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Deconstructing the Term ‘Immigrant:’
Arab Identity in Asheville, North Carolina
Seth Hunter Jones
Sociology/Anthropology Directed Research
Warren Wilson College, Class of 2007
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Abstract
This research explores the ways Arabs living in Asheville, North Carolina negotiate and
transform their ethnic identities through the acculturation process. Specifically, it shows
how Arabs adopt local cultural forms and preserve aspects of their home cultures. The
fieldwork consisted of formal and informal interviews with Arab persons living in
Western North Carolina and participant observation at a local mosque. I found that some
behaviors and familial roles reflect home country norms/values and are primarily
confined to personal living spaces. Public representations of identity reflect a readiness
to accept new cultural forms, particularly among younger Arabs. Ultimately, Arabs
living in Asheville have integrated (or acculturated) due to the city’s relative lack of
cultural pluralism and ethnic social groups.
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Table of Contents
Introduction: Have You Seen the News?.......................... 4
What’s Going On: Integration or Isolation?.................... 6
A Description of Reoccurring Terms…………………… 7
Framing an “Invisible” Minority: Arabs in North America………....8
Arab Emigration: Who? When? Why?
Acculturation, Assimilation, and Marginalization in
Immigrant Communities: How to Make Sense of These Processes……..11
Situating Western North Carolina…………………………………….14
Asheville and the Surrounding Area
Personal Research Context and Positionality…………………………….17
Preconceived Notions: Idealizing the U.S……………………………...18
Motivations for Coming to the States…………………………………..20
On Being ‘Arab’ in Asheville…………………………………………...23
Negotiating the Term ‘Immigrant’
The Lack of a Young Arab Community......................................................26
Marginality within Asheville’s Arab Population……………………..27
Conclusion: Integrating into “Ashevillian” Culture………………....29
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I feverishly smoke a final cigarette while pulling into the service station. The
engine is shut off, but I wait to open the car door. My field notebook rests on the
passenger seat, but something inhibits me from retrieving it. Somehow the book seems
safer untouched. The virgin book holds more confidence in its blank pages than its
handler. Why should I feel so apprehensive? My grandmother hails from that part of the
world. Doesn’t that mean something? Will people open up to me?
Two sharply dressed men stand behind the building. Someone might call them
Latinos. If the information is true then two Arab men should be working at this service
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station. Perhaps my friend has made a mistake by labeling these men, “Arabs.”
Cigarette ashes dash across the pavement toward puddles of freshly-spilled
gasoline. Their speech becomes inaudible as it mixes with the droning of airconditioning units and interstate traffic. Double doors close as the two men retreat into
the service station. The closed doors act as a barrier to discovering the lives of these two
men. I enter.
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Have You Seen the News?
Over the past few years, immigration into the United States has become a highly
debatable issue. The U.S. was founded and settled by peoples from other nations;
however, ‘true’ Americans are quick to blame immigrants for the country’s lack of jobs
and so-called social ills. Latin American immigrants face elevated criticism and
skepticism, most likely due to their high visibility within the nation’s labor force and the
militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border. Other, less visible immigrant groups have
received attention based on current events. The media cast their spotlight on Muslim
immigrants after September 11th, 2001, and South Korean immigrants are sure to be
critiqued following the Virginia Tech massacre. Ultimately, these varied forms of
attention have spawned a debate regarding the legitimacy of immigration. The debate
centers around a number of questions: Who deserves to live and work in this country?
What are legitimate reasons for immigrating to the U.S.? How can “Americans” hold
onto a supposed system of shared cultural norms and values? Even though illegal
immigrants make the seven o’clock news most evenings, legal immigrants and ethnic
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minorities also struggle over this fundamentally ‘American’ discourse as they attempt to
preserve and/or create new identities in the ‘Land of Opportunity.’
Former Warren Wilson College students have conducted their ethnographic
research on Latin American immigrants living in Western North Carolina (Andrews
2006, George 2005). Little or no research has been conducted on the area’s Arab
minority. I believe the population has received less attention, because of its small size
and virtual invisibility. An overall dearth of research exists concerning Arab persons
living in small cities. Most research concerning the Arab immigrant experience comes
from Detroit, which is commonly called the Arab Capital of America.
My research explores the ways Arab persons living in the U.S. transform their
ethnic identities and acculturate into pluralistic societies. I found participants in the small
city of Asheville, North Carolina by visiting service stations, ‘Middle Eastern’
restaurants, bars, and the Islamic Center. I also accessed Myspace.com to view user
profiles and navigate my way through many Arab-themed groups; however, the most
valuable perspectives were expressed during interviews and at the mosque.
Terms like “freedom” and “individuality” are tossed around in conversation until
their meanings are fundamentally forgotten. Such terms are common in American
discourses and are falsely granted U.S. ownership in the minds of many. “Our” values
are often thought to be better than the rest, especially compared to nations outside of the
West. I sought to see if Arab immigrants adopted a similar discourse and/or internalized
similar values. I wanted to increase the public’s awareness on Arab identity and dispel
various myths and prejudices. John Berry’s questions also interested me: “Is it
considered to be of value to maintain cultural identity and characteristics? Is it
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considered to be of value to maintain relationships with other groups?” (Berry 1990:132).
How do Arabs negotiate these sorts of questions within an American context?
What’s Going On: Integration or Isolation?
