Red Flag
JULY 2002
JOURNAL OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AOTEAROA
ELECTION OUTCOME CERTAIN
Continued Imperialist Plunder of Aotearoa
Economic and Social Decline
Whether the Clark regime governs alone after
July 27th or does so in coalition with the
Greens or with the opportunist rabble of
Anderton, Peters & co., or even if they are
defeated by National, the outcome will be the
same. Aotearoa will continue its subjugation
to the US imperialists and their corrupt local
agents.
No party contesting the parliamentary
elections even questions the rule of capitalism
over Aotearoa; in practice this means none
question the increasing plunder of the
resources of Aotearoa by US multinationals
and their agents. All, from the Alliance to ACT,
support capitalist and thus imperialist control
of the economy. They are all capitalist parties.
Parliament a Capitalist Institution
This is hardly surprising. The consuming goal
of all the parliamentary parties is gain office in
a capitalist institution. Parliaments are
fundamentally capitalist institutions, created
centuries ago by the capitalist class to secure
their overthrow of the feudal lords. Where the
feudal lords had ruled their provinces
personally, the capitalists set up committees
of elected representatives, parliaments, to
rule nationally. These were for long only
representatives of the capitalists themselves.
Only when the working class was tamed and
taught to respect capitalist domination were
we granted the vote, a right quickly taken
away from us again whenever capitalist
interests are fundamentally challenged.
A number of parties are enthusiastic
supporters of this situation. The National Party
and ACT are eager lapdogs of the capitalist
class, whatever its shade. National has long
been very supportive of capitalist farmers. But
a large section has strong ties with urban
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capitalists and in the 1980s switched allegiance from British imperialists to the US. ACT’s
enthusiasm for US plunder of Aotearoa is
undisguised.
Limits of Reformist Parties
But even parties formed with the greatest
intentions to relieve the lives of the oppressed
are condemned to betray us if they do not
have a clear understanding that parliaments
can be no more than instruments of capitalist
domination. Labour was set up in the early
1900s by union activists, with the explicit aim
of socialism; the Communist Party joined the
Labour Party at this time because we shared
these goals. But because Labour saw the path
to socialism only by means of a majority in
parliament, it increasingly toned down its aims
to become acceptable to the capitalists,
whose approval any party ultimately needs to
gain parliamentary office. As they sold out
their principles, they expelled their more
principled allies, including a large minority of
the working class and parties such as us,
going as far as banned the Communist Press
and imprisoning our central committee in the
1940s.
Labour’s ultimate betrayal of their original
principles came in the 1980s when the LangeDouglas regime served as the handmaiden of
US imperialist takeover of Aotearoa. Many of
the principal figures in the current Clark
regime served with them. Again, the
Communist Party joined those, including
Anderton, who split from Labour to form the
New Labour Party in 1989. But again, in the
lust for parliamentary seats, the New Labour
Party, and Anderton in particular, was quick to
compromise principle for office. Again and
again, policies were toned down to be
Red Flag July 2002
‘acceptable’, ostensibly to ‘public opinion’, but
in reality to the fear of capitalist backlash.
Gains Come From Mass Struggle
The working class and the oppressed Maori
nation have little to gain from appeals to
capitalist parliaments. The capitalists only
concede what they must. Working class gains
such as the right to vote, social security, or the
Waitangi Tribunal, and the nuclear free policy
have been won by mass struggles, despite the
attempts by parliamentary social democratic
parties like Labour to claim credit.
Socialism will not come from parliamentary
elections. Socialism requires the overthrow of
capitalist power throughout society, primarily
their control of the factories and other
workplaces. Every workers revolution to date
has seen the development of alternatives to
capitalist parliaments, in the same way that
capitalists introduced new institutions in place
of feudal rule. The overthrow of US
imperialism and its local agents will see the
emergence of new mass democratic
institutions; most likely based on workplaces
and hapu groups.
Socialism will emerge from the struggles of
workers, Maori and other oppressed peoples
in throwing of the shackles of imperialist
plunder of Aotearoa. This movement is built
on the streets, not in the Beehive. The only
party committed to this vision of fundamental
change is the Communist Party.
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Tactical Voting
This is not to argue that there can be no
tactical advantage for the masses to be
gained
from
parliamentary
elections.
