WOMEN'S INTEREST ORGANIZATIONS:
ENCOUNTERS WITH THE STATE ON ISSUES OF GOOD GOVERNANCE
DR. IYABO OLOJEDE
DEPT. OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, LAGOS STATE UNIVERSITY, OJO
CHAPTER ONE
1.1
PREAMBLE
National Council of Women's Societies (NCWS) and Women in Nigeria (WIN) are central
women's civil society groups in Nigeria. What is the pattern of their contributions to political
life and good governance in Nigeria? What is the nature of these central women's societies "in
Nigeria? What are their major functions? What are the similarities and differences between
them?
What are their encounters with the State on issues of good governance? What is their
relationship with the state and their influence on policy process? What impact do they make
on the quality of political life and governance in Nigeria? How can they be strengthened to
enhance their impact as agents for attaining good governance? Answers to these questions
will form the main thrust of our study.
1.2
CONCEPTUAL ISSUES/LITERATURE REVIEW
Civil Society:
Civil society is an elusive concept (White, 1994). As an idea, civil society has achieved
relevance in the rising wave of the globalised democratic project. Civil society is largely seen
as an important agent for limiting authoritarian governments, strengthening popular
empowerment, reducing the socially anarchical and unsettling effects of market forces,
enforcing political accountability and improving the quality of public governance.
The concept of civil society has been variously defined. The varied definitions are often
rooted in different political philosophies, which are difficult to reconcile. Some definitions
1
from a liberal perspective view civil society as those social forces, which ate in support of a
variety of liberal economic reforms (Beckman, 1998: 46-61). Interest groups opposed to the
liberal economic reforms are considered 'vested' or 'special interests' and therefore considered
outside the realm of civil society. Interest groups, which emerged as part and parcel of the
developmental process in their countries such as public service workers' unions and industrial
trade unions were seen as inclusive of the state and not part of civil society. Another variant
of liberal conception perceives civil society as civic institutions and political activity as
essential elements of a particular type of political society based on the principles of
citizenship, rights, democratic representation and the rule of law.
Diamond (1994: 15) for example claims that the pluralistic and market oriented nature of civil
society organizations makes it incompatible with religious, ethnic, revolutionary
organizations that seek to monopolize a functional or political space in society. Diamond goes
on to state that civil society must respect the state and pluralism, eschew violence to qualify
as civil society. Civil society is seen more or less as a corollary of liberal democracy.
Prevailing liberal notions of civil society are tied to a commitment to liberal democracy. It is
assumed that all societies regardless of their socio - political context are destined to be liberal
democratic. The growth of civil society is viewed via liberal democratic processes.
Characteristics of associational life that are deemed supportive of liberal democratic views
are considered as the realm of civil society.
Others have also defined civil society as the public sphere, the social space that is distinct
from the state and resistant to its hegemony. It is explained as comprising:
The various non - governmental organizations, human rights groups, cooperatives, unions,
media, religious assemblages, professional associations etc., through which individuals
collectively and voluntarily carry out their social enterprises. Such associations often exit in
dynamic tension with the state (Shaw and Smith, 1996: 250-251).
In the same state-civil society dichotomy, Fatton (1995: 67) argued that civil society
represents a counterweight to state power. In reality, a sharp dichotomy between state and
society does not exist. The concept of civil society needs to be disengaged from its
incorporation into the liberal theory of state - society relations, where state and civil society
are juxtaposed as separate and conflicting spheres (Beckman 1998: 46-61). It regiments
2
societal features into separate spheres at the expense of an understanding of the way in which
they are mutually and jointly constituted.
In the context of this paper, civil society is defined as an intermediate realm situated between
the state and household. It is populated by' organized groups or associations, which enjoy
some autonomy in relation with the state and are formed voluntarily by members of society to
protect or extend their interests and identities. In this definition, civil society is made up of
such institutions as community development associations, women's groups, professional
groups, human rights groups etc.
Research output on civil society organizations in Africa has produced a classification of civil
society organizations (Agbaje, 1990; Diamond, 1994; Chazan, 1992). Civil society
organizations are distinguished as:
(i)
Interest groups i.e. trade unions, professional and business groups.
(ii)
Organizations based on kinship, ethnicity, culture and religion.
(iii)
Organizations with specific political aspirations and roles.
(iv)
Organizations with occasional political roles and aspirations.
Shaw and Smith (1996: 252) categorized civil society organizations in the following ways:
(1)
Local versus National, International, Regional and /or Local;
(2)
Specific sector or multi sectoral;
(3)
Advocacy, Communications, Educational, Welfare and/or Production oriented;
(4)
Democratic or not in structure.
(5)
Primarily related to development issues or project;
(6)
Part of a broader Civil Society coalition or not;
(7)
Instant or long established civil society;
(8)
Political orientation - conservative, mainstream, neutral and/or progressive;
3
(9)
Antagonistic, cooperative or dependent relations with governments and/or transitional
organizations.
In the schemata provided by Ekeh (1992) civil society can be classified into four groupings.
They are:
(i)
Civic associations (i.e. trade unions, student unions, mass media etc.)
(ii)
Deviant civic associations (e.g. secret societies, fundamentalist religious movements).
(iii)
Primordial public associations (ethnic associations).
(iv)
Indigenous development associations e.g. farmers and traditional women's union.
The varied schemas discussed above show some overlap. With respect to functional
categorization, it is possible to extend the groups without end. The categorizations assist us in
systematizing the discussion on civil society organizations.
The roles and activities of civil society organizations also vary. They include the
representation of interest of specific groups in relation to government and other sectors of the
society. It also includes the mobilization of the social actors to increase their consciousness
and impact, the regulation and monitoring of state performance and the behaviour and actions
of public officials. Finally, it includes the developmental or social action role to improve the
wellbeing of their own constituencies or groups.
Civil society organizations vary in the nature and range of their objectives. Some of them
have clear objectives while others have sporadic or momentary objectives. Some civil society
organizations seek to influence broad political, social structures and processes. Others may be
concerned with influencing economic circumstances of their constituencies by stimulating
certain actions or activities, which improve the well - being of vulnerable groups. Certain
civil society organizations may also have wide social objectives by seeking to represent and
improve the conditions of other social groups beyond their own personal membership.
Narrow civil society organizations may be concerned with more limited goals seeking to
maximize the parochial interests of their members without concern for other groups.
4
Women's Civil Society Organisations:
Garba (1997: 256, Omololu (1997) provides a typology of women's civil organizations in
Nigeria. They are autochthonous and heterochtonous women's organizations. The
autochthonous organizations are further classified into four:,
(i)
Professional/occupational women's groups;
(ii)
Activist women's groups;
(iii)
Research driven women's groups; and
(iv)
Religious women's groups.
The heterochtonous women's organizations are chapters of International Women's
Organizations. Most of the ideas, activities and strategies of the heterochtonous women's
organizations are often imported. They are therefore less likely to be enduring tools for the
empowerment of Nigerian women. The classification provided by Garba and Omololu
appears incomplete. The classification excludes ethnic women's groups, which also provide,
forum for the articulation of women's economic and social interests from their areas of origin.