In this paper, I show how Arabs simultaneously take bites of ‘Ashevillian’ culture
and preserve certain aspects of their home cultures. Behaviors and familial roles reflect
home country norms and values, but these are primarily confined to personal living
spaces. Traditional Arab and Islamic values are exhibited in the home, but these rarely
extend into the public sector. Conversely, public representations of identity reflect a
readiness to accept new cultural forms. Arabs living in Asheville have integrated (or
acculturated) due to the city’s relative lack of cultural pluralism. Many Arabs internalize
American values, and those who closely align themselves with “American” culture
accrue more social capital in some groups. Much to the dismay of Asheville’s wayfarers
and soul seekers, Arabs outwardly embrace American cultural forms.
A Description of Reoccurring Terms
Before delving into the literature review, I would like to describe some
reoccurring terms in this paper. Acculturation refers to the transformations that occur
when “…groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand
contact, with subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both
groups” (Gordon 1964:132). More simply, it is the exchange of cultural forms, values,
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and behaviors between people from different ethnic and social backgrounds. Some
confuse this term with assimilation, which suggests a complete transformation of identity
as opposed to a more gradual exchange and adaptation of behaviors and ideas.
I am hesitant to give an exact definition for the word, Arab. However, it was
essential in finding the study participants. I only interviewed people who self-identified
as “Arab.” It is impossible to pin a single definition on this group due to its diverse
nature. Arabs are often categorized as Middle Easterners or Muslims, but this is not
entirely true. Numerous peoples living in North Africa claim their Arab heritages as
well. Arabs may be from Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Libya,
Tunisia, Morocco and other nations throughout the region. They are not a religiously
homogeneous group either, some are: Maronites, Catholics, Protestants, Jews, Sunni
Muslims, and Bahai (Hayani 1999:260). Most of the study participants identified as
Muslim, whether or not they attended the mosque on a regular basis.
Integration is a mode of acculturation, where immigrants maintain their cultural
identities and foster relationships with members of the greater community (1999:290).
Essentially, immigrants take parts of a new culture without discarding all aspects of their
home cultures. Assimilation describes when a group chooses not to maintain its ethnic
and cultural identity to be accepted into the predominant culture (1999:290).
Assimilation stresses conformity: however, it should not be frowned upon, because
social, economic, and political conditions may inhibit an immigrant’s integration into the
host society. The term has both positive and negative connotations. Some urge
immigrants to become part of “their” culture, while others hate to see aspects of one’s
home culture swept to the wayside.
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Framing an “Invisible” Minority: Arabs in North America
Arab Emigration: Who? When? Why?
One must understand the historic, economic, and social conditions that
encouraged peoples to emigrate from the Arab World, before one can investigate Arab
immigrant identity. Scholars describe two major waves of Arab emigration to North
America, which are separated by a period of international conflict. From 1870-World
War II, the first wave of Arabs arrived in North America from the Greater Syrian region
of the Near East. These first wave immigrants are predominantly Christian and tend to
label themselves as “Syrian” or “Syrian Lebanese.” These fluid distinctions may indicate
the lack of a definite and enduring identity among older Arabs (Suleiman 1999:2). This
fluidity of national identity helps to explain why my grandmother sometimes labels
herself as “Syrian” and other times “Lebanese.” The second wave of Arab immigration
began after World War II and continues into the present-day. This wave consists of more
Muslims and peoples from various nations including: Palestinians, Egyptians, Iraqis, and
Yemenis (1999:1). Fundamentally, most scholarship concerning Arab American identity
splits immigrants into first and second wave groups.
Michael Suleiman (1999) cites economic necessity and personal advancement as
the main reasons Arabs decided to immigrate to North America. Changes in global
economic systems delivered major blows to the Middle East from the mid 19th to the
early 20th century. The opening of the Suez Canal in the mid 1800s made trading with
the Far East much easier for Europeans. The canal caused a virtual collapse of the silk
trade between Lebanon and Europe and sent the region spiraling into poverty. In addition
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to major economic losses, human populations began to increase throughout the Arab
World. Populations increased “…without a commensurate increase in agricultural or
industrial productivity” (1999:2). Second wave immigrants continue to come to the U.S.
for economic reasons; however, they generally do not come from depressed economic
backgrounds. Socioeconomic status should play an important role in constructing an
immigrant’s identity.
Religious persecution also emerged as a factor contributing to emigration. Under
Ottoman rule, Christians “…were not accorded equal status with their Muslim
neighbors.” Muslims living in the Syrian province “…enjoyed a social status that was
superior to that of the non-Muslims, particularly Christians,” even though many Arab
Muslims were poor and oppressed as well (1999:2). Syrian Christians, or old wave
Arabs, were not subject to religious persecution after arriving in the Americas; however,
they were sometimes seen as “…the cause of virtually social ill: urban ghettos and their
associated crime and poverty” (Samhan 1987:13). This proved to be an early
phenomenon, because later Arab immigrants, particularly Syrian Christians, gained
respect from non-Arabs due to their presence as prominent business and political leaders
in large metropolitan settings.
Early Arab communities largely consisted of peddlers, who traveled across the
U.S. and rarely stayed in the same place for more than a few days (Suleiman 1999:3).
Peddling has a negative connotation in some cultural contexts, particularly in the U.S.,
where economic stability and “settling down” are considered more desirable. Many of
these early peddlers remained loyal to their home country governments which isolated
them from the American populace. The first Arab peddlers resisted assimilation as
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opposed to early second wave immigrants, who readily embraced American cultural
forms (1999:3). Recent Arab arrivals seem to align themselves with their earliest
predecessors, who spurned the notion of assimilation. Perhaps their motivations for
coming to the States differ from old wave immigrants.