Parliamentary elections actually provide a
useful indicator for the capitalists as to how
effective their dominance of the oppressed
peoples is. The capitalists may prefer the open
rule of the National Party, but if the masses
get too upset, the capitalists are quite happy
to tolerate Labour, because they know Labour
will not challenge their fundamental interests.
But a vote for Labour over National is still an
indicator of working class power. And a vote
for the parties to the left of Labour is a further
indicator of weaknesses in capitalist
domination. In this election, when the Clark
regime is seeking an absolute parliamentary
majority to bolster capitalist ‘stability’, tactical
voting to prevent this will destabilise capitalist
rule.
But the progressive mass movements should
not become divided over choices among
capitalist parties, in the same way that we do
not become divided over choices about which
capitalist shops we frequent. The working
class and the oppressed Maori nation must
look beyond capitalist elections for liberation
from the plunder of US imperialism. We must
build up the mass organisations of the people,
building our strength to choose the agenda,
rather than restrict ourselves to the choice the
capitalists allow. #
Red Flag July 2002
A New Agenda
Electoral Programme of the Communist Party of Aotearoa
What Can We Expect from the Election?
Parliamentary elections provide an opportunity for the capitalist class to test their ability to deceive
the masses of the people. Every three years we are asked to choose between capitalist parties
offering minor variations of the same diet of falling wages, reduced social services, poverty and
desperation for many, and support for imperialist wars.
The working class has made repeated attempts to elect representatives to parliament but the
capitalists have been adept at coopting and corrupting these. After all, parliamentary democracy is a
fundamental capitalist institution; the capitalists created parliaments to secure their power after the
defeat of feudalism centuries ago. They set the rules and know the game backwards.
Where workers’ parties have come at all close to gaining significant power, as in Germany in the
1920s or Chile in the 1970s, the armed forces have stepped in. Even New Zealand in the 1930s
saw the capitalists preparing for a military coup should Labour adopt extremist policies.
Workers have only forced reforms on the capitalist class when we have mobilised in great numbers
around central demands, such as the welfare measures in the 1890s and 1930s or the social
reforms of the 1970s.
Balance of Forces
It is a very different picture today. There have been many impressive mobilisations against the
attacks on our living standards in the past decade and a number of victories. But the peoples’
organisations are still too weak to force a major change of direction on the capitalist class, let alone
a comprehensive progressive agenda.
Until peoples’ organisations can organise sustained mass mobilisations against the attacks on our
living standards, we will be unable to undertake the more difficult task of mobilising thousands of
votes for a comprehensive policy programme. Parliamentary elections are the home ground of the
capitalists; their representatives are highly resourced, supported by scores of paid organisers, vast
advertising budgets, and highly experienced and skilled in manipulation and deceit.
Electoral Choices
In this context, many people feel obliged to support one of the capitalist parliamentary parties as
“ the lesser evil” . This is mistaken, however, as it strengthens those forces that are trying to defeat
us. For example, if the Labour Party gains a majority of seats in parliament, as it is aiming for, it will
no longer have to make concessions the Alliance demanded, such as increasing the minimum wage
or parental leave.
Others, wanting to wave the flag for socialism, will add to the handful of votes recorded by fringe left
wing candidates. This too is mistaken as it weakens the forces of the left, adding to the impression
that left-wingers are isolated from the real concerns of working people.
The Communist Party does not shy away from the electoral struggle, however. We do not seek
salvation in the false promises of the capitalist parties nor offer false hope of a parliamentary road to
socialism. We see the election as an opportunity to criticise capitalism, but not with empty phrases.
We thus offer the following electoral programme as a rallying point for the peoples’ organisations.
We draw these demands from the major problems facing the people of Aotearoa and offer them in a
manner that would strengthen the position of the masses. This programme could be feasibly
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Red Flag July 2002
implemented by a parliamentary majority supported by sustained mobilisation of the people against
the inevitable resistance of the foreign capitalists and their local agents.