Omololu (1997: 74) examines the character of women's organizations. He notes that some
women's organizations represent broader women's interests - the improvement of socio economic and political situations of women, while others revolve around parochial interests.
Similarly, women's organizations are structured and operated to endure or even survive from
one generation to another while some were established to achieve immediate goals or for
self-gratification.
Several studies on women's movement show that there exist differences in ideologies and
strategies among women's interest organizations (Boles, 1979; Freeman, 1974; Morgan, 1972,
1974; O'Connor, 1980; Sapiro, 1998; Mba, 1982; Toyo, 1997; Pereira, 1997; Imokhuede,
1992). On the ideological level, some women's organizations are based on ideas primarily
derived from traditions of liberal individualistic thought, while others are from socialist
theory. Increasing number of feminists are also attempting to question the liberal and socialist
ideologies. They are wrenching themselves from the context of these ideologies developed
within and reflective of gender - stratified societies, in an effort to find new ways of
5
understanding and responding to women's interests (Rich, 1979; Daly, 1978; Editors of
Questions Feminists, 1980:3 - 22).
With respect to strategies, eight major strategies are commonly used by women's
organizations. One is conventional pressure techniques including legal action, lobbying,
electoral participation and contact with public officials and the press. A second type is the use
of non - conventional pressure technique; including symbolic political action, protest and
demonstrations and from time to time violence. A third strategy is consciousness- raising or
activities designed towards intra-group mobilization, or the development of knowledge about
women and gender stratification. The fourth strategy is the establishment of alternative
institutions to provide services solely to women on health, transportation, banking, protection,
legal aid, publishing and education. These institutions are established to meet the special
needs of women not taken care of by the male dominant organizations. A fifth strategy is
separatism, or the establishment of groups, institutions and networks whose objective is to
provide self - centered services to communities and to prevent the replacement of goals,
which may be hijacked by male institutions or non -feminist ideology. The sixth strategy is
called the caucus organization. These are subsets of women within occupational,
organizational and political institutions. These groups tend to restrict themselves to the
specific concerns of women within these organizations. The seventh strategy is the
establishment of coalitions with other women's groups to emphasize shared women's interests
and submerging profound differences for common goals. The final strategy is the internal
congresses of women's groups with extension in other countries. Women have established
many international organizations, specifically for the purpose of discussing and solving
problems of women's political status and social roles.
Mba (1982), Afigbo (1996: 539-57) records the existence of women's organizations during
the colonial period, which provided a forum for the articulation of women's interests. These
include the lyalode societies and the Abeokuta Women's Union (AWU) in Western Nigeria,
Nwabiola Movement, Southern Ngwa Women's Association etc. in Eastern Nigeria.
Superficially, these women's interest organizations appear strictly social and economic, but
underlying motives for organization and action are political. The women's organizations in
their various communities organized themselves to resist the political order, which has
threatened their, existence in the political economy of their communities.
6
Mba (1982), Olojede (1995), Shettima (1997), Toyo (1997), Pereira (1997), Salihu (1997),
examine the dominant women's interest groups in contemporary Nigeria. These include the
National Council of Women's Societies (NCWS) Women in Nigeria (WIN). Mba (1982: 165)
notes that NCWS and its progenitors, Nigerian Women's Union (NWU), Federation of
Nigeria Women's Societies (FNWS), were among the first women's' civil societies. They gave
expression to women's interests, which had hitherto not been given expression or represented.
They also applied pressure in obtaining public hearing. The activities and pressure of NWU
and FNWS contributed largely to the enfranchisement of women in South -- Eastern and
South - Western Nigeria. These movements were active and vocal in articulating women's
problems through mass mobilization. The association's leadership was very conscious of the
special role of women The importance of women to the society and the assertion of their
rights vis-a-vis men.
Toyo (1997), Pereira (1997) discusses the progressive alignment and collaboration of NCWS
with the political class in the marginalization of women in Nigeria. The authors opined that
the regular receipt of subventions from government contributed to the warm relationship
between NCWS and the former and the subsequent loss of autonomy of NCWS. According to
these scholars NCWS became a mouth, organ for the government and the dominant male
interests as against women's `interests) as reflected in the explanation of one of its key
officials (Pereira, 1997):
"There is no need ... for a woman to be liberated from a man, the man owns the
government. There is a need for women to fully participate in government but we
need some level of understanding. We (the NCWS) are not there to take away what
they have but we are here to assist them in doing WHATEVER they do better."
If a woman's movement is to be guided by such philosophy, what benefits can be derived by
the generality of women in the civil society who ere oppressed by negative socio - cultural
practices?
Shettima (1995), Imam (1997), Salihu (1997) discusses the emergence of parallel women's
interest organizations which do not share NCWS patronizing approach. WIN was established
in 1982. It drew its inspirations from a leftist ideology, which identifies the present nature of
class and gender dynamics as being responsible for the marginalization of Nigerian women.
7
The autonomous character of WIN has enabled the organization to develop its own
ideological position to locate women's participation in political development within the
context of the need. for fundamental social change in general, aimed at eradicating, class and
gender basis of exploitation (Pereira, 1997: 8-12) 1.
Toyo (1997: 7), Three `cycle report (n.d.) examines the lack of consensus among women's'
organizations, even for seemingly similar interests or objectives. This she (Togo) opines,
remains a major set back for women's organizations in influencing policies in favour of
Nigerian women. She also cautions that the existence of women's civil societies organizations
is not a guarantee for a strong civil society, as several women's organizations are steeped in
vitriolic internal conflicts thereby impeding actions which may portend positive changes for
their beneficiaries. For example, WIN was divided on whether or not to join other progressive
forces under umbrella of Campaign for Democracy (CD) to fight for sanctity of June 12 1993.
She (Toyo) suggests that for women's organizations to r maker decisive \, impact on the
policy process, they would need to network among themselves and build coalitions. This is
considered as the most viable strategy for successful advocacy by women's organizations.
In spite of the growing literature on women's interest organizations in Nigeria, it is still
possible to discern an omission. While authors generally scratch the nature of NCWS and
WIN in an isolated manner, here is little effort to compare concretely the relatively older
NCWS and the relatively younger WIN and account for the differences/similarities existing
between them, their encounters with the state, their strategies and their impact on the policy
process in favour of good governance.
1.3
RESEARCH PROBLEM
Since political independence in 1960, misrule, arbitrariness and corruption have characterized
governance in Nigeria. Since colonial rule, several civil society organizations have emerged
to champion societal cause against the autocratic state or to defend the collective interests of
their members (Barkan, McNurlty and Ayeni 1991: 475-780). With globalization and its
visible characteristics such as universalization of institutions, practices and structures, civil
society organizations in Nigeria as elsewhere in Africa received increased impetus. Since ~k
1980s several civil society organizations with specific political aspirations and roles emerged.
8
Their goals are essentially political and they attempt to limit the state power as it impinges on
transparency and political accountability.