“Why did you come here?” may be the most common question directed at newly
arrived immigrants. Some native born citizens demand that immigrants legitimize their
presence, which can catch some by surprise. Tamar Jacoby (2004) cites the ambivalence
of many young immigrants over why they have come to the United States. In my
research, Arabs, young and old, cite various reasons for coming to Asheville. However,
many exhibit ambivalent attitudes toward the city and their futures in Western North
Carolina. This ambivalence is best exhibited through their self-proclaimed statuses as
temporary U.S. residents and a general disdain for the local community.
Immigrants, regardless of ethnicity or nationality, stereotypically “…come to the
United States to make a better life for themselves and their children by becoming
American” (Jacoby 2004:4). This “better life” generally refers to economic success,
learning English, and the opportunity to receive a better education. A Western education
is characteristic of a “better” life to many immigrants; however, economic opportunities
in the States are not always up to par. According to Jacoby, second-generation
immigrants do not seek to lose their cultural heritage like immigrants from the mid 20th
century. Today’s soaring immigration rates and multiculturalism prevent “…assimilation
as defined by the conformist, lily-white suburban neighborhoods of [the] 1950s”
(2004:4). As a qualitative researcher, I had to reassess my definition of assimilation,
because so many Americans are stuck in the 1950s mentality that stresses conformity.
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Asheville is not an exceedingly “multicultural” community; therefore second-generation
Arab immigrants may not be so quick to frown upon assimilation.
Acculturation, Assimilation, and Marginalization in Immigrant Communities:
How to Make Sense of These Processes
Immigration narratives often allude to “life back home” or “conditions in
America.” These phrases repeatedly come up when immigrants attempt to make sense of
their experiences and negotiate their identities in the host society. Pre-contact
characteristics include: education, age, gender, occupation, marital status, and language
skills; post-contact characteristics include: degrees of pluralism, host society perceptions
(e.g., tolerance), and the availability of social and ethnic group networks (Hayani
1999:288-9) Hayani places a heavy emphasis on post-contact characteristics when
considering how an immigrant will react to his or her new situation. He particularly
focuses on “…the degree of pluralism extant in the host society” and “…the magnitude of
social and ethnic group networks available to the immigrant soon after entry” (1999:289).
Higher degrees of pluralism can allow for smoother transitions into the host society,
because native born citizens are more familiar with people from different cultures.
Existing ethnic enclaves and social networks may also entice newly arrived immigrants,
who are looking to maintain aspects of their home cultures and/or quickly familiarize
themselves with the local culture. The degree of pluralism extant in the small city of
Asheville emerges as an important theme in later sections of this paper.
Hayani does not de-emphasize the role of pre-contact characteristics, particularly
education, age, and language skills. Higher education levels and knowledge of the
English language sometimes serve as coping mechanisms for immigrants, who are
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coming to terms with their new surroundings. Coping mechanisms, especially language
skills, are critical to the smooth transitioning of immigrants into their respective host
societies, particularly in a relatively homogenous city like Asheville. Age also affects the
extent to which an immigrant wishes to acculturate. Older immigrants, particularly those
from the second wave, may not feel compelled to acculturate as much as younger
immigrants.
Identities have become more fluid as a result of modernization and globalization.
Nathan Glazer describes a shift in assimilation tendencies from a new “wholly” American
identity that leaves most aspects of one’s home culture behind to split identities
characterized by a strong sense of nationalism to one’s home country and to a lesser
degree, the United States (Glazer 2004:65). This tendency is similar to the integrationist
mode of acculturation outlined by Hayani. Dual citizenship is now seen as acceptable
while in the past it was seen as a burden (2004:65). Some Arabs who emphasize their
temporary status may reject dual citizenship, particularly those who maintain a strong
sense of nationalism to their home country.
Some Arab immigrants have been considered “white ethnics” and exemplary
models of the assimilation process (Samhan 1987:16). The label “white ethnics” shows
how Arab immigrants have gained respect within an exceedingly white, European social
structure; however, the “success” marked by assimilation is debatable (as previously
mentioned). Many immigrants lose parts of their ethnic identities and cultural heritages
in order to fit in. After all, should an immigrant’s success be marked by the downplay of
his or her native identity?
Marginalization occurs when an ethnic group loses contact with its own culture
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and stays away from predominant discourses and cultural forms (Hayani 290). Moore
(2002) speaks to the othering and stereotyping of Muslims and Arabs living in the United
States. The dominant culture seems to discriminate against and/or marginalize Arabs
based on cultural rather than racial differences (Moore 2002:32). Arabs are not as “dark”
as some other immigrant groups, especially those from Sub-Saharan Africa who have
been demonized by Western discourses for centuries. This concept seems to reintroduce
Samhan’s notion of the “white ethnic.” Arabs living in the U.S. may be negotiating a
contrast between their identities as coveted “white ethnics” or potentially dangerous
“others.”
Acts of discrimination, such as the Patriot Act, target the potentially dangerous
“others” (also known as Arabs) in the wake of September 11th, 2001 (2002:33). Arab
immigrants may have felt a greater need to assimilate after the events of 9/11, or they
could have reasserted their ethnic and cultural identities out of sheer anger. Most
reassertions of ethnic identity, particularly among Islamic fundamentalists, occurred
behind closed doors and outside of the country. Reassertions of Islamic identity may
split Arab communities between those who wish to redefine themselves as “good
citizens” and those who resist the American backlash. The “good citizens” fly American
flags in their front yards as public displays of normality and discipline (Shryock
2002:917-19). I wanted to see whether Arabs living in Asheville represented “good
citizens” or the defiant, undisciplined “others.”
