
employed, the results change significantly. These findings suggest that more precaution is
required in the development and employment of rule of law measures.
Keywords: rule of law; measurement; dataset assessment
2
Introduction
Since the end of the Cold War, efforts to advance the rule of law have accompanied democracy
promotion for both personal security reasons and to support political and economic development.
Governance reform programs initiated by international financial institutions and national aid
agencies have emphasized rule of law as a key component for human welfare, stability, and growth
(Haggard et al. 2008, 206; Carothers 1998; 2006). Naturally, the issue has also received significant
attention in social scientific research, and many scholars have turned to quantitative rule of law
measures to facilitate their studies (e.g. Andrews and Montinola 2004; Apodaca 2004; Barro 1997;
2000; Joireman 2001; 2004; Rigobon and Rodrick 2005).
The development of governance indicators advances our ability to monitor differences and
changes in the quality of government across space and time. However, while rule of law violations
around the world underline the existence of human rights problems, the creation of good measures
is not straightforward. Such efforts only signify a step forward if the development is followed by
careful attention to the value of the data in terms of their reliability, validity, and equivalence.
However, in contrast to the measurement of democracy (cf. Bollen 1993; Bollen and Paxton 2000;
Hadenius and Teorell 2005; Lauth 2004; Munck and Verkuilen 2002), no one has yet stepped back
and systematically taken stock of the conceptualization and operationalization of the different rule
of law indices framing such analyses. The present article addresses this neglected issue and
provides a comparative review of seven up-to-date indices (see table 1 below) that reflect,
according to their users and generators, the de facto level of rule of law in many different
countries.1
The measures are provided by five organizations. The first is made available by the private
operating Bertelsmann Foundation2 (BF). The work of the German foundation is funded mainly by
income earned from its shares in the media corporation Bertelsmann AG. Its rule of law measure is
part of a larger dataset, which is compiled to investigate the level and conditions of – and to
advance – constitutional democracy combined with a socially responsible market economy.
Similarly, Freedom House3 (FH) explicitly supports the expansion of freedom in the world.
Freedom House4 is an independent nongovernmental organization with headquarters in
Washington, D.C. It relies on grants and donations from private organizations and government
agencies, first and foremost the US State Department, and is responsible for no less than three of the
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indices linked to three different projects, namely Freedom in the World (FW), Countries at the
Crossroads (CC), and Nations in Transit (NT).
Global Integrity5 (GI) is another independent, non-profit organization placed in Washington,
D.C. It is financed by a diverse mix of charitable foundations, governments, multilateral
institutions, and the private sector. The aim of Global Integrity is to produce information on
governance and corruption trends in order to improve democratic and accountable political rule.
The Global Integrity index of rule of law and access to justice is included in a wider dataset on
national-level anti-corruption mechanisms.
The only rule of law measure, included in this review, that is supplied by a for-profit
organization, the US-based Political Risk Services Group6 (PRS), is the law and order index that
constitutes a fraction of the International Country Risk Guide (Political Risk Ratings). The PRS
only aims to provide a comparative assessment of the political stability of the countries covered and
not to improve governance around the world. In this respect, it differs from the other data
generators, including the World Bank7 (WB) that has compiled the final measure put under direct
scrutiny, namely the rule of law indicator from the Worldwide Governance Indicators dataset.
The first part of the assessment of these indices follows the different steps of dataset
assessment suggested by Gerardo Munck and Jay Verkuilen (2002). Hence, the article proceeds in
five parts. The first four concern the indices’ focus and scope, conceptualization, measurement, and
aggregation. The fifth evaluates whether the differences in measurement involve differences in the
result when the rule of law indices are substituted for each other as dependent variables in crossnational analyses.
Focus and Scope
Even though all the measures share a common focus on the rule of law, they are also marked by
significant differences. One is whether the scores exclusively concern violations of rule of law
committed by the government/state or if the assessments also take the society’s overall situation
into consideration. Both possibilities are legitimate, but the focus depends on the particular research
question, and therefore also which measure is more suitable. The scores provided by three measures
– BF, GI, and one of the Freedom House ratings (CC) – only reflect the practices of the
government/state and its agents. The WB and PRS indicators provide an evaluation of the general
rule of law condition, while the other two Freedom House measures, FW and NT, take an
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intermediate position; they focus predominantly, but not exclusively, on violations committed by
the government/state.
The information gathered in table 1 shows that none of the datasets contain scores for any
years before 1984 and that more than half of them just cover four years or less. However, many of
the indices show rather impressive country coverage. FW and WB simply cover all independent
countries and some more or less autonomous territories. The people behind GI have the same
intention, but countries are tentatively chosen according to three criteria: availability of experts and
balance with regard to geography and basic freedom and civil liberties.