In Nigeria, some civil societies (gender- related inclusive) have been playing pivotal role in
enhancing state performance, transparency and accountability in government. Other civil
societies (gender- related inclusive have more or less become extension of state power. Some
have also become collaborative with the state in the marginalization of interest they claim to
serve. In this process, authoritarian and non-performing governments are bolstered. This
study attempts to examine the extent to which NCWS and WIN have enhanced good
governance in Nigeria.
1.4
OBJECTIVE OF STUDY
The primary objective of this study is to examine the role and contributions of NCWS and
WIN to political life and good governance in Nigeria.
Specific Objectives:
(i)
To examine the nature and capacity of NCWS and WIN.
(ii)
To examine the type of activities which NCWS and WIN engage in to promote policy
advocacy and change:
(iii)
To examine the extent of relations between NCWS, WIN and the state.
(iv)
To examine the impact of the activities of NCWS and WIN on the policy process.
(v)
To examine the changes that have been taking place in the legal, political, regulatory
and economic environment, affecting women.
1.5
SCOPE/JUSTIFICATION OF STUDY
This study is limited to the analysis of NCWS and WIN. Two major reasons justify this
choice. Firstly, NCWS is about the oldest women's civil society known to us in
post-independent Nigeria. It is also a government-recognized umbrella women's organization
comprising of other civil women's societies. It also has a history of relationship with
9
government. I should therefore provide us a fertile ground to explore the nature of
relationship with government and its encounters with government on issues of governance.
WIN appears to be a unique women's civil society in the sense that it challenges the existing
political and social structures. It also believes that class and gender oppression are located
within oppressive political and social structures within the society. It therefore aims at
promoting social justice and equity with women as primary beneficiaries. How the
organization achieves these objectives would be interesting to investigate. Its strategies for
action may also provide a useful comparison with relatively older NCWS.
1.6
SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY/EXPECTED CONTRIBUTIONS
The utility of this study lies in its ability to throw light on women's interest organizations in
Nigeria, their potentials for enhancing popular participation and possible strategies for
strengthening them as agents for improving governance for the ultimate benefit of their
members.
The study is a pioneering effort known to us as regards the empirical and comparative
analysis of prominent women's interest organizations in Nigeria and their varying
contributions on issues of democracy and good governance. This has been more or less
ignored by studies before it. It is therefore expected that the study will widen our horizon on
the differences/similarities existing between interest organizations in Nigeria which NCWS
and WIN represent, their encounters with the state over governance issues, their strategies and
their impact on policy process.
1.7
METHODOLOGY
In order to achieve our stated objectives, an active research methodology was employed. This
took the form of in-depth interviews. In-depth because of the need to extract as much
explanations' as possible regarding the subject of study. This approach allowed for narratives,
which were analysed to offer new explanations on the subject and give voice to the
understanding of major actors in the civil societies examined. Specifically, responses were
selected from 7 major officials of WIN and 15 members of WIN. 6 officials of WIN
responded and 1 declined at the time of interview on account of ill-health. WIN officials who
responded are:
10
(i)
Deputy National Coordinating Secretary.
(ii)
3rd National Assistant Secretary.
(iii)
National Membership Secretary.
(iv)
National Financial Secretary.
(v)
Enugu State Financial Secretary.
(vi)
Gombe State Coordinator.
The same number of officials and members of NCWS will be interviewed. Interview
questions were designed to elicit data on the nature and capacity of organizations studied,
their autonomy, links with other organizations, kinds of activities they engage in to promote
policy advocacy, growth and Involvement of their membership, their encounters with state on
issues of governance, impact on public policy etc.
Publications and documents from NCWS and WIN libraries were also utilized. Other
documentary sources are books related to civil society, relevant magazines, newspapers,
government publications etc.
CHAPTER TWO
2.1
NATURE OF NCWS AND WIN
NCWS was inaugurated in 1959. NCWS defines itself as a non-political body. NCWS seeks
to assist women in towns and villages in their important roles as homemakers and nation
builders. It also seeks to create among its members an awareness of good citizenship (Voice
of Women, 1996: 2). Its other objectives are:
(i)
To promote the welfare and progress (economic and social) of women laying
emphasis on education and training.
(ii)
To awaken and encourage in women the realization of their responsibilities to the
community.
11
(iii)
To ensure by every legal means that women are given every opportunity to play their
part as full responsible members of the community.
iv)
To encourage the affiliation of all non-political women's organizations in Nigeria.
(v)
To foster cooperation with other National and International bodies with similar aims.
In spite of self-definition of non-partisanship, the NCWS, in so far as it is aimed at
influencing government, engages in political activity. Its other political activities cover
promotion of basic political rights such as freedom to life, rights to vote and be voted for etc.
NCWS is an amalgamation of women's organizations - philanthropic, religious, cultural and
professional. Individuals also join the membership of NCWS. Affiliate members include the
following:
(i)
Association of Professional Women Bankers.
(ii)
International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA).
(iii)
Young Women's Christian Association (YCWA).
(iv)
Zonta International.
(v)
The Nigerian Guides Association.
(vi)
Medical Women's Association.
(vii)
Amata Progressive Women's League.
(viii) Ward Women's Vanguard.
(ix)
Ibibio Women's Cooperative Societies.
(x)
Muslim Mothers Association.
These affiliates have often provided immense material and human resources for the
achievement of NCWS programmes as we shall see later. Unlike WIN, NCWS enjoys a wider
membership among women. Many women's organizations believe that they can benefit from
government programmes such as Better Life for Rural Women, Family Support and Family
12
Economic Advancement, if they are members of NCWS. It is also erroneously believed that
affiliation with NCWS will confer on them government recognition.
NCWS at its formative stage (1959 - 1963) consisted mainly of elite, well - educated and
prosperous women who felt concerned both for their interests and for those of their "less
fortunate sisters" (Mba, 1997: 191 -197).
WIN unlike NCWS is relatively younger. It was inaugurated in 1982. WIN defines itself as a
political interest based organization (WIN, 1993: 28). It is organized around women's
interests which is consciously organized around a political position aimed at democratically
transforming class and gender relations (Robson, 1993: 291). It also defines women as a
differential category. It defines women's liberation as integral focus in the liberation of all
women and men. WIN merges the concern for gender equality with popular democratic
struggles. WIN has always felt it necessary to fight both class exploitation and sex
subordination together (Ogundipe, 1985: 4). In the WIN document, it is stated that the
founding group believed and the organization still maintains that the liberation of women
cannot be fully achieved outside the context of the liberation of the oppressed and poor
majority of the people of Nigeria (Ogundipe, 1985: 1). It is conscious of the importance of
both class and. gender systems in the struggle to see women enjoy their fundamental human
rights (Ogundipe, 1985: 3).
WIN has the following aims and objectives:
(i)
To promote the study of conditions of women in Nigeria, with the aim of combating
discriminatory and gender biases in the family, in the workplace and in the wider society.
(ii)
To defend the rights of women under the Nigerian Constitution and United Nations
Human Rights Convention.
(iii)
To provide gender sensitive alternatives to government and institutional policies.
(iv)
To fight against the harassment and sexual abuse of females in the family and
elsewhere.