Situating Western North Carolina
Asheville and the Surrounding Area
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The city of Asheville, North Carolina sits in the French Broad Valley of the
Southern Appalachians. The small city is predominantly white, but there are growing
numbers of immigrants moving to the area and the state of North Carolina, especially
from Latin America. According to the 2000 U.S. Census, white persons accounted for
78.0% of Asheville’s population of 68,889. Black or African American persons
accounted for 17.6% of the population, and persons of Latino or Hispanic origin
numbered around 2,618 (U.S. Census Bureau 2000). These statistics illustrate
Asheville’s homogeneity and many racial and ethnic groups remain undistinguished.
The census describes “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of
Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa” as white. This category includes people who
identify as “Irish, German, Italian, Lebanese, Near Easterner, Arab, or Polish.” The
Census Bureau (2000) states: “These categories are sociopolitical constructs and should
not be interpreted as being scientific or anthropological in nature.” But, one should not
assume Asheville has high populations of Middle Easterners and North Africans. Simply
walking down the streets one is exposed to the city’s racial and ethnic homogeneity.
Asheville’s reputation as “The Paris of the South” has led to intensive gentrification and
limited the degree of pluralism extant in the city.
Gentrification has caused numerous ‘ethnic’ restaurants to pop up all over the
city. One ‘Middle Eastern’ restaurant has sprung up within the last two and a half years.
I conducted two informal interviews on the restaurant’s owners. Ali and Anat were quite
willing to converse with me, but they were not keen on having their interviews audio
recorded. The married, Egyptian couple was the first to suggest that I change the setting
of my research:
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Ali: We Arabs are very hard workers, you know. I think this will be hard
for you to meet people that have time to talk with you. I come to work early
in the morning, and we don’t leave until late in the afternoon after
everything has been cleaned up. The last thing people are going to want to
do is sit with you after they have been working all day.
Anat: My husband has good point…People are not going to speak with you
after working for the day. This is why you should go to this Islamic Center,
because people will have time to talk with you. Also, you should change
your research to Muslims, because Arabs are very closed people. They may
not trust you and your research.
I did not take their full advice; however, the Islamic Center of Asheville seemed like an
ideal setting for meeting potential participants. Visits to places of business, restaurants,
service stations, and food markets, were not out of the question.
Last year, I began to meet Arabs living in the Asheville area through a friend,
who was employed at a Subway/CITGO station in Swannanoa. The town of Swannanoa
is a census-designated place in Buncombe County, North Carolina with a population of
4,132 at the last census (2000). The town lies approximately fifteen minutes East of
Asheville, so Arab persons living and/or working there were of particular interest. My
friend introduced me to her Arab manager, Baha, and he introduced me to several persons
of Arab descent living in the area: Habid, a forty year old, ‘Jordanian’ male, who is the
vice president of a management company; Rafiq, a twenty-five year old, ‘Jordanian’
male, who recently left East Asheville to work for his uncle at a packing plant in New
Jersey; and Nada, a thirty-one year old, Lebanese female, who works as a cashier at a
service station in Swannanoa.
In an attempt to gain legitimacy with the study participants, I regularly visited
service stations in the Asheville area, particularly in Swannanoa and North Asheville.
Observing interactions among Arab persons and their more formal interactions with
outsiders/customers prepared me for our eventual meetings. Arab workers began to
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acknowledge my presence, so I legitimized my prolonged searches for the right snack by
introducing myself as a student and researcher. Even after ‘legitimizing’ myself, most
Arab workers were hesitant to speak with me. They were skeptical of my intention which
was completely justified. Each time I presented my lay summary or began to talk about
the research, I was met with: “Why do you want to study us? Why are you interested in
Arab culture?” This was my initial frustration with the ethnographic research process.
I remembered Ali and Anat’s advice and decided to visit the Islamic Center. I
spoke with the Imam of the Islamic Center of Asheville, who introduced me to several
Arab worshippers. I attended Juma prayers on several occasions to observe this Friday
afternoon ritual; however, no formal interviews were conducted with mosque attendees. I
communicated with several attendees via email which seemed to be the most fruitful
approach due to their busy work schedules. I met one participant, Alon, at a bar in
Downtown Asheville. He is a unique participant, because he takes the labels: Arab, Jew,
Israeli, and Moroccan. I also informally interviewed Rusty, a middle-aged male from
Swannanoa, who is employed at a local service station owned and managed by an Arab.
Personal Research Context and Positionality
Ever since childhood, I have been drawn to people of other ethnicities,
particularly those from the Middle East. My grandmother remembers little about her
immigration experience and seldom embraces her Syrian Christian heritage. I have
observed persons of Arab descent at ‘Middle Eastern’ restaurants and cultural festivals
for years; however, I and the rest of my family have always felt detached from the
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community. Hence, I wanted to understand how Arab persons construct new identities
and preserve aspects of their home cultures when living in the United States.
Initially, I was abhorred by some of my participants, who glorified the United
States. I hoped Arabs would be very critical of the U.S., particularly regarding its foreign
and immigration policies. These “hopes” exposed my own liberal biases and my
privilege as a white, American male. I possessed a Marxist working class lens, where I
expected Arabs to explain their plights as workers. My personal relationships with the
study participants also posed a serious threat to the validity of this research. The initial
interaction with most of the participants took place in a business setting with me, the
researcher, playing the role of a customer/consumer. The study participants were careful
to disclose information that could potentially influence my attitude toward their business.
Preconceived Notions: Idealizing the U.S.