Table 1 about here
PRS is not linked to an explicit principle concerning the inclusion of countries. Nonetheless,
it tends to be somewhat biased towards rich and large countries, 8 while the novel and bi-annual BF
is limited to all developing and transformation countries with more than two million inhabitants. CC
and NT also focus on transformation countries. CC covers 60 countries around the world that
Freedom House considers to be strategically important and at a critical crossroads in determining
their political future; half of the countries are evaluated in odd years, half in even years. NT just
covers all the former Communist states of Europe and Eurasia, except Mongolia.
As the scope of the datasets is restricted in time and space, their value and relevance for
particular research questions are limited. Especially the ability to track back in time the
developments in respect for the rule of law is severely restricted. For example, none of the indices
cover the whole period of the third wave of democratization (since 1975), not to speak of the postWWII era; to mention just two demarcations often used in diachronic, empirical research.
Furthermore, not all measures support direct comparisons with experiences of rich, long-enduring
democracies (primarily OECD members) and/or small countries. Thus, more effort is certainly
needed in expanding rule of law measures back in time. On the other hand, the scope limitations
lower the risk of conceptual stretching (cf. Sartori 1970).
Conceptualization
Regarding the attributes and their components, which the data generators have associated with rule
of law, the concept is rather stretched as many different aspects are emphasized. But even though it
is doubtful whether there is a correct specification, all definitions and specifications are not equally
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reasonable. They can be either too maximalist or too minimalist, or they can be infected by
redundancy and conflation (Munck and Verkuilen 2002, 9-13).
As to the definition of rule of law, one way to address the different conceptualizations is to
compare them with theoretically well-grounded classifications. According to Lon Fuller, in a
country characterized by the rule of law, the law should fulfill several criteria: generality, publicity,
prospectivity, clarity, non-contradictoriness, capability of compliance, stability, and congruence
between declared rules and the acts of administrators (1981, 158; cf. Raz 1977, 196). In a discussion
of previous attempts to reveal common principles associated with the concepts of constitutionalism,
Rechtsstaat, and the rule of law, Hans-Joachim Lauth (2001, 33) recognizes these eight attributes.
But he expands on the list even further to cover the fourteen attributes shown in table 2.
Table 2 about here
There are good reasons to acknowledge these elements as parts of the core concept. Even
though the number of defining attributes appears rather overwhelming, they do not, by far,
constitute an exhaustive list of all the elements that have been linked to the rule of law in legal and
social scientific research. This is illustrated by the conceptual overview of all the indices shown in
appendix A. It demonstrates the presence of interesting similarities as well as differences among the
constitutive elements. Compared to the attributes presented in table 2, none of the measures cover
all of them, at least not explicitly. While most measures emphasize judicial independence and
equality before the law, the questions of whether the laws are publicly promulgated, clear,
comprehensive, coherent, and stable are hardly addressed. On the other hand, quite a number of
supplements to the list are also present among the attributes. As a result, it is possible to distinguish
between at least three clusters of attributes, that is, conceptual dimensions of the rule of law.
One dimension concerns the general quality of the legal system, where an independent and
impartial judicial system with high integrity, respect for the decisions of the courts, due process, and
equality before the law make up core attributes. A second dimension addresses the extent to which
personal integrity rights, such as freedom from arbitrary arrests, police violence, and
inhuman/degrading treatment, are violated by the government. Finally, a third dimension covers
features related to whether order or open conflict, violence, upheavals, and crime characterize a
country. Whereas all measures consider the functioning of the legal system, GI is the only dataset to
focus exclusively on the first dimension. The practice of the legal system is the principal focal point
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of four other indices, namely BF, CC, NT, and FW, out of which only the latter addresses order
besides personal integrity rights. PRS pays attention to the legal system’s strength and impartiality
and public respect for law obedience. The same applies to the covering of personal integrity by WB.
One would think that the more dimensions an index captures, the higher the risk of
maximalist conceptualizations. This is, however, not necessarily so. Actually, some of the most
blatant examples of maximalism are not caused by a multidimensional view. One of the attribute
components associated with FW demands an effective and democratic control of law enforcement
officials. Likewise, NT emphasizes the importance of legislation that provides protections for
fundamental political, civil, and human rights in addition to the state’s and nongovernmental actors’
respect for all of these fundamental rights in practice. In both cases, the conceptual domain of rule
of law shows a considerable overlap with that of democracy.9 You can also question whether the
level of crime and violence (PRS,10 WB), protection of property rights (CC, WB), and agents’
confidence in the rules of society (WB) should be constitutive parts of the rule of law concept. In
general, one should not include attributes under the same conceptual umbrella if they are likely to
be causally related.