(v)
To promote an equitable distribution of domestic work in the family.
(vi)
To provide a forum for women to express themselves.
13
(vii)
To ensure for women equal access to education.
(viii) To combat sexist stereotypes in literature, media and educational materials.
(ix)
To provide the means of educating women in relevant issues.
(x)
To form links and work with other organizations and groups fighting sex and class
oppression. '
(xi)
To fight for social justice.
WIN membership is given by its National Membership Secretary as 3,000 (three thousand).
Unlike NCWS, the growth in membership of WIN has been slow because of the negative
perception of WIN (Savor, 1993: 7). It was said that WIN lacked mass appeal for two major
reasons (Yusuf, 1989: 10). First, non-graduates saw it as an essentially academic association
since most of WIN's strongest members had their roots in universities. Its militant and radical
approach was also seen as receptive only to university community. There is also the
misconception that WIN represents western style liberation associated with permissiveness,
sexual laxity, erosion of family values etc. Yusuf (1998: 10) provides an example of a WIN
member who, in an interview granted to the Guardian, said she never liked marriage and that
is why she joined WIN.
WIN is not an affiliate of NCWS. Ten of WIN members believe that NCWS and WIN's
objectives are dissimilar. The Deputy National Coordinating Secretary believes that WIN's
non-affiliation with NCWS is hinged on WIN's principled position on politics and
governance. She further reveals that NCWS and WIN's orientations differ. The Gombe State
Coordinator of WIN believes that NCWS is a government organization and therefore WIN as
a non-governmental organization cannot relate with the organization. Interestingly, some
members (about 5) believe that WIN should be more flexible in its relationship with NCWS.
It is believed by some of these interviewees that WIN should interact and form links with
NCWS to rob minds on how the conditions of Nigerian women can be improved.
WIN like NCWS is a secular organization. It is open to women and men of different religious
persuasions. It therefore differs from religious women's civil societies such as the Federation
of Muslim Women's Association of Nigeria (FOMWAN), the Young Women's Christian
Association (YWCA) etc. It is also unlike Professional or Occupational Associations, like the
14
Market Women's Association or the Society of Women Accountants of Nigeria (SWAN) as
its membership covers all categories of women.
WIN believes that the Nigerian women are its constituency. It therefore sees its mandate as
empowering women and bringing changes in women's lives. Unlike NCWS, WIN is open to
men who accept its aims, objectives. It therefore believes not only in bringing about changes
in women's lives but empowering some groups of men (vulnerable). The incorporation of
men into its membership is a potential asset to WIN. It is capable of mobilizing men to
achieve gender equality and social change.
CHAPTER THREE
3.1
ORGANIZATIONAL ACTMTES, POLICY ADVOCACY AND POLITICAL
CHANGE
NCWS and WIN are engaged in economic and political activities with the ultimate aim of
affecting the political life of the country through women. This is done at two levels. The first
is at the economic level. Women are assisted economically to improve their living conditions.
It is believed by both organizations that economic emancipation of women would enable
them participate meaningfully in governance. The difference between the approaches of these
two organizations lies in the ideological orientation. WIN's economic emancipation
programmes are aimed at challenging oppressive and exploitative class system in Nigeria,
(Rural Empowerment News, 1998: 1-2). It is rooted in socialist ideology of liberating women
and poor men. While NCWS activities revolve around liberal notions of improving the
conditions of women to provide them access to policymaking (Ojewusi, 1996: 203-224).
At the political level, the two organizations are also involved in similar activities to promote
good governance. Political mobilization activities are carried out through training of women
on leadership skills, democracy and good governance.
Since the creation of NCWS in 1959 up till date (1999) NCWS had/has engaged in economic
programmes to improve their political conditions. As we shall see later, the immense human
and material resources at its disposal has enabled it carry out its activities with relative ease.
The first strategy adopted to empower women economically was the economic reorientation
15
programme, which commenced in 1960. In Nigeria, as elsewhere in Africa, there is
marginalization of women in all spheres of life" (social, economic and political). Women are
generally discriminated against. Women are considered as inferior to men. This reflects the
nature and essence of state and civil society in Africa (Nigeria inclusive), which is patriarchal
(Imam, 1989: 6).
The economic reorientation strategy of NCWS was hinged on lectures, training sessions and
discussion with rural and urban women. Women were enlightened on tenets of economic
emancipation. Pragmatic programmes to meet the financial needs of women were also
embarked on. They include the creation of credit thrift programmes and the ultimate creation
of its own bank in 1995. Lobbying of policy makers also complemented this strategy. As part
of its empowerment programmes a National Workshop on Nigerian Women in Commerce
was organized in 1961. The primary beneficiaries of this workshop were rural and urban
women. During this workshop participants were exposed to them rudimentary principles of
modern commerce (capital market, group finance) to enable women participate meaningfully
in the Nigerian economy. A prominent official of NCWS Aduke Moore (a high ranking staff
of Mobil Oil Company) delivered the lecture. This lecture was followed up by discussions,
which took place fortnightly with selected market women's groups such as Ebute - Ero
Market Association.
Between 1961 and 1963 NCWS engaged in economic ventures to provide employment for
women as well as finance for assisting financially weak women NCWS Communique, 1961).
Specifically, a dress factory was established to provide employment for young women.
During the economic recession of 1980s in Nigeria, NCWS embarked on economic literacy
programmes. Market women were taught, among others, the technique of profitable
marketing and avoidance of market saturation. Between 1988 and 1993 when the economic
situation worsened, the literacy programmes were enlarged to include debt crisis, inflation
and poverty. Resource materials for lecture were designed to enable the illiterate participants
benefit. The relevant affiliates/members of NCWS, such as National Association of
University Women (NAUW), The National Market Women's Association, the Society of
Women Accountants (SWAN), the Association of Professional Women Bankers etc. were
involved in the programme. These member organizations provide the necessary expertise and
services for the economic emancipation programmes for women.
16
NCWS climaxed the economic programme for women with the establishment of its own
Community Bank in 1995. The Bank was established to:
(i)
Awaken the financial consciousness of women.
(ii)
To encourage women to save.
(iii)
To make possible the economic empowerment of women all over Nigeria.
(iv)
To incorporate virtually all the productive elements at the grassroots with the sole
objective of promoting development.
The creation of the bank has been criticized on the ground that NCWS as a non-profit NGO
has no business creating a bank, which ultimately will make profits.
NCWS economic programmes were also complemented with intense lobbying of policy
makers to influence positively the economic policies in favour of women. In 1961, NCWS
through its member Chief (Mrs.) Wuraola Esan (a prominent politician) lobbied the Western
Region House and the National Assembly to enact favourable economic policies in favour of
women. In 1991, NCWS also lobbied Minister of Budget and National Planning to adopt
favourable tax and budget provisions to alleviate the conditions of women in Nigeria. This
produced positive results as the announced tax relief measures favoured women (Ojewusi,
1996: 221). The tax reform among others gave, (a) tax relief to families which have working
mothers as a way of encouraging women to join the workforce in large numbers. (b) Exclude
the less privileged members of the society, especially families earning N5, 000 (five thousand
naira) or less, from any form of income tax.