Preconceived notions of life in the U.S. held by persons of Arab descent reflected
the core ‘American’ values instilled upon our nation’s populace. Archetypal American
discourses stress the values of individuality, freedom, and endless opportunity. The
media reproduces these discourses through its depiction of “our” consumer culture which
suggests resources are attainable to the masses. Most of the world is becoming
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increasingly Americanized, hence the aforementioned values are considered better than
the ‘collectivist’ and ‘restrictive’ cultures of the East. The internalization of ‘American’
values acts as a catalyst in the process of integration, because immigrants come to the
U.S. equipped with these desires. However, this does not mean immigrants have the
resources to immerse themselves in a consumer culture upon arrival.
Foreigners’ perceptions tend to reflect such hegemonic values, because the U.S.
commercial sector markets itself according to this predominant discourse. Some
participants were intrigued by the aforementioned notions of freedom and individuality.
As Nada noted, “I was tired of my family’s expectations. They wanted me to marry a
man from Lebanon, but I didn’t want that. I wanted to come to U.S. I want my own job
and my own money. But, our culture looks down on that.” Her desire to lead an
individualistic lifestyle reflects these hegemonic values and a Western influence on
gender expectations. Nada’s strategic embodiment of individualism contributed to her
rapid acculturation. Some could argue that she assimilated; however, Nada still speaks in
her native tongue at home and cooks traditional Lebanese fare. Her language,
particularly her expression “our culture,” suggests that she has not completely abandoned
her ethnic identity.
Upon his first visit to the States, Baha was impressed by the country’s enormity.
He believed the nation’s sheer size was indicative of endless opportunities. Baha first
visited the United States in 1992, when he was fourteen years old. He came to visit his
grandfather, an American citizen, living in New Jersey. His father had just passed away,
and Baha knew he would soon have to take financial responsibility of his family. After
coming to the U.S., Baha was expected to maintain a reciprocal relationship with his
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relatives back in Jordan; however, he rejected his new role as the financial provider and
lost the respect of many of his family members. Abandoning his role in the family
exemplifies Baha’s integrationist tendencies, because this is often considered an
American phenomenon. Baha still speaks Arabic in private settings, yet he impregnated
an American woman and eloped in act of direct defiance toward his family. Baha arrived
in the U.S. at a young age, which suggests he was not heavily indoctrinated into
Jordanian culture. He also recalled being exposed to American cultural forms since early
childhood.
Baha described his preconceived notions of the U.S. and his first impressions of
the country: “I thought this place was really big. My grandfather sent pictures to us in
Jordan…I loved them, especially the ones from New York, but I didn’t know how great
the U.S. really was. When I got here, I could not believe all of the freedoms! I was very
impressed.” Baha uses the term “freedoms” which alludes to his internalization of an
archetypical American discourse. His statement also shows that he was accustomed to
seeing images from the States. Baha’s early introduction to quintessential ‘American’
images like the Empire State Building fostered a burning desire for him to emigrate.
Advertisements and the media exploit and/or exaggerate America’s physical
features to impress those from other countries. Few countries remain unscathed by the
process of Americanization, particularly Jordan. Baha reflects the “American” values of
freedom and endless opportunity, which are also part of Jordanian political rhetoric:
I was watching T.V. one day…You know they have T.V. in Jordan, right?
It was an ad for something…I don’t remember what it was for, but I
remember seeing them Rocky Mountains and thinking about me being
there. I always heard the U.S. was beautiful and open. I dreamed I would
go there someday and find a good job. Now I live here [Swannanoa] and
work at Subway. This is definitely not the Rockies.
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Baha begins by asserting his claim to modernity. The television seems to be a symbol of
modernity and perhaps something that reflects socioeconomic status. Baha’s recollection
demonstrates how the U.S. commercial sector appeals to foreigners, who sometimes feel
confined by traditional social roles in their home countries. Space is also exaggerated to
represent America’s seemingly endless expanses. Surely the depictions of America’s
natural environments must correspond with the prospects for economic advancement in
the States. Baha’s internalized the notions of ‘ruggedness’ and ‘vastness’ which helped
him integrate into the host society.
Motivations for Coming to the States
Most study participants noted coming to the U.S. for economic reasons, which
satisfies Jacoby’s (2004) notion of the quest for a better life. Many Arabs seem to be
enchanted by the prospect of attaining great wealth in the United States, excluding those
who come here for educational purposes. Baha stated, “It’s hard for a young guy to have
an easy life in Jordan. There are jobs, but I had to support my family. I had to come to
the United States to make more money, so I could support them.” Such enchantment led
to above minimum wage-paying jobs as soon as Arabs arrived in the U.S. However,
many of these jobs did not offer the prestige associated with living a “better life.”
Trained professionals from the Arab World commonly take service sector jobs in the
U.S., but they are not desired. Some participants took whatever jobs they could get at
first. Rafiq recalls his situation:
I knew there were jobs here. My family told me about jobs in America,
mostly in trade and stuff like that. My uncle and cousins come here about
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six years ago, and they got jobs pretty fast. I think they worked at Exxon
station and some markets. Now they own a franchise in New Jersey.
They told me I would not have trouble with jobs. I found one really fast,
but it wasn’t what I learned to do in Jordan. I took the first one, even
though it wasn’t accounting job.
Chain migration from the Middle East appears to be the norm, with immigrants
making it possible for the economically ambitious in their home countries to seek newer
horizons. The informal “indoctrination process” occurs when “significant others,”
particularly family members, friends, and community leaders, “attempt to pass on their
perceptions of life in [the United States] to the new initiate” (Hayani 1999: 289). This
process is similar to the relationship between Baha and his grandfather, who sent pictures
of the U.S. back to the Middle East. Baha’s grandfather brought him to the States;
however, his socially conservative perceptions were not passed on to his defiant
grandson.