Regarding redundancy, the measures explicitly distinguish between different levels of
abstraction; WB and NT only operate on two levels, though. The providers of the other indices have
made efforts to sort the attributes and attribute components systematically, but they have not been
equally successful in doing so. CC provides at least three redundant attribute components. For
instance, if all persons are entitled to equal protection under the law, and all persons are equal
before the courts and tribunals, then it is not possible to discriminate on the grounds of gender,
ethnicity, or sexual orientation in the legal system.11 Similarly, concerning BF, if the separation of
powers works, it means that the judiciary is independent. As to the problem of conflation, GI offers
an illustration of the problem when it places the rather specific attribute ‘Judges are safe when
adjudicating corruption cases’ on the same abstraction level as (e.g.) ‘Citizens have equal access to
the justice system’.
The conceptual bounds of the rule of law are obviously unsettled. The term ‘rule of law’ is
certainly ‘used in a plethora of ways, often with different and even contradictory implications for
both research and policy’ (Haggard et al. 2008, 220-221). An equivalent to the widely
acknowledged – although disputed – definition of democracy (polyarchy) by Robert Dahl (1989,
221) has not yet been established. But the best answer to the problem is not necessarily to abandon
the concept altogether and commence on a more disaggregated approach; only to focus, for
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example, on judicial independence (Ríos-Figuera and Staton 2008). Much leverage can be gained
by strengthening the conceptualization of the key concept that is here to stay, although essentially
contested (Waldron 2002). In any case, researchers should pay attention to the conceptualization
underlying the measures, since some of them may fit their research questions better than others. It
can make a significant difference whether one is interested in, say, the security of persons or
businesses. This final comment on the conceptualization is also worth keeping in mind when we
move on to the question of measurement.
Measurement
A clarification of the conceptual landscape is a prerequisite for proper measurement; that is, the
operationalization of the rule of law. A codebook is necessary in order to record and make public
the rules and choices guiding the coding process and to increase consistency, transparency, and
replicability. As the quality of available information is often questionable and inconsistent across
nations, over time, and vis-à-vis different aspects (cf. Bollen 1992, 189), it is extra important to
establish equivalence through firm guidelines.
As shown in table 3, all measures base their scores on a broad range of information.
Information on the condition of rule of law is calibrated into numerical values according to
predetermined sets of coding standards. This kind of subjective measurement has been heavily
disputed because reliability problems are likely to arise owing to random and systematic
measurement errors introduced by the raters who interpret the sources differently. Then again, rule
of law and all its key traits are very difficult to measure through objective indicators, and the
validity of the measures should generally have the highest priority (Munck and Verkuilen 2002, 18).
The Freedom House measures and BF stand out for their narrative country reports, which
accompany their numerical assessments, while GI takes the lead when it comes to a detailed
description of the circumstances, sources, and review comments that have influenced the score of
each component.
Table 3 about here
Even though a comprehensive coding manual is warranted, the Freedom House codebooks (FW,
CC, NT) consist of little more than checklists defining the parameters of the indicators combined
with mere standard descriptions of how to interpret the numerical scores assigned to the cases.12
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Furthermore, the checklists used in the data construction have undergone changes over the years,
meaning that the diachronic, internal consistency of the scores is questionable. The guidelines
outlined in the codebooks of BF and GI have become increasingly detailed, so that they now
represent good backgrounds for the coding process. In contrast, it is questionable whether an
outright PRS code manual even exists. According to the generator, the scores are assigned based on
a series of pre-set questions for each component. However, neither the list of questions nor
information on the methodology are made available, and both are likely to be inadequate.
As to the use of coders, all datasets are based on the work of more than one coder to support
intercoder reliability. Furthermore, in all cases except PRS, the scores are based on assessments
made by “experts” rather than students, and the data are scrutinized through comprehensive review
processes. Despite these positive features, however, statistical interrater reliability tests are missing.
The overall percentage of agreement13 (or near-agreement) was published for the overall BF dataset,
but only for the 2003 assignments.
Among the guidelines found in the codebooks, we are often presented with the range and
graduation of numerical scores to be assigned. Mostly the measurement levels of the examined
measures are neither theoretically justified nor attached to discussions directed towards maximizing
homogeneity within classes using a minimal number of distinctions (cf. Munck and Verkuilen 2002,
17-18). Variance truncation could pose a problem concerning the attribute components of GI and
PRS, because of crude measurement scales. On the other hand, the more fine-grained options linked
to the other measures are not unproblematic either; they make it more demanding to define criteria
for each point and more difficult for the coders to employ them consistently.