Conversely WIN's involvement in direct economic programmes is a recent development. It
commenced its economic related programmes in 1991. Prior to 1991, WIN's activities revolve
around public education through seminars, conferences, publications, participation in
radio/television programmes and popular theatre. This was probably due to the financial
incapability of the association at the time. Unlike NCWS, it had/has no access to government
subventions. In the words of Mary Abubakar the Deputy National Coordinating Secretary,
WIN had to rely on its members' financial resources and expertise to execute most of its
projects (interview 1999). The National Financial Secretary of WIN also revealed that
membership dues constitute only 10% of total income accruable to the organization annually.
17
Other internal sources of funding such as sales of its publications were also inadequate. As a
result WIN could not embark on welfare projects until 1991 when it began writing proposals
to donors for funding of some of its projects. An example is the WIN/Frauenanstiftung (FAS)
now Heinrich Boll foundation Rural Women's Cooperative Projects. In 1991 WIN facilitated
the formation of five working groups. These groups were assisted with revolving loan scheme
to improve their livelihoods. During the same period in Kaduna, WIN has also been working
with women who have vesico-vaginal fistulae to provide support, equipment and funds to
enable women have the necessary repairing operations (Imam, 1992: 32).
Economic empowerment programmes have been sustained to date with financial assistance of
major donors such as Heinrich Bell foundation. It is believed by WIN that women's lives can
be improved through capacity building to enhance the economic ability of rural women and
its ultimate political empowerment (Rural Empowerment News, 1998: i-2). In recent times,
1996 to date WIN/FAS Rural WOMEN cooperative is a major WIN project for achieving
economic and political empowerment. The project commenced with a pilot phase in Bauchi,
Imo and Edo states. In Bauchi state WIN assisted fifty four (54) rural women's groups in
seven (7) local government areas in Bauchi state by providing about one million four hundred
thousand naira (N1, 400,000) as a cycle seed loan among members. The deputy National
Coordinating Secretary (Mary Abubakar) of WIN who is also actively involved in Bauchi
state branch provided detailed information on their role in facilitating women's welfare
through accessing them to policy makers particularly at the local government level.
Information is often provided to women's groups on who the policy maker's are, and how they
can be reached to present their varied demands (schools, maternity centres etc.) In Imo state
about 31 women's groups were reached in 18 local government areas. Group members were
assisted with seed loan of two million naira (N2, 000,000). In Edo state WIN also assisted
twenty women's groups in seven local government areas and provided seven hundred (700)
women with a seed loan of one million two hundred thousand naira (N1, 200,000).
With the new financial strategy of sourcing external funds, WIN has become more vigorous
than NCWS in addressing women's economic problems particularly in the rural areas. It has
therefore demonstrated more its commitment towards the emancipation of women. The
foregoing also demonstrates the critical role of financial resources in the achievement of
organizational goals.
18
NCWS also engage in advocacy to main stream women into democratic governance. For
example in the North as late as 1950s women were not allowed to exercise their franchise.
NCWS considered this discriminatory and an inequitable treatment. It therefore advocated
that the women of the North be given opportunity to vote and be voted for. This would enable
the women contribute to public decision making. NCWS through its voting rights campaigns
embarked on political education programmes. Northern women were educated on their
inalienable rights. Governor of the Northern Region was also lobbied to facilitate the
enfranchisement of women in the North. NCWS advocacy succeeded, as Northern women
were eventually enfranchised.
In 1978 NCWS also advanced women's cause for equality and justice, when it demanded
from the Constitution Drafting Committee the following:
(I)
The provision in the constitution of equal opportunity for all men and women.
(II)
Correction of any anti-women errors inherent in the previous constitutions.
(III)
The provision of justice without prejudice to tribe, religion, creed or political
inclination.
At the prodding of Babangida administration in 1989, NCWS embarked on political
mobilization campaigns to raise the consciousness of women on the need to participate in the
Political Transition Programme (NCWS Handbook, 1990). The NCWS Handbook (1990)
contains the orientation of NCWS political mobilization programmes under military
administration of Babangida:
In the multifaceted political transition programme under the Presidency, the National
Electoral Commission (NEC) directs and regulates the candidates and voters
activities. Mass Mobilization Programme for Social and Economic Reconstruction
(MAMSER) mobilizes the people for social and political consciousness, and the
Centre for Democratic Studies (CDS) teaches democratic principles and practices...
NCWS Task Force was conceived to play the neutral role of mothers and moderators
for the nation's manifestos days and great debates. When the representatives of the two
major political parties face each other at the various strata of our society to tell the
people what they plan to do for them, if they are elected into office, and how they
19
wish to accomplish these goals. The second major objective is to use the NCWS
organizational machinery to assist in educating the people on their rights and
responsibility, with particular emphasis on the relevant participation of women in the
activities of the political transition programme to the third republic.
The state through the NCWS engaged in political mobilization of women. It is believed by
the state that the organizational machinery of NCWS places it in strategic position for
mobilizing women for participation in the political transition programme. NCWS also views
the state as its reference point. It defines its activities in subordinate position relative to the
state agencies. This is clearly stated in the NCWS Handbook (1990):
To set up the task force, the National Council had several consultations with NEC,
MAMSER and the supervisory Ministry, the Federal Ministry of Social Development,
Youth and Sports structured to function from the State, Local Government and Ward
levels. The Task Force was engineered in such a way that by raising the political
awareness of the Nigerian women, they would become interested in the promise of a
new social and democratic order in 1991.
NCWS, through the government initiated Task Force embarked on training programmes,
conferences to sensitize women for political participation. A training of the trainers workshop
on the role of women in the Political Transition Programme was organized in September
1989. The workshop covered various themes such as:
(i)
Women in culture and democracy.
(ii)
Understanding the constitution.
(iii)
Understanding the structures and functions of government at the three-tier levels.
(iv)
Freedom of choice.
(v)
Enhancing the women's participation in politics.
(vi)
Women, the mass media and politics and choosing a good leader.
Simultaneously, the NCWS Task Force also embarked on enlightenment campaigns. These
include the teaching sessions on the two party system, voting technique etc.
20
At the political level, WIN also engaged in mobilizational activities to aid women's
participation in good governance. In 1996 in Edo, Bauchi and Imo states where economic
empowerment programmes were implemented,1 they were accompanied by political
education. The members of working groups in those states were educated on the following:
(i)
Women and women's rights.
(ii)
Democracy and conflict resolution.
(iii)
Women and political participation.
(iv)
Women and good governance.
(v)
Leadership and leadership qualities.
(vi)
Power and uses of power.
Specifically in Imo state positive political change was recorded in the political awareness of
women. For example, the Ofor Ndu Odunire Umunumo Women's Multi - Purpose
Cooperative Society in Ehime Mbano Local Government whose members benefited from
WIN's economic and political empowerment programmes. They supported a woman for the
post of chairmanship of the Ehime Local Government, during the Abacha's transition to civil
rule programme (Rural Women's Empowerment News 1998: 6).