Family members and friends with business connections played a critical role in
constructing the futures for “boaters.” This slang term refers to newly arrived, oftentimes
conservative immigrants (Shryock 2002:918). Building social capital increases the
likelihood of emigrating and becoming financially stable upon arrival. In the words of
Habid: “My father’s friends got a job for me in New Jersey. I worked at a food
distribution warehouse. I didn’t like the job very much, because I am not used to doing
that kind of work.” Habid’s story emphasizes the importance of social networking.
Large social networks exist in the Arab communities of the Northeast; however,
Asheville’s Arab population is dominated by a few individual families. Most of these
families own franchises throughout Western North Carolina and rarely interact with one
another. Hence, Arabs who come to Asheville and do not have ties with these families
Jones 23
(as in the case of Baha) integrate into other social groups.
Nada, who left her nuclear family back in Lebanon to attend college in the States,
had considerable social networks upon her arrival. Before moving to Charlotte, several
of her extended relatives lived in the Asheville area and had created long-lasting business
connections. These bonds enabled her to get a job at a service station that was not hiring
and help her finance her classes at a local community college. Nada commented on her
advantageous connections:
I knew my relatives would take care of me. I came to the U.S. with very
little money. I barely knew anyone, but family connections are strong.
This is probably the only reason I was able to find a job. I don’t know
what I would do without their help.
Observations suggest Arab-dominated franchises in the area are the result of familial ties
and social networking. These ties and networks are examples of Hayani’s pre-contact
characteristics. Nearly every Subway in Western North Carolina is owned by the same
Jordanian family, hence a “localized monopoly” on healthy, fast-food sandwiches has
been revealed. Economic success depends upon the maintenance of familial and social
relations which create “immaterial” and “non-economic” capital (Bourdieu 1986).
However, no single, overarching community seems to exist for Arabs living in the
Asheville area.
On Being ‘Arab’ in Asheville…
Negotiating the Term ‘Immigrant’
Arabs living in Asheville are reluctant to internalize the term ‘immigrant.’ The
term’s ostensibly negative connotation posed many challenges to the research process. A
number of participants were instantly disinterested in this research after they read the
Jones 24
term in my lay summary. Some could argue, immigrant, has a more positive connotation
than the word, illegal alien. But, both labels are often used to describe nonwhite,
working class, nonnative English speakers. ‘Immigrant’ also suggests a sort of
permanence which intimidates some Arabs, especially those hoping to return to their
home countries.
Dropping the word ‘immigrant’ in conversation was seen as a derogatory remark
by some Arabs. Most participants rejected the label, because many of them are
temporarily living and working in the States. Brettell’s (2000) typology discriminates
between different immigrants: those who intend to stay temporarily and those who plan
to stay permanently. Arabs living in Asheville seem to reject this label, because many
are from the middle strata of their home societies. In fact, many have university
educations and leave their countries for economic reasons. But despite their class origin
and education, many take service industry jobs in the U.S.. Ali comments on this
phenomenon: “I did not come to U.S. to make money. I came here for my sons and their
educations, not for me and my wife. We have to work at our restaurant a lot of days. I
should be retired by now if I stayed in Alexandria [Egypt]. We had good lifestyles
there.” Ali challenges Jacoby’s notion of a “better life.”
After changing the summary’s language, potential participants were still skeptical
of the term ‘immigrant’ if it came up in conversation. After I dropped the term, Ali
seemed insulted and slyly refused to answer any additional questions:
I’m not immigrant! I’m way too old. I come here for my sons, that is all.
You [the researcher] should talk to younger boys like my sons. They are
the real immigrants. I am not what they call immigrant. They have their
education in the States and they speak the best English.
Ali exposes several reoccurring aspects of Arab identity in this brief statement. He
Jones 25
rejects being called an immigrant from the outset and appears offended for having been
deemed so. Importantly, age emerges as a factor in determining one’s status as an
immigrant. He acknowledges his role in the service industry, yet he does not accept the
label of “immigrant.” Predominant discourses often refer to immigrants as laborers yet
he challenges this notion.
Ali describes children as the “real” immigrants. He was specifically referring to
his sons, who were educated in the U.S. Other participants were quick to mention their
children’s better understanding of “American culture.” Apparently, true ‘immigrant’
status reflects the extent to which Arabs internalize the values and cultural forms of their
American counterparts. Habid cites his noninvolvement with his children’s schooling
and a misunderstanding of popular trends:
My childrens know more English than I do. They bring homework that
only they know. I should know this, but I have not been to school for a
while. I don’t understand their grades so much, but they will go to
college. That’s what their teacher says anyway. I think they won’t go to
college if they keep listening to this Black music [referring to hip hop and
gangster rap] and playing around after school.
Pre-contact considerations, such as age and education, emerge as the focuses of Habid’s
discussion of ‘immigrant’ identity. According to Hayani, “…education provides a person
with the knowledge, language, conceptual skills, and problem-solving tools that enable
him or her to deal better with the demands of acculturation” (Hayani 1999:289).
Older Arabs differentiated themselves from their offspring, who possessed better
English skills and were in touch with popular culture. This shows a construction of
identity in which parents are motivated by the desire to improve their childrens’ lives,
even if this means abandoning themselves to the fact that their children will have
different identities. First-generation Arabs do not embrace the “immigrant” label, simply
Jones 26
because it is attached to their papers. Their temporary statuses also serve to resist this
label. From an etic perspective the label is predetermined; however, the term appears to
mean a lot more to the individual.