Aggregation
When the process of assignment is concluded, researchers often combine the disaggregate scores
into overall indices. But this analytical step is usually not founded in theoretical and empirical
justification, and the rule of law measures do not deviate from this trend. The data providers do not
base their aggregations on explicit theory about the relationship between the attributes, just as they
do not test the empirical dimensionality of their datasets in any systematic way. 14 I have therefore
carried out such tests myself, and the results (not reported) indicate that CC and BF are unidimensional and that GI is not.
Unfortunately, the data generators of the remaining measures do not score the cases on a low
level of abstraction, despite a working definition that disaggregates the main concepts (NT).15 Or
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they do not make their lower-level data publicly available, even if requested (FW, PRS). In this
way, these measures only allow their users to discriminate between countries according to their
overall rule of law score without the possibility of digging a bit deeper into interesting relationships
or making use of alternative aggregation procedures. It is telling that – despite the missing
theoretical (and empirical) establishment of links between the constitutive attributes – all use the
same aggregation rule, namely taking the simple average at the component level. Apparently,
examinations of alternative aggregation procedures, such as weighting the features differently or to
consider some of them as either necessary or sufficient (cf. Goertz 2006), have not been considered.
Comparisons of competitive indices linked to similar concepts have often been limited to
simple correlation tests, to clarify whether they tend to tap into the same latent phenomenon.
Following up on this tradition, table 4 presents the bivariate correlations between the rule of law
indices under scrutiny. The differences in conceptualization, sources, coding, and so on manifest
themselves in some of the associations, but not all of them show the very high values one would
expect from measures meant to reflect the same concept, at least in name. The correlation between
CC and PRS even displays the opposite direction of the expected. Broadly speaking, CC, NT, and
GI show the lowest statistical association with the other measures, whereas FW, WB, and – less so
– BF are more strongly related with their rivals.
Table 4 about here
A closer look at the correlations indicates that the measures represent more than one
principal dimension. The same impression evolves from a rotated factor analysis, which includes
the four measures covering most countries and concerns the data from one of the only overlapping
years (i.e. 2005). The results show two principal factors with eigenvalues above 1, explaining 68
per cent and 26 per cent of the variation, respectively. The first component tends to reflect the legal
system’s quality, and it seems reasonable to understand the second as representing societal order,
which would be in accordance with the distinctions suggested above in the section on
conceptualization. WB is equally associated with both dimensions. This finding is not surprising
because it reflects the fact that all the data from the original measures are used in the construction of
WB, and that it is based on a very broad definition and range of sources.
Do the Differences Matter?
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The many differences and similarities in the conceptualizations and measurements of rule of law
naturally intrigue our curiosity of what would happen if these measures were employed
interchangeably. It has recently been stated that robustness checks are particularly important when
making claims about the effects of rule of law (Haggard et al. 2008, 222). Other researchers have
already begun to take up this task (Ríos-Figuera and Staton 2008, 19-22). However, no checks on
the solidity of the causes of the rule of law have so far been carried out. Thus, the four indices with
the widest country coverage are used interchangeably to represent the dependent variable in two
analyses.
The first is a replication study of an interesting study by Sandra Joireman (2004), in which
she used an institutional approach to investigate whether and how much the legal system influences
the degree to which countries are characterized by the rule of law. More specifically, the hypothesis
tested was whether common law systems show a better performance in this respect than civil law
systems, as it has been suggested in the literature (cf. Hayek 1973; Eisenberg 1988; La Porta et al.
1999). Relying on the PRS measure, Joireman found that the proposition is only supported in those
countries that have been colonized.
The replication analysis employs the same method as the original study, namely the MannWhitney U-test. However, while Joireman focuses on the average rule of law level across years, the
huge differences in diachronic coverage make it more suitable to focus on the scores for 2005,
which is one of the two years of common coverage. Moreover, to increase the country coverage, the
data used to distinguish common law from civil law countries, on the one hand, and between
formerly colonized countries and those not colonized, on the other, come from La Porta et al.
(1999).16
The findings, presented in table 5, demonstrate a significant difference in respect for the rule
of law between common law and civil law countries if the WB or FW measures are used. However,
the opposite conclusion is derived if we pin our faith on the PRS or BTI scores. Moreover, the same
patterns in results emerge if the analysis only includes former colonies. This means that the
differences in rule of law measurement do in fact make a difference, and the main conclusion of the
original study by Joireman does not rest on solid empirical ground.