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Red Flag July 2002
A Programme for the People’s Movements
Higher Living Standards
 Legislate annual wage increases to exceed
inflation rate
 Pay equity tribunals to order wage increases in
female occupations
 Raise the minimum wage to $10 for all ages
 Funding to enforce healthier & safer workplaces
 Four weeks annual leave
 Fourteen weeks paid parental leave
 Legislate employer provision of free childcare
 Reduce working week to 40 hours
 Abolish GST on food and social services
 Abolish income tax on gross incomes below
$20,000
Deliver on Treaty Rights
 Fund Waitangi Tribunal to hear and address
claims without further delay
 Dedicate TVNZ resources to establishing Maori
TV until autonomous broadcasting is
established
 Expand funding to increase capacity of Maori
communities to participate in society
 Expand funding to increase the numbers of
Maori in education and training
Restore the Social Fabric
 Zero
tolerance
for
unemployment
–
unemployment benefit to be replaced by
fulltime permanent jobs in the state service
 End privatisation of local authority housing
 Expand stocks of high quality state housing
 Increase social worker numbers
 A large state investment in cultural activities,
especially for young people
 Promote a culture of responsible alcohol and
drug use, alongside cannabis decriminalisation
Free Education
 Abolish fees on tertiary education
 Write off the student loan mountain
 Increase student allowances to standard
benefit level, for all post-secondary training
 Increase teacher numbers to allow a maximum
1:20 teaching staff/student ratio
Restore Public Health
 Boost funding for health to 8% GDP
 Increase nursing and doctor numbers
 Abolish charges for doctors visits
 Increased funding for youth mental health
services
A Clean Green Aotearoa
 Ban the commercial release of genetically
engineered organisms in Aotearoa
 Renationalise and fund the railways as a real
alternative to cars and road transport
 Support advanced research and development
in organic farming
 Tax carbon emissions and imports
Develop Advanced Industry
 Force productivity increases through full
employment and rising real wages
 State regulation to reduce the costs and force
the construction of a national broadband
infrastructure.
 New state corporations to establish advanced
industries.
 Increase funding for tertiary education.
 Prohibit foreign acquisition of local companies
and lands.
 Expand the Reserve Bank’s primary targets to
include economic growth and exchange rate
stability.
Tax the Rich
 Tax on the value of financial transactions
 Capital gains tax excluding occupied homes
 Tax on foreign exchange transactions
 Tax on luxury consumer items
 Higher taxes on incomes above $100,000
A More Efficient and Democratic Government
 End the siphoning of taxes into the
Superannuation Fund
 Reap the benefits of ending unemployment and
social security with reduced policing and prison
spending
 Expand revenue base through income from
state owned corporations
 Introduce a democratically elected head of
state
 Establishment of a workplace and hapu-based
legislative council
Withdraw from the US War Drive
 No participation in overseas military actions as
‘peacekeepers’ or otherwise
 Reduce military and security spending
 Speak out in international forums in support of
the victims of US imperialist aggression
The political programme advanced by the Communist Party for this election will be fiercely resisted by US
capital in New Zealand and their local agents. But the policies can be forced on them if the people of Aotearoa
are mobilised in sufficient numbers. These policies will strengthen the position of the working class, the
oppressed Maori nation, much of the middle class and some local capitalists against foreign capital. But while
US capital and their local agents control the economy and run the state, there will be increasingly severe
reaction to further encroachments on their power and profits.
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Red Flag July 2002
For a Peoples’ Republic of Aotearoa
Significant gains for the people of Aotearoa will only come with the ousting of US imperialism and
their local agents. The overthrow of these parasites will be a national democratic revolution with a
socialist orientation.
The revolution is nationalist in that its aim is the overthrow of the imperialist yoke. The revolution is
democratic in that its aim is to defend the democratic rights of the people and to advance the
incomplete democratic rights of the oppressed Maori nation, the incomplete democratic rights of
women, and the incomplete democratic rights of national minorities. The revolution has a socialist
orientation because it cannot be carried out except under the leadership of the working class, whose
immediate interest in capitalist society, is socialism. The victory of the national democratic revolution
will be immediately accompanied by the commencement of the construction of socialism.
Political
The national democratic revolution will overthrow the dictatorship of foreign capital and their lackeys
and replace it with a Peoples’ Republic of the working class, the Maori nation, the small middle
class and other anti-imperialists.
Peoples’ Congresses at local and national levels, elected on the basis of universal suffrage, will
govern Aotearoa. Because the imperialism profits from the oppression of the national minorities and
women, the development of democracy in Aotearoa is incomplete and will not be carried through by
the capitalist class. Because of the remaining need to win democratic equality for the national
minorities and women, the new government in Aotearoa will have the form of a Peoples' Democratic
Republic.