Those perceived to be immigrants are often seen as social and economic threats to
native-born citizens. Locals often equated Arabs to Latin American immigrants, who are
perceivably “stealing peoples’ jobs.” Rusty, a white, middle-aged male describes his
Arab boss at a service station in Swannanoa:
Those people are starting to buy up the whole place. You take a business
on 70 and one of them owns it. It doesn’t matter where they are from,
India or the Middle East, they want to buy whatever businesses they
can…I mean…I like my boss, but he’s always on his cell phone. I don’t
know what he talks about, probably something bad about this country.
Rusty alludes to the negative sentiments held by some locals about Arab peoples: “He
just doesn’t fit in here. I don’t know why he wants to live in Swannanoa with a bunch of
us.” (I assume he used the term “us,” because my outward appearance does not suggest
my relatives are from the Middle East.) These statements provide key insights into the
“othering” process. Ethnic differences are interpreted as a threat to the supposed
monoculture of Swannanoa.
The Lack of a Young Arab Community
Arabs living in Asheville swiftly acculturate due to the city’s lack of pluralism.
The city lacks pluralism on many levels, particularly concerning race and ethnicity,
which inhibits the formation of sizable, ethnic groups. Social networks expanding
beyond the family are mostly confined to older, first-generation Arab males. One
restaurant in downtown Asheville serves as a meeting place for mature Arab men, who
gather to talk about business and politics. (I was advised never to sit in on these
Jones 27
meetings.) Such networks occasionally reach out to younger Arabs, as in the case of
Nada and Habid; however, no substantial social groups have been organized for young
Arabs.
The city’s lack of young, Arab social groups encouraged one participant to become
involved with an underground youth culture. Gordon (1964) suggests an immigrant is
not participating in the host society until people with different ethnic backgrounds
socialize together, visit each other, and belong to the same social clubs. His theory
concerning immigrant participation is more assimilationist than acculturationist in its
approach and is not really applicable within the Asheville context. Alon spoke to me
about the intensification of his drug habits after socializing with his “downtown” friends
at BoBo’s:
In Israel, I used to take drugs, but never like I do here. I mean…I drank in
Israel, but I rarely did other drugs. I think Asheville has a considerable drug
culture and many in our community take advantage of that. I could not get
away with this many drugs in my home country, because I lived with my
parents. Now that I live on my own, I can do whatever I want, whenever I
want. There aren’t any hookah bars or places for Arab people to hang out,
so they do what everyone else is doing. In Asheville’s case, that is drugs.
Seemingly, younger Arabs take on the habits of their ‘Ashevillian’ counterparts. Alon
said his party habits would be different if community organizations existed for Arabs to
get together and share their experiences in the host society. He also stated, “…many
Arabs lose touch with their heritage, because Asheville is so small, and there is no
diversity here. I used to live in New York, where I would see hundreds of Arabs
everyday.” He leaves me wondering if young Arabs feel a sense of community in New
York, simply because it is an extremely diverse city.
Jacoby (2004) assumes second-generation immigrants do not seek to lose their
Jones 28
cultural heritage like early immigrants. Asheville’s lack of pluralism, particularly in
regard to Arab communities, challenges Jacoby’s notion of preserving cultural heritage.
Young Arabs found it difficult to maintain their cultural identities in the absence of large
ethnic groups. Second-generation Arabs felt that maintaining relationships with other
groups was more important (as in the case of Alon).
Marginality within Asheville’s Arab Population
Arabs have been the targets of much scrutiny, especially after September 11, 2001
and the current ‘wars on terror’ in Iraq and Afghanistan. Mainstream media assume the
Arab or Islamic origin of anyone accused of a terrorist act. The Middle East is also
portrayed as a land of “radical fundamentalists.” In effect, the media has demonized
Arabs and labeled Muslims as social deviants. When the media portrays Arab
communities in the U.S. they often turn to Yemeni neighborhoods, which are perhaps the
most conservative and visually “exotic” (Shryock 2002:918-19).
Highly visible Arab communities, particularly those surrounding Detroit, arguably
experience the highest levels of discrimination within the American context. Prior to
September 11th, 2001, Arab immigrants felt comfortable inside their relatively safe,
“clean,” Detroit neighborhoods. After the terrorist attacks, Arabs described their own
neighborhoods as “ghettoes” and “enclaves.” “A resurgent imagery of Otherness and
marginalization, increasingly Muslim in focus, is now the backdrop against which Arabs
in Detroit are struggling to (re)define themselves as ‘good citizens’” (2002:917). This is
not the case within the Asheville context. Arab and Muslim populations are very small,
and there are no distinctively-Arab communities or neighborhoods. Even though
Jones 29
Asheville flaunts a façade of acceptance and liberality, Arabs have been marginalized,
notably by other Arabs.
Several Arab participants associated the term “immigrant” with local Palestinians,
who generally hold service sector jobs in the local economy. The word seems to carry a
stigma, because immigrants, or Palestinians (the participants used the two terms
interchangeably), are associated with lower/working class populations. Interestingly,
Arab professionals and religious leaders relayed these stereotypes. Palestinians seem to
accrue marginal statuses within the Arab community. At the Islamic Center, Abdel
noted:
Abdel: I bet you have run into Palestinians in your research at gas stations.
Me: No, I have met several Jordanians, who have been very helpful.