Table 5 about here
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In the second analysis, the same four measure are used interchangeably as dependent
variables, but another method is employed, that is, multiple OLS-regression. Furthermore, the
model is expanded with additional explanatory factors used in other rule of law studies. These are:
oil production (Barro 2000; Hansson and Olsson 2006), wealth (Barro 2000; Joireman 2004),
country size (Hansson and Olsson 2006), ethno-religious fractionalization (Hayo and Voigt 2005;
Weingast 1997; Hansson and Olsson 2006), communist past (Hoff and Stiglitz 2004; Sandholz and
Taagepera 2005), and religion (Barro 2000; Hayo and Voigt 2005). The operationalization of the
independent variables is presented in appendix B. Finally, to see whether the results depend on the
case coverage, regressions are run for all countries and the countries included in all four datasets,
respectively. The year in focus is still 2005.
The results of the multiple regressions are summarized in table 6. A few explanatory variables
consistently show a significant (oil production, wealth) or non-significant (ethno-religious
fractionalization, common law) association with rule of law. On the other hand, the results linked to
the remaining variables demonstrate interesting dissimilarities across case coverage and/or rule of
law indices. For example, lifting the restriction of common inclusion of cases means that the
variable Protestant turns significant for the WB and PRS indices, and insignificant for the BTI
measure. Likewise, the inclusion of more countries means that communist past tends to have a
negative rather than no impact on the rule of law, if the latter is measured by WB or FW
Table 6 about here
Not only do we see differences in whether the relationships are significant or not, the
significant associations for some variables (colonized, communist past, Muslim) even show
opposite directions. In other words, the association of the explanatory variables with rule of law
ranges from positive over non-existing to negative, depending on the index used to operationalize
the rule of law. Also worth mentioning are the positive, significant associations between the PRS
index and communist past as well as Muslim, which contradict the theoretical expectations. Taken
together, the mixed findings for many of the variables indicate that the results are not very robust.
Previous general studies exploring the sources of rule of law have only used a single rule of
law index. Their conclusions have thus depended heavily on the reliability and validity of the scores
employed. The results from this study indicate that this problem is far from trivial, as the
differences in measurement and coverage of the rule of law indices have considerable consequences
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for the substantial findings – and much more so than in the related field of democratization studies
(cf. Bollen and Paxton 2000; Casper and Tufis 2003; Hadenius and Teorell 2005).
Conclusion
The review of seven rule of law measures has lent support to some general conclusions. First, the
indices differ significantly on all the parameters addressed in this article, that is, focus and scope,
conceptualization, measurement, aggregation, and association with suggested explanatory factors.
The assessment also demonstrated that often the differences were not equally (im)plausible. In
general, the justifications made in relation to the index constructions were inadequate. Among the
particular shortcoming were: considerable restrictions in the coverage of years and countries,
conceptual pitfalls in the form of redundancy and weak theoretical foundation, limitations in the
creation and availability of disaggregate data, insufficient codebooks, and missing references to
sources undermined the operationalizations.
As regards the aggregation procedures, they were characterized by the default option of using
unweighted averages rather than being grounded in theory and tests of empirical dimensionality. In
fact, the rule of law measures empirically (and conceptually) tapped into at least two distinct
dimensions; one is reflecting the quality of the legal system and the other is capturing the level of
order in society. The considerable differences were also underlined by replication studies and a
multiple-regression analysis, which showed that replacing the rule of law measures – as the
dependent variable – changed the results significantly.
Future research can benefit in three ways from the explications and critical points put
forward in this assessment. First, the findings provide implicit and explicit suggestions for
improving the existing measures. Second, we can learn from the advantages and disadvantages of
previous measures when we set out to construct new datasets and indices related to good
governance in general and rule of law in particular. Third, the shortcomings of – and differences in
– the leading measures call for re-examinations of the many studies that, in one way or another,
have used them as rule of law indicators. All in all, the findings suggest that we have to be more
careful when developing and applying rule of law indicators, but not that we should give up our
search for better measurement tools.