Members of WIN working with rural women are also trained annually I to facilitate training
for rural women's leaders at the local level. In 1999 a Training of Trainers workshop was
organized on leadership and political participation for rural women. The training programme
was designed to facilitate mass political education at the grassroots level. The 1999 seminar
covered the following topics:
(i)
Power and uses of power.
(ii)
Leadership and democracy.
(iii)
Women and good governance.
(iv)
Women and political participation.
21
(v)
Human rights, women's rights and strategy to actualize those rights.
(vi)
Conflict resolution and leadership.
(vii)
Cooperative and women's empowerment beyond welfarism.
(viii) Building participation for change.
(ix)
Strategies for rural empowerment.
Unlike NCWS, WIN has not made any appreciable inroad in influencing policy making in
Nigeria. While WIN advocates for political changes via communiques, publications and
organization of rallies, NCWS accompanies its mobilization activities with lobbying of policy
makers. This has often assisted NCWS in effecting policy changes as witnessed in the change
of discriminatory population policy in 1986. During this year Federal Government adopted a
population policy to address problems of over population in Nigeria. The policy stated that a
woman could only have four children. NCWS considered this as discriminatory as it provides
a leeway for polygamous men to produce more children through other wives thereby having
more than four children in the household. It was considered discriminatory, NCWS made its
position known to government. It was recommended to government:
(1)
That since a woman alone does not make a child, and since the man produces more
children than women, the law should stipulate the number of children per the whole family
and not per woman such that whether a man had more than one wife or not, the number of
children to be produced would still be the optimum, same as other families.
(2)
That the council believed in proper family planning that is nondiscriminatory and
more effective. Hence the need for a more foolproof population control measure.
These recommendations influenced the Federal Government decision to make a clarification
through the Federal Ministry of Health that the policy was not a decree but an advice that
applied to both sexes.
22
3.2
INTERNAL ORGANIZATION AND DEMOCRATIC CULTURE: NCWS AND
WIN COMPARED.
A.
ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE
Initially, WIN consisted of the national body and state branches. With the expansion of some
state branches, town chapters were developed particularly in the capitals, for example the
Nsukka Chapter. The local conditions determine the number of chapters a state may have. A
state branch can develop many chapters depending on local needs. WIN'S organizational
structure consists of the Annual General Meeting (AGM), the Coordinating Council (CC) and
the National Executive Committee (NEC).
AGM is the highest policy making body of WIN. It consists of all financial members of WIN.
The AGM holds annually. Of the 15 Winners interviewed, 12 indicated their regularity at
AGMs. They also revealed that AGMs often record heavy presence of members.
This scenario indicates that members are largely involved in decisions taken by the
association. Winners interviewed indicated that at the AGMs members collectively initiate
actions on issues to be pursued by WIN. At the AGMs calls for protests and demonstrations
on critical national issues are initiated. For example, it was at the AGM of 16th May
1998held in Minna that critical observations were made by WIN on issues of political
accountability and good governance (Rural Empowerment News, 1998). The AGM observed
among others:
(i)
That the entire Nigerian citizens are well informed about the persistent fuel crisis
arising from the selfishness, greediness and fraud that surrounds our leadership hierarchy with
consequent depleting and of our national resources and we therefore, cannot be fooled by the
consistent shifting of blames.
(ii) That the consensus adoption of General Sani Abacha as presidential candidate by the five
political parties is a fraud and rip-off on the might and power of all the Nigerian electorate to
choose a leader of their choice.
(iii) That all the ethnic conflicts ranging from the Ife-Modakeke, Ijaw-Itsekiri and
Kutebs-Jukuns are fuelled by government as they arise from social in the society and political
manipulations by agents of government and government administrators.
23
(iv) That self-succession is a break of vow.
(v)
That the state of our educational systems and actions of people in power regarding
influences in the higher institutions are responsible for low educational standards, campus
cults, exam malpractices, frauds and many more.
Consequent upon these, we therefore demand the following:
(i)
That the taskforce in the filling stations be removed as they are of no use but
extortionists.
(ii)
That the International community should repatriate any demonstrators in support of
the government of Nigeria to also join in enjoying the good governance they profess.
(iii)
That the institutionalization of violence by the state through many patrol outfits in the
names of Operation Sweep, Operation Wedge, Operation Scorpion etc. should be checked on
as they violate fundamental Human Rights of citizens.
(iv)
That the Head of State should tread the path of honour in keeping his vow contained
in the Holy Qu'ran.
WIN members also revealed that at the AGMs, financial reports of the association are
deliberated on. WIN's programmes and projects are also identified and agreed upon at the
AGMs. It is also at the AGMs that constitutional amendments are made. The periodic
elections of NEC members are also held at the AGMs.
The next important organ is the Coordinating Council (CC). This consists of NEC members
and Coordinators of state branches. The CC meets four times a year. Finally, is the NEC, this
comprises of elected National Officers. NEC consists of the following:
(i) National Coordinating Secretary.
(ii) Deputy National Coordinating Secretary.
24
NEXT PAGE IS COMPLETELY MISSING!
25
(vii)
Chairpersons of standing Committees.
The Local Government branches are run by the Local Government Executives made up of
these officers.
(i)
Local Government Officers.
(ii)
Chairpersons of Local Government standing Committees.
Biannual Convention provides a forum for all members of NCWS to deliberate on present
and future directions of NCWS. The state executive council meets four times a year. The
local government executive also meets four times a year. Emergency meetings are also held at
local government level to discuss urgent issues.
B.
FINANCE
NCWS is more financially buoyant than WIN. NCWS has at its disposal various sources of
funds. Firstly, is the internally generated revenue. This is derived from various avenues.
NCWS has to its credit a big commercial building located in eyebrow Victoria Island (Lagos)
through which it could execute its projects. It also holds a 30% of the entire share capital of
the NCWS Community Bank from which it could obtain loans to finance some of its projects.
It also has a big National Headquarters building at Abuja which houses its important projects
such as NCWS Nursery School and a Day Care Centre, an NCWS Catering School and
Restaurant, an NCWS Vocational and Computer Training Centre, an NCWS Library and
NCWS Community Bank.
The Federal, State and Local Governments in various measures also support NCWS
financially and in provision of office space in government buildings. At the national level, the
Federal Government provides annual subvention for NCWS. It also receives financial
assistance from Federal Government in its special projects such as the national Headquarters
in Abuja. This phenomenon has contributed to the warm relationship between the government
and NCWS. It has also influenced NCWS in maintaining silence or diplomacy in confronting
government on critical national issues such as June 12 election validation or self-succession
of Genera! Sani Abacha as we shall see later.