Recognition will be given to the sovereignty of the Maori over Aotearoa and the Treaty of Waitangi
honoured. The peoples’ government will work for the equality of all nationalities, the revival the
languages and cultures of the national minorities. White chauvinism and racism will be actively
fought.
The Peoples’ Democratic Republic will also fulfil the incomplete democratic rights of women by
ending obstacles to their equal participation in society. Comprehensive public child-care will be
established. Paid parental leave, flexible working hours and a shorter working day will be legislated,
as will the right to free contraception and safe legal abortion. Male supremacy would be vigorously
combated.
The Peoples’ Democratic Republic will prepare the way for the construction of socialist political
institutions to unleash the full participation of the working class in society.
Economic
The Peoples’ Democratic Republic will rebuild the economy on the basis of self-reliance. The
property of the imperialists, compradors, and big domestic monopolists will be confiscated; that
unjustly appropriated from Maori will be immediately returned. The state sector will become the
leading force in the economy. Small and medium capital will be allowed to continue accumulating,
but under notice that the socialist state will buy them out in the future.
The Peoples’
Democratic Republic will develop its own internal credit system and give a priority to
developing heavy and advanced industry necessary for self-reliance. The Peoples’ Democratic
Republic will trade with other countries on the basis of equality and mutual benefit, most likely this
will be mainly with other anti-imperialist nations.
Building an advanced self-reliant will pave the way for the socialisation of, first, the leading sectors of
the economy and the fullest participation of workers in the day-to-day running of the economy.
Cultural
A national, scientific and mass culture will replace the colonial, idealist, elitist culture of the
reactionary ruling classes. Traditional national cultural forms will be integrated with the most modern
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Red Flag July 2002
internationalist insights. The revolutionary democratic culture will express the heroic struggles and
aspirations of the masses.
International
The revolutionary struggle in Aotearoa contributes to the international struggle of against US
imperialism under the principle of proletarian internationalism and as part of the international united
front. Wherever possible, direct relations with fraternal parties will be established.
The Peoples’ Democratic Republic will maintain diplomatic and trade relations with all countries
that recognise the sovereignty of the people of Aotearoa and which engage in such relations for
mutual benefit. All unequal treaties will be severed. The warmest relations will be developed with all
communist parties and revolutionary movements fighting imperialism, revisionism, and reaction.
Socialist Orientation
Immediately on the victory of the national democratic struggle, the working class under the
leadership of the Communist Party will commence constructing the conditions for socialism and the
transformation of the Peoples’ Democratic Republic into a Socialist Peoples’ Republic. The
working class relies its own strength and on the basic alliance with the Maori nation for this
transformation.
The state and cooperative sectors of the economy will be promoted and advanced by the working
class to create the economic base for socialism. Workers will be called on to revolutionise society in
line with the socialisation of production. Promotion of the democratic rights of Maori and women will
be to the forefront of this great struggle. Particular attention will be given to raising the economic,
social and cultural level of people who especially suffered under capitalism. More extensive and
explicit rights for the working class, oppressed nationalities, women and other social groups would
also be guaranteed. The right to be free of exploitation would be primary over any property rights.
The right to a job, today denied for thousands of people, would be guaranteed. The right to education
and health care would be raised as basic human rights and resources concentrated in these areas to
make this a reality. A socialist society can give a great deal more attention and resources to arts,
sports, education, sciences, humanities and popular entertainment. Cultural and political life will
blossom outside the shadow of the dollar.
The socialist people's democracy will be the form of the political rule of the working class in
Aotearoa, the specific form of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Democracy will be ensured for the
vast majority and the national minorities and dictatorship exercised over a particular class - the
former and would-be oppressors. As such, socialism will be the first stage of the development
towards communism, a truly classless society. Communism is a long time off. It will be possible when
worldwide economic, ideological and social development will allow the gradual amalgamation of
peoples into one, making states themselves unnecessary. Communism will realise the ideal "from
each according to one's ability, to each according to one's need." Classes will have largely
disappeared, the state will "wither" away, and an exciting new era of human freedom and prosperity
will arise.