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Appendix A: Attributes Linked to the Rule of Law Measures
Measure
Attributes
Attribute Components
Rule of Law
(BF)
Checks and balances
Working separation of powers
Independent judiciary
Legal or political penalties for power abusing officials
Civil rights
Protection of civil liberties and possibility of seeking redress for violations
Independent judiciary
Judiciary not subject to interference
Judges appointed and dismissed in a fair and unbiased manner
Judges rule fairly and impartially
Governmental authorities comply with judicial decisions which are enforced
Private concerns comply with judicial decisions which are enforced
Rule of law in civil and
criminal matters
Protection of defendants’ rights, including presumption of innocence
Access to independent, competent legal counsel
Fair, public, and timely hearing by competent, independent, and impartial tribunal
Prosecutors independent of political control and influence
Prosecutors independent of powerful private legal/illegal interests
Effective and democratic control of law enforcement officials
Law enforcement officials free from the influence of non-state actors
Protection from political
terror, unjustified
imprisonment, exile, torture,
and freedom from war and
insurgencies
No arbitrary arrests and detentions and no fabrication or planting of evidence
No beating of detainees or use of excessive force or torture
Conditions in pretrial facilities and prisons humane
Citizens have means of effective petition and redress
Population not subjected to physical harm, forced removal etc. due to conflict/war
Laws, policies, and practices
guarantee equal treatment
Various distinct groups have equality before the law
Violence against such groups not widespread and perpetrators brought to justice
No legal/de facto discrimination in employment, housing etc. against such groups
Women enjoy full equality in law and practice
Non-citizens enjoy basic human rights
Independent judiciary
Independent, impartial, and non-discriminating administration of justice
Judges/magistrates protected from interference by executive and legislative
Governmental authorities comply with judicial decisions
Judges appointed, promoted, and dismissed in a fair and unbiased manner
Judges appropriately trained
Primacy of rule of law in civil
and criminal matters
Presumption of innocence
Fair, public, and timely hearing by competent, independent, and impartial tribunal
Rights and access to independent counsel
Access to independent counsel if beyond means when serious felonies
Prosecutors independent of political direction and control
Public officials and ruling party actors prosecuted for abuse of power
Accountability of security
forces and military to civilian
authorities
Effective and democratic control of the police, military, and security service
Police, military, and security services refrain from interference in politics
Police, military, and security services accountable for abuses of power
Members of police, military, and security services respect human rights
Protection of property rights
Right to own property alone and in association with others
Adequate enforcement of property rights and contracts
Protection from arbitrary/unjust deprivation of property
Equal treatment under the law
All persons entitled to equal protection under the law
All persons equal before the courts and tribunals
No discrimination on the grounds of gender, ethnicity, or sexual orientation
Rule of Law
(FW)
Rule of Law
(CC)
Legislation provides protections for fundamental political, civil, and human rights
Judicial
Framework and
Independence
(NT)
The state and nongovernmental actors respect fundamental rights in practice
Independence and impartiality in the interpretation and enforcement of constitution
Equality before the law
Effective reform of the criminal code/criminal law
14
Suspects and prisoners protected in practice against arbitrary arrest, detention without trial, searches
without warrants, torture, and abuse, and excessive delays in the criminal justice system
Judges are appointed in a fair and unbiased manner, and they have adequate legal training before
assuming the bench
Judges rule fairly and impartially, and courts are free of political control and influence
Legislative, executive, and other governmental authorities comply with judicial decisions, and
judicial decisions are enforced effectively
Appeals mechanism for
challenging criminal
judgments
Judgments in the criminal
system follow written law
Judicial decisions are enforced
by the state
Rule of Law and The judiciary is able to act
Access to Justice independently
(GI)
Judges are safe when
adjudicating corruption cases
Law and Order
(PRS)
In law, there is a general right of appeal
In practice, appeals are resolved within a reasonable time period
In practice, citizens can use the appeals mechanism at a reasonable cost
In practice, judgments in the criminal system follow written law
In practice, judicial decisions are enforced by the state
In law, the independence of the judiciary is guaranteed
In practice, national-level judges are protected from political interference
In law, the distributing cases to national-level judges is transparent and objective
In law, national-level judges protected from removal without relevant justification
In practice, no judges physically harmed because of adjudicating corruption cases
In practice, no judges killed because of adjudicating corruption cases
Citizens have equal access to
the justice system
In practice, judicial decisions are not affected by racial or ethnic bias
In practice, women have full access to the judicial system
In law, provision of legal counsel for defendants who cannot afford it
In practice, provision of adequate legal counsel for defendants who cannot afford it
In practice, citizens with median yearly income can afford to bring a legal suit
In practice, a typical small retail business can afford to bring a legal suit
In practice, all citizens have access to a court of law, regardless of location
Law
Strength and impartiality of the legal system
Order
Popular observance of the law
Agents have confidence in the rules of society
Agents abide by the rules of society
High quality contract enforcement
Rule of Law
(WB)
High quality police
High quality courts
Low likelihood of crime
Low likelihood of violence
15
Appendix B: Operationalization of Explanatory Factors
Oil production. Oil production is operationalized by using IMF’s (2007) list of hydro-carbon rich
countries (2000-2005) found in the Guide on Resource Transparency. These countries rely heavily
on oil production for government revenues and receive the value of 1 and the rest a 0 meaning that
the variable is treated as a dichotomy.
Wealth. Wealth is measured by a standard wealth indicator, namely (natural log of) GDP per capita
(PPP) using data from the Penn World Tables for the year 2004.
Country size. The (natural) log of a country’s total area in square kilometres is used to measure this
variable, based on data from the World Development Indicators provided by the World Bank
(2008).