26
NCWS also receives funds from donors to finance its projects. Donors include United
Nations Children Educational Fund (UNICEF), British Council and Ford Foundation. It was
UNICEF sponsorship in 1989, which enabled NCWS organize a workshop among NGGs in
Nigeria. This resulted in the articulation of the idea of a Task Force. Since 1985, Ford
Foundation has been providing financial assistance for the execution of its NCWS Vesico
Vaginal Fistula (WF) Project. WF is a medical condition in which uncontrollable and often
simultaneously offensive leakage of faeces and urine through the vagina. This is a medical
condition, which occurs, in young women particularly in Northern Nigeria. In many parts of
Northern Nigeria it is a common occurrence for young girl's to be married away at a tender
age. Quite often these young women are not physiologically developed to have children. Their
also lack adequate care most of the time. In the absence of adequate medical care and because
of their underdeveloped physiology, complications result. Through the assistance of Ford
Foundation, NCWS was able to provide medical equipment for operations on affected women
in Kano State. In. addition, NCWS was able to carry out enlightenment programmes to
eliminate socio -cultural practices producing this health anomaly among women.
The implementation of WF Project has also been a source of conflict between NEC members
of NCWS on one hand and the former chairperson of the standing committee on WF, Mrs
Amina Sambo. This degenerated into allegations and counter allegations of misappropriation
of Ford Foundation's funds.
Unlike NCWS, WIN's financial situation is precarious. Prior to 1991, . WIN suffered from
chronic shortage of funds and facilities. It has no government subventions as it insists on its
own autonomy despite open invitations from government and its agents. During babangida
administration, Mrs. Maryam Babangida in her dialogue with WIN representatives at an
invited meeting persuaded (though unsuccessfully) that WIN should join NCWS and support
the government. It was assured of government financial assistance, WIN's major sources of
funds are membership fees, sale of publications, WIN T-Shirts etc. The association in the past
has depended largely on its members' voluntary financial and skill contributions for the
execution of its projects. Skilled members provide their skills free of charge to facilitate
WIN's programmes. In other cases, members offer part of their houses to provide office space.
For example, in Enugu a member gave out her garage, which was reorganized to serve as a
WIN office. It was from the garage that WIN's administrative duties were carried out until
Enugu chapter became financially viable to rent its own property.
27
The traditional financial sources have in the past proved inadequate for the execution of
WIN's projects. The exigencies of the poor economic situation has also made it difficult for
WIN to operate without seeking external funding.
Since 1991, donors have been supplying funds for specific WIN projects. Funds from donors
have also brought fresh problems for the organization of WIN and cohesion of its members,
Fresh problems relating to financial accountability of WIN officials and project staff have
also emerged.
Major external funds of WIN include Heinrich Boll and Friedrich Ebert Foundations.
Heinrich Boll Foundation has been instrumental to the execution of Rural Women's
Cooperative Projects, which commenced in 1996. The project has two major components
economic and political empowerment. At the economic level, the project seeks to train
women on how to run cottage industry, cooperative society with the ultimate aim of
promoting self-reliance. Beneficiaries are also trained on financial management,
bookkeeping, accounting, savings, investment and managing small-scale businesses. Another
element is the provision of soft loans to women to assist them in financing their economic
ventures. At the political level, women are trained on how to assert their rights, participate in
politics and democracy, trained in leadership qualities and how to read and write.
Friedrich Ebert Foundation has also been supportive of the association's leadership training
programmes.
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1
NCWS. WIN AND ENCOUNTERS WITH THE STATE ON ISSUES OF GOOD
GOVERNANCE
Successive Nigerian constitutions - (1979, 1989, 1992 and 1999) elaborately contain rights of
Nigerians. These are rights to life, dignity of human person, right to personal liberty, right to
freedom of expression and the press right to peaceful assembly and association etc.
Chapter 4 section 30(1) of 1979 constitution contains the fundamental rights of Nigerians.
Every person has a right to life and no one shall be deprived intentionally of his life, save in
28
the execution of the sentence of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been
found guilty in Nigeria. Section 31(1) of the same chapter states that every individual is
entitled to respect for the dignity of his person and accordingly (a)
no person shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment.
Section 32(1) every person shall be entitled to his personal liberty...
Despite these constitutional provisions, serious human rights abuses were consistent features
in Nigeria, particularly during military regimes. The basic fundamental human rights were/are
often observed more in breach as vividly documented during military administrations of
Buhari (1984 -1985), Babangida (1985 -1993) and Abacha (1993 -1998).
The military has largely dominated the political life of the nation. Out of the 39 years of
independent existence of Nigeria, the military has occupied the leadership space for twenty
nine (29) years. Most of the military regimes attempted to conduct elections with little or no
success. The only exception was the Murtalal Obasanjo administration; which successfully
handed over to the Second Republic President Alhaji Shehu Shagad in October 1979.
In 1986, Babangida administration embarked on an elaborate transition programme from
military to democratic rule. Babangida's transition programme was characterized with
disqualifications and rehabilitation of key actors, scheduling, postponement, annulment of
electoral events, creation and dissolution of political parties (Young, 1997: 65; Diamond,
Kirk-Green and Oyediran, 1996).
The annulment of June 12 1993 presidential election provided a climate for serious human
rights crisis under gabangida and later Abacha administrations (1993 - 1998). Demonstrations
against the annulment of presidential elections were violently quelled, many human rights and
pro-democracy activists were arrested and newspapers shut down (Human Rights Watch,
1994). Human Rights abuses reached a climax under the military administration of late
General Sani Abacha. The state perpetrated all kinds of violence against the citizens. These
vary from planting of explosives, killings and wanton destruction of public property (Human
Dignity, 1988; Tell, 1999).
The above provides the background of WIN intervention in democratic struggle alongside
with other pro-democracy groups to demand from the state political accountability and
29
fairness in conduct of government business (WIN, 1993: 30). Specifically, June 12
presidential election was requested by WIN for validation. Various approaches were adopted
by WIN to engage the state. These include publications of its communiques,, organization of
rallies and joint collaboration/actions with other similar prodemocracy groups.
Media campaigns were organized by WIN to condemn the annulment of 1993 presidential
election. On 24th June 1993 WIN issued a public statement condemning the annulment of
June 12th 1993 presidential election. As contained in the extract below WIN called on
Nigerians to defend democracy (Kilanko, 1993) .
... WIN had followed the events of the last few weeks before and after the June 12
presidential election with keen interest and issued a press statement dated 22nd June
1993 commending Nigerians for keeping calm under the existing strenuous
circumstance that have engulfed Nigeria since the presidential election. The statement
called on General Ibrahim Babangida to intervene and stop the impasse in favour of
fairness and justice by releasing the results... Be that as it may, General Ibrahim
Babangida is advised to hand over power on or before August 27th 1993 .... We call
on all women of this country and every citizen of Nigeria to rise up and defend
democracy, justice, economic recovery and our motherland.
WIN also organized street protests to demand for the validation of June 12th 1993
presidential election. WIN also collaborated with other prodemocracy groups such as
Campaign for Democracy (CD) to demand for the release of election results in National
newspapers. The vocal leadership of WIN suffered military reprisals. The Association's
National Coordinating Secretary (Glory Kilanko) was subjected to military harassment.
Security agents broke into her home, packed her books, files and arrested her mother when
she could not be found.