Workers, Join Your Party
Every political party defends the interest of one class or another in society. On all questions, in every
battle, the Communist Party defends the interests of the working class, and works to prepare its
victory over the capitalists. It is made up those men and women who are most conscious of the need
to fight, the most determined to fight for the liberation of their whole class and of all the oppressed
people and oppressed nationalities.
The Party’ s role is to educate, organise and mobilise the working class. The Party is the
organisation that can orient the struggle of the entire class. It can bring an overall perspective to
each branch of the workers’ movement and unite all the isolated battles into one powerful
revolutionary storm. The Party can raise the spontaneous anger of the workers to the level of
conscious political struggle to put an end to this criminal system. In this sense, the revolutionary
communist party is the vanguard of the working class.
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Red Flag July 2002
Published by the Communist Party of Aotearoa
For further information view: http://home.clear.net.nz/pages/cpa
or email: cpa@nzoomail.com
The Split in the Alliance
The departure of Anderton and the gang of
right opportunists is well overdue. Their
desperation for the privileges of Cabinet Office
have overcome any remaining vestiges of
principle they might have once had. The
naked opportunism by which Anderton
claimed to remain leader of the Alliance, while
openly plotting its destruction has done
immense damage to the project of left social
democracy and strengthened the forces of the
right.
The split has played right into the hands of the
Clark regime, which has long sort to
undermine proportional representation and
now senses the chance of an absolute
majority in parliament. Even if this bid fails,
Anderton and Co. have already surrendered
any resistance, so long as the spoils of
Ministerial office are theirs. Despite this clear
sycophantic position, the Clark regime showed
its contempt by citing the split as grounds for
an early election, thereby depriving Anderton
of any state-funded advertising budget, and
appealing to voters for a clear majority.
Nonetheless, Anderton’s local popularity is
likely to see his return to parliament and
perhaps to government.
This split was brewing from the very founding
of the New Labour Party in 1989. The NLP was
formed from an important alliance between a
wide range of community activists, steeled in
battles against Rogernomics, and a significant
split from the Labour Party. Anderton’s
resignation from the Labour Party was an
important blow against the neo-liberal policies
of the Lange-Douglas regime. But he and his
Labour left supporters brought many of the
right-wing practices to New Labour.
The tenuousness of the alliance underpinning
New Labour was evident in the close call of
vote after vote at the founding conference,
broadly reflecting the division between the
Labour left and the community activists,
culminating in the election of unemployed
movement leader, Sue Bradford, as vicepresident against Anderton’s opposition.
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But despite a bare majority for the activist left
on most issues, Anderton and the left social
democrats ultimately held the upper hand
because they were more skilled in the
committee bureaucracy and the electoral
politics that is the mainstream of a party
focused on bourgeois democracy. While the
NLP pledged to combine electoral politics with
organising the parliament of the streets, in
practice the former goal dominated, the
Labour left bureaucrats consolidated their
position, and mass mobilisation was reduced
to stunts supporting the electoral machine.
Anderton personified the bureaucratic skills of
the left social democrats. Faced with majority
opposition, he nearly always got his way by
repeatedly threatening to resign, bullying and
victimising. Initially concentrating early on
economic policy, he repeatedly used the
blackmail tactic to force through a policy
programme that would not alienate his
supporters. Because party members generally
saw parliamentary elections as the path to
change, Anderton could get his way because
he was the only MP, and many members were
in awe of this. This tendency was only
reinforced as the party accumulated more
MPs over subsequent elections and the
community activists progressively failed to
renew their membership.
This right opportunism was also reinforced by
the ‘left’ opportunism of prominent members
of the Alliance bureaucracy who saw the
parliamentary party system as a short cut to
mass mobilisation. For these, parliamentary
representation provided the funds for offices
and organisers who could then work for ‘real
change’. The problem with this short cut,
however, was that servicing the MPs took
much time and energy and was ultimately
subject to the demands of caucus. The use of
parliamentary services for purposes other
than that allowed by parliament also opened
these left opportunists to charges of misusing
funds, which were laid when the split with
Anderton and Co. came.
Red Flag July 2002
As a left social democratic party, the NLP led
some effective actions, playing a leading role
in the proportional representation victory and
building an electoral alliance against neoliberalism, uniting with Mana Motuhake, the
Greens, the Liberals and the Democrats under
the balance of the Alliance. Finally gaining the
balance of power in 1999, they gained a
series of minor progressive reforms as junior
partners in the Clark regime’s coalition. But
many of these reforms were won against the
opposition of Anderton and his rightist
supporters within the Alliance.