A: Well that’s a surprise, because they are not really Jordanian. They are dirty
Palestinians, but they won’t tell you that. They want you to think they are not
from a conflict area. They also never come to mosque, which I think is very bad
reflection of their characters.
The de-emphasis of Arab and Muslim backgrounds suggests my participants were
careful in expressing their ethnic identities, perhaps to avoid confrontation or
discrimination. Ali alludes to this, but he did not expand any further on this subject:
“I say Middle Eastern food instead of Arabic food, because it will reach a
greater section of the population. I think if people saw ‘Arabic,’ they
would not understand what it is. Sometimes people come to me asking for
Greek food. This is only somewhat similar.”
Other Arabs living in Asheville downplay their “Arabness” as well. Nada downplays her
“Arabness” by refusing to dress in Muslim garb. She wears “revealing clothes, because
[she] likes the way they make [her] feel.” Nada’s love of “provocative” clothing rejects
the Islamic norms and values on which she was raised. Besides the negative perceptions
of Palestinians projected by other Arabs, participants recalled few discriminatory
Jones 30
experiences while living in Asheville. In fact, a South Asian immigrant, who owns a
local hotel, said he experienced more discrimination in New York than while living in
Asheville.
Conclusion: Integrating into “Ashevillian” Culture
Most participants took bites of “Ashevillian” culture and maintained their cultural
identities to some degree or another. Both are pursued simultaneously which leans
toward the integrationist mode of acculturation. Behaviors and familial roles reflect
home country norms and values, especially in the case of older Arabs like Ali. Younger
participants like Nada and Baha also uphold traditional Islamic values and embrace Arab
cultural forms at home. However, their public representations of identity reflect a
readiness to accept new cultural forms. One should remember Nada’s strategic
embodiment of individualism, where the internalization of ‘American’ values aided the
process of integration, or Alon’s participation in Asheville’s drug culture, which he
blamed on the lack of pluralism in the city. Second-generation Arabs felt that
maintaining relationships with other groups was more important than fostering their
cultural heritages. This presents an interesting dichotomy between older and younger, or
first and second-generation, Arab immigrants which should be researched in greater
depth.
This research turned out to be a collection of case studies as opposed to a broad
ethnographic inquiry into an organized community. Arabs living in Asheville generally
lacked a connection to one another, and most of their stories were unique. It was difficult
to draw parallels between participants’ stories; however, many commonalities emerged,
Jones 31
especially concerning the motivations to emigrate and preconceived notions of the United
States. I now understand why most research concerning the construction of Arab identity
has been conducted in large cities like Detroit and Chicago. After all, there are no Arab
organizations in Asheville. The gender dynamics at the Islamic Center also prevented me
from interacting with women, and the men (although very friendly) were committed to
their business lives.
References Cited
Berry, John W.
1990 The Role of Psychology in Ethnic Studies. Canadian Ethnic Studies
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Bourdieu, Pierre
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Brettell, Caroline, B.
2000 Theorizing Migration in Anthropology: The Social Construction of
Networks, Identities, and Globalscapes. In Migration Theory: Talking Across the
Disciplines. Caroline B. Brettell and James F. Hollifield, eds. Pp, 97-136. New
York: Routledge.
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Glazer, Nathan
2004 Assimilation Today: Is One Identity Enough? In Reinventing the Melting
Pot. Tamar Jacoby, ed. Pp. 61-73. New York: Basic Books.
Gordon, Milton
1964 Assimilation in American Life. New York: Oxford University Press.
Hagan, Jacqueline Maria, and Helen Rose Ebaugh
2003 Calling Upon the Sacred: Migrants’ Use of Religion in the Migration
Process. International Migration Review 37(4):1145-1161.
Hayani, Ibrahim
1999 Arabs in Canada: Assimilation or Integration? In Arabs in America:
Building a New Future. Michael Suleiman, ed. Pp. 284-303. Philadelphia: Temple
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Jacoby, Tamar
2004 Defining Assimilation for the 21st Century. In Reinventing the Melting Pot.
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Joseph, Suad
1999 Against the Grain of the Nation--The Arab. In Arabs in America: Building a
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1987 Politics and Exclusion: The Arab American Experience. Journal of Palestine
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Shryock, Andrew J.
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Appendix A
Interview Questions
1.) Tell me the story of how you happened to come here to Asheville? Begin back in
Egypt/Syria/Jordan/etc. before immigrating was even a consideration.
2.) How did the media in your home country represent the United States? How did these
representations (if any) influence your previous notions of life in the States?
3.) What has it been like for you to immigrate to the United States? What do you like?
What do you dislike or find challenging?
4.) What kinds of activities (religious, family, work, social, etc.) do you do over the
course of a typical week? Did you do the same kinds of things in your home country?
*Provisional 5.) What does being an Arab Muslim mean to you? In what ways do you
think your religion has influenced others’ perceptions of you? How has Islam shaped
Jones 34
who you are?
6.) Do you feel a connection to other Arab immigrants? What kinds of things unite you?
What kinds of things keep you separated?
Subsidiary Interview Questions
-Is there tension between new and old immigrants or animosity between children and
their parents?
-Do you think Arabs in Western North Carolina immigrate for the same reason?
-In your opinion, does knowledge of the English language contribute to a better life?
-What does “acculturation” mean to you? How does Asheville’s small size influence
these modes of acculturation?
-Does a community exist among Arab immigrants living in Asheville? Are there any
leaders?
-How do second-generation Arab immigrants preserve their ethnic and cultural identities?
-How many Arab immigrants living in the Asheville area have dual citizenship? How
might this influence the preservation of one’s ethnic identity?