Arising from WIN's stand against the state on annulment of elections and other governance
issues (self succession, persistence fuel scarcity etc.) other principal officials of WIN were
also attacked (interview with Abubakar, 1999). In Bauchi State, WIN officials were also
harassed. Comrade G. M. Umar was assaulted. His house was ransacked and vital documents
were taken away from his house. The certificate of occupancy earlier issued by Bauchi State
government to WIN on its land was revoked. WIN had earlier planned the construction of a
30
maternity on the land. The architectural plan for the maternity was also destroyed. WIN's
Annual General Meetings were also monitored by state agencies. Mary Abubakar (Deputy
National Coordinating Secretary) revealed that the Annual General Meeting of WIN, which
was held in Minna in 1998, was under the prying eyes of the State Security Agents.
WIN's democratic profile is enhanced by the composition of its leadership. Over the years, the
leadership has consisted mainly of university lecturers and trade union activists. Dr. Ayesha
Imam, the first National Coordinating Secretary was a former university lecturer; Dr. Eka
Williams, the former Cross River State Coordinator and the present National Coordinating
Secretary was a former lecturer. Glory Kilanko a former National Coordinating Secretary is a
trade union activist. She was a former Chairman of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Lagos
State Chapter. The professional backgrounds of these intellectuals and union activists in the
leadership of WIN influenced the militant orientation of WIN on issues related to governance.
It is therefore not surprising that WIN plays a prominent role in democratic struggles in
Nigeria.
However, while the association claims to champion democratic struggles, the vitriolic internal
struggles in the leadership are potential limitations to its democratic struggle. In 1997, the
newly elected National Coordinating Secretary Fatima Hamza alleged that the preceding
National Leadership was steeped in personal aggrandizement at the expense of accountability
(WIN Quarterly, 1997: 3). Some of the projects whose funds were alleged g to have been
misappropriated are Women's Watch, Civic and Political Education Project and Rural
Women's Cooperative Project. Other sources of conflict include claims of subversion of
debates and discourse in reaching decisions. It is therefore regrettable that an organization
like WIN which has over the years built up a democratic profile is going the way of many
donor driven agencies.
In contrast to WIN, NCWS' position to the annulment of June 12 1993 presidential election
was characterized by silence. The self-succession bid of General Sani Abacha, which was
resisted by WIN, was acquiesced by NCWS. NCWS actively supported the self succession of
the late dictator General Sani Abacha. NCWS through its president Mrs. Zainab Maina
publicly made a case for Abacha to continue (Community, 1998: 10).
31
NCWS' support for the undemocratic regime of Abacha, is further elaborated in its media
campaigns against the sanctions by the International community, in 1996. While all
progressive civil societies were clamouring for sanctions to weaken Abacha's administration
and force it on its knees, the organization was more or less Abacha's mouthpiece against
sanctions. NCWS responded to the fact -- finding United Nations Mission to Nigeria in
March, 1996 which recommended against sanctions in Nigeria on the grounds that it would
prove unhelpful and retard the progress towards positive improvement in the socio -- political
situation. The NCWS understandably supported the position of this group and sent a message
of no sanction to the International community for the following reasons among others:
(Voice of Women, 1996:14)
(i)
Economic sanctions do not affect the elite of the society but the poor. 70% of those
who live below poverty line in countries like Nigeria are women who bear the brunt of
poverty.
(ii) About 30% of households in Nigeria are female-headed household and the number is
increasing.
Sanctions are therefore not considered by NCWS (the umbrella women, organization) as
appropriate in the interest of Nigerian women. NCWS goes on to appeal to the international
community to support the Abacha administration and encourage its completion of the
transition program.
While the organization sound altruistic in its campaign against sanctions in the interest of
women, its "real interests" are suspect given its close relations with successive governments
which are most time "anti-people". Over the decades, NCWS has consistently enjoyed
government patronage, momentarily and in political appointment (Ojewusi, 1996: 337).
Prominent leaders of NCWS are often appointed on important government committees. In
1986, Babangida administration inaugurated a Political Bureau to charter a new political
history for Nigeria. Mrs. Hilda Adefarasin (a former NCWS president) was appointed as a
member.
Financially NCWS has often benefited from government largesse. Chief (Mrs.) Ronke
Doherty a former President of NCWS revealed that the contribution of the organization's
32
Lagos headquarters was built through donations from government among other sources
(Ojewusi, 1996: 243). Public officials were/are often lobbied by NCWS for financial
assistance. In one instance NCWS had to consult a former Minister for Social Development
(Mr. Amadike) in May 1980 for financial assistance to enable the association build a befitting
headquarters.
Given this situation, it is very unlikely for NCWS to pursue autonomous positions or present
strong opposition to government on significant political issues such as political accountability
and human rights. At best when government is perceived wrong on issues of governance,
NCWS has often adopted diplomacy to reach government on policies considered
unfavourable to the people. Justice Nzeako (a former NCWS president) justified the position
of NCWS. She explained that the "diplomatic disposition" of NCWS is based on its status as
a non-governmental organization that is non political, and therefore has no reason to confront
government but to encourage government to mend its ways when wrong (Ojewusi, 1996:
241). It is believed that this approach has kept NCWS from unhealthy relationship with
successive governments.
It cannot be doubted that the "diplomatic strategy" has its practical utility as it endears the
organization to government. It also makes it possible for the organization to receive fund for
its multi-varied social, economic and political projects for the benefits of women. Its
repercussion lies in the fact that the association may unwittingly be promoting tyrannical
governments. Such oppressive governments may enjoy a false sense of security or undeserved
legitimacy from a significant civil society organization. The "diplomatic strategy" of NCWS
is a clear departure from its progenitors - Market women's Union in the East, Abeokuta
Women's Union in the West, Nigerian Women's Union and Federation of Women's Societies.
The effort of Aba Market Women's Union in the East, Abeokuta Women's Union in the West
were serious political attempts not only to address issues affecting women alone but touch on
other critical areas of governance such as popular participation, land question, taxation etc.
NCWS has often been criticized on the grounds that its conservative ideology is due to the
elitist composition of its leadership. Wives of prominent state officials dominated the
leadership of NCWS until 1990's. Lady Kofo Ademola (1958 - 1964) is the wife of the
indigenous Chief Justice of the Federation. Chief Ronke Doherty, National President
(1976-1980) is the wife of a former Speaker of the old Western State. Mrs, Hilda Adefarasin
33
(1984 - 1988) is the wife of the late chief judge of Lagos State. NCWS situation is explicitly
reflected in the explanation of one of its key officials (Pereira, 1997).
There is no need ... for a woman to be liberated from a man, the man owns the
government. There is a need for woman to fully participate in government but we
need some level of understanding. We (the NCWS) are not there to take away what
they have but we are here to assist them in doing WHATEVER they do better.
34
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Limited Organized Seminar on Democratic Governance and the Role of Women in the 3`d
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Bakran, J. McNulty, M. and Ayeni, A. 0. (1991). 'Home - Town Voluntary Associations,
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Beckman, B. (1998). 'The Liberation of Civil Society: Neo - Liberal Ideology and Political
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Chazan, Naomi (1992). 'Africa's Democratic Challenge: Strengthening Civil Society and the
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