Ethno-religious fractionalization. Data on the degree of heterogeneity are taken from Alesina et
al. (2003), who have constructed scores of ethnic and religious fractionalization. The values of the
indices correspond to the probability that two randomly selected people belong to different ethnic
and religious groups, respectively; meaning that a high value on the index corresponds to a high
degree of fractionalization in a given country (2003, 158-160). As the same logic applies to both
ethnic and religious fractionalization, a combined measure has been constructed based on the
maximum value of the two original indices for each country.
Communist past. A dummy variable for communist and post-communist countries has been
constructed.
Dominant religion. Following the procedure used by M. Steven Fish (2002), two dummy variables
have been created distinguishing between countries where Islam and Protestantism are the dominant
(plurality or majority) religions, respectively.
16
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19
Table 1
Generator, Dataset, and Scope of the Rule of Law Measures
Countries17
Generator
Dataset
Index
Years
2003, 2005,
2007
Bertelsmann Foundation
Bertelsmann Transformation Index
Rule of Law (BF)
125
Freedom House
Freedom in the World
Rule of Law (FW)
193
2005-2007
Freedom House
Countries at the Crossroads
Rule of Law (CC)
30(60)
2003-2006
Freedom House
Nations in Transit
Judicial Framework and
Independence (NT)
29
1996-2007
Global Integrity
Global Integrity Index
Rule of Law and Access
to Justice (GI)
55
2003, 2006,
2007
The PRS Group
International Country Risk Guide
Law and Order (PRS)
139
1984-2007
World Bank
Worldwide Governance Indicators
Rule of Law (WB)
212
1996, 1998,
2000, 20022007
20
Table 2
Principles of the Rule of Law
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
General laws and not ad personam
Publicly promulgated laws
Prohibition against retrospective laws
Clear and comprehensive laws
No contradictory or inconsistent laws
No law should be impossible to respect
Relative stability in the lawmaking
Proportionality in the law
Equality before the law
Precedence of law, no one is above the law
Independent and effective juridical control
Due process
Liability to pay compensation for any damage caused
Absence of arbitrary state action and promotion of legality
21
Table 3
Sources and Coders
Measure
Sources
Coders
Rule of Law (BF)
Broad range of information
Expert. Review by expert from
country/region, regional
coordinator, and academic board
Rule of Law (FW)
Broad range of information, including information from news
reports, academic analyses, organizations, professionals
contacts, and visits (general list of reports used for the survey)
Researcher/outside consultant.
Review by analysts and
academics with regional
expertise
Rule of Law (CC)
Broad range of information (references in narrative report)
Scholar/analyst. Review by
regional expert committee and
internal Freedom House
committee
Judicial Framework and
Independence (NT)
Broad range of information (references in narrative report)
Expert. Review by academic
advisors and Freedom House
Rule of Law and Access to Justice
(GI)
Broad range of information (precise references in report)
In country reporters/researchers.
Review by Global Integrity
Law and Order (PRS)
Broad range of information
PRS staff with special country
expertise
Rule of Law (WB)
Second-hand scores from eleven representative and thirteen
non-representative sources
(no basic coding)
22
Table 4
Correlations between the Rule of Law Indices
Rule of
Law
(BF)
Rule of
Law
(FW)
Rule of
Law
(CC)
Judicial
Framework and
Independence
(NT)
Rule of Law
and Access to
Justice
(GI)
Law
and
Order
(PRS)
Rule of
Law
(WB)
Rule of Law (BF)
1.00
(359)
0.93
(244)
Rule of Law (FW)
0.93
(244)
1.00
(578)
0.45
(56)
0.71
(60)
-0.92
(81)
-0.95
(83)
0.24
(58)
0.45
(89)
0.19
(303)
0.52
(416)
0.68
(359)
0.80
(577)
Rule of Law (CC)
0.45
(56)
0.71
(60)
1.00
(120)
-0.86
(17)
0.06
(14)
-0.22
(94)
0.31
(120)
Judicial Framework and
Independence (NT)
-0.92
(81)
-0.95
(83)
-0.86
(17)
1.00
(331)
-0.47
(25)
-0.36
(210)
-0.92
(248)
Rule of Law and Access
to Justice (GI)
0.24
(58)
0.45
(89)
0.06
(14)
-0.47
(25)
1.00
(114)
0.29
(100)
0.60
(114)
Law and Order (PRS)
0.19
(303)
0.52
(416)
-0.22
(94)
-0.36
(210)
0.29
(100)
1.00
(3167)
0.78
(1240)
Rule of Law (WB)
0.68
(359)
0.80
(577)
0.31
(120)
-0.92
(248)
0.60
(114)
0.78
(1240)
1.00
(1800)
Factor loadings (factor 1)
0.99
0.98
-
-
-
-0.10
0.55
Factor loadings (factor 2)
-0.04
-0.04
1.00
0.60
Note: Results refer to bivariate Pearson’s r correlations (n in parentheses) and a principal component factor analysis
using Oblique rotation.