The brewing tensions came to a head, first
with the resignation of the Greens from the
Alliance, and then with the commitment of NZ
troops to the US war in Afghanistan, where the
Greens’ principled opposition to the war
exposed the majority of the Alliance caucus as
compradors for US imperialism.
Social Democratic Betrayal
Votes on war have long been the undoing of
social democrats. Despite their avowed
commitment to social justice and peace, in
the face of inter-capitalist hostilities the social
democrats have repeatedly sided with the
capitalists of ‘their’ country against the
capitalists of other countries, regardless of the
human cost.
This was first most clearly seen at the
beginning of the First World War, when the
MPs of the largest socialist party in the world,
the German Social Democrats, voted funds for
the German war effort. The support for the war
by the German socialists and many other
social democratic parties (organised in the
‘second
international’
or
‘socialist
international’)
irretrievably
split
the
international socialist movement.
Lenin identified the cause of the split in the
emergence of imperialism from the late
nineteenth
century.
The
superprofits
accumulated by the vast monopolies in the
imperialist countries from their world-wide
operations allowed them to bribe, coopt and
buy-off the leading sections of the working
class in their home countries. This was the
‘labour aristocracy’ at the forefront of the
trade union movement and even socialist
parties in these countries. These sections of
the working class were able to gain real
material benefits from this, even though the
position of the international working class as a
whole was seriously weakened.
Against this, the remaining minority of the
international socialist movement called for
international workers’ resistance to the inter-
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imperialist war. The Russian Social Democrats
led a successful rebellion of the Russian
military against the war, culminating in the
1917 revolution. Other less successful revolts
followed in Hungary, Austria, Germany and
Britain. The radical minority socialist parties
coalesced in the ‘third international’ or
‘communist international’.
The split in the socialist movement has
persisted to this day, with the socialist
international (which still includes the New
Zealand Labour Party) committing to
capitalism (‘with a human face’) and
enthusiastically supporting imperialist wars
from the Suez to Vietnam; during World War II
the New Zealand Labour government went as
far as banning the Communist Party
newspaper and jailing most of our central
committee.
Prospects for the Alliance
Following the departure of the Anderton
faction and the Democrats in particular, the
Alliance is left undisputedly as a left social
democratic party, committed to progressive
reforms of capitalism and strengthening the
position of many peoples’ movements. The
question is whether the Alliance can overcome
the traditional limits of social democracy.
The Alliance has considerable resources, until
the election at least: 3 fulltime MPs, including
one experienced high profile Government
minister, a number of fulltime paid officials,
an experienced electoral machine, perhaps
2000 members and a larger mailing list, and a
large state-funded broadcasting budget. But
this will be dedicated exclusively to the
attempt to win an electoral seat or 5% of the
national vote on July 27th.
In the wake of likely electoral defeat, the
Alliance will have the choice of repeating the
mistakes of the past, rebuilding a social
democratic party, and making every more
compromising accommodations with the
capitalists’ representatives in parliament. The
Social Democrats that dominate the
parliamentary caucus and the party
bureaucracy will pursue this path as they see
no alternative to capitalism, albeit with a
‘human face’.
With the departure of the Alliance right, there
is a chance, however, for a change of
direction. The Alliance can reconstitute itself
primarily as a mass campaigning party on the
side of the people against capitalism and
using parliamentary elections only as a means
to this end. This approach is advocated by the
minority of mass activists within the party. #
Red Flag July 2002
The Party List Elections and The Correct Role of
Progressives Within The Reactionary Parliament
An analysis by the Communist Party of the
Philippines reflecting on electoral success of
the progressive party list Bayan Muna in last
year’s congressional elections:
The participation and victory of a number of
progressive forces in the recent electoral
struggle have opened up an additional arena
for airing the people's national-democratic
interests and advancing mass struggles.
Although progressives have achieved some
significant gains in the recent party list
elections (and in winning a few low-ranking
local positions), reactionaries continue to
enjoy decisive dominance over elections for
the senate, district representatives, governor,
mayor and other positions in local
government.
The party list system purportedly aims to
provide representation in congress to
marginalized sectors of the people. Towards
this end, 20% of congressional seats are
allotted to representatives of elected parties.