23
Table 5
Mean Comparisons – Common Law vs. Civil Law
PRS 2005 (all)
N
138 (civil law)
72 (common law)
98 (civil law)
41 (common law)
Mean Rank
96.11
123.49
70.44
68.94
Sum of Ranks
13263.5
8891.5
6903.5
2826.5
Mann-Whitney U
Asymp. Sig.
3672.5
0.002**
1965.5
0.839
FW2005 (all)
128 (civil law)
64 (common law
91.18
107.14
11671.0
6857.0
3415.0
0.060*
BTI2005 (all)
91 (civil law)
28 (common law)
58.91
63.55
5360.5
1779.5
1174.5
0.533
WB2005 (col.)
118 (civil law)
67 (common law)
80.03
115.84
9443.5
7761.5
2422.5
0.000**
PRS 2005 (col.)
81 (civil law)
37 (common law)
57.80
63.22
4682.0
2339.0
1361.0
0.420
FW2005 (col.)
108 (civil law)
59 (common law)
75.05
100.38
8105.5
5922.5
2219.5
0.001**
86 (civil law)
24 (common law)
Note: *p<0.1, **p<0.01 (two-tailed).
53.98
60.96
4642.0
1463.0
901.0
0.343
WB2005 (all)
BTI2005 (col.)
24
Table 6
Summary of Regression Results with Rule of Law Indices as Dependent Variable
WB05
PRS05
FW05
BTI05
Oil Production
- (-)
- (-)
- (-)
- (-)
Wealth
+ (+)
+ (+)
+ (+)
+ (+)
Country Size
- (-)
ns (ns)
- (ns)
ns (ns)
Ethno-religious
Fractionalization
ns (ns)
ns (ns)
ns (ns)
ns (ns)
Not Colonized
+ (ns)
+ (+)
ns (-)
- (-)
Common Law
ns (ns)
ns (ns)
ns (ns)
ns (ns)
Communist Past
- (ns)
+ (+)
- (ns)
ns (ns)
Muslim
ns (ns)
+ (+)
- (-)
- (-)
Protestant
+ (ns)
+ (ns)
+ (+)
ns (+)
Note: + denotes a positive, significant association; - denotes a negative, significant association; ns denotes an
insignificant association (p>0.1); bracketed results refer to the analysis with restricted (i.e., common) country
coverage.
25
Notes
1
All descriptive information on the datasets is found on the webpages of the providers if no other source or reference is
mentioned.
2
http://www.bertelsmann-transformation-index.de
3
http://www.freedomhouse.org
4
This organization has faced serious critique; it has been accused of having a right-wing bias and to overstate the level
of freedom in ‘US-friendly’ countries (Bollen 1992, 205; Chomsky and Herman 1988).
5
http://www.globalintegrity.org
6
http://www.prsgroup.com
7
http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi2007
8
This impression is supported by the results (not reported) of a simple statistical test showing that, on average, the
countries included in the sample are significantly larger (measured by area) and richer (measured by GDP/capita) than
the ones excluded.
9
This critique also applies to the third Freedom House measure, since CC, among others, builds upon the attributes
effective and democratic control of the police, military, and security service and that police, military, and security
services refrain from interference in politics.
10
PRS is also characterized by the opposite pitfall, namely excessive minimalism, as popular observance of the law is
not enough to secure order (the state and foreign powers could also ruin it). PRS is generally defined in unspecific and
vague terms, which make it difficult to get a grip on its intension. On the other hand, the simplicity of this measure
minimizes the risks of conceptual conflation and redundancy.
11
Similarly, if there is adequate enforcement of property rights and contracts, protection from arbitrary/unjust
deprivation of property is in place, and if an independent, impartial, and non-discriminating administration of justice
exists, judges/magistrates do not experience interference by executive and legislative.
12
This point also applies to GI.
13
This simple measure has several more sophisticated alternatives, such as Cohen’s kappa and Krippendorf’s alpha.
14
WB constitutes an exception to the latter point, as it is based on the use of an unobserved components model on the
data from different sources (including the scores of the other measures examined in this article). The values of WB are
weighted averages of the underlying data, with weights reflecting the precision of the individual data sources.
26
15
No aggregation rule is applied in the construction of the Bertelsmann rule of law scale for 2003, as the cases are not
coded at a disaggregate level.
16
The few missing values have been replaced by scores based on information from CIA’s The World Fact Book,
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook.
17
The number of countries concerns the latest year covered. Most datasets have increased the number of countries
covered during their lifetime.
27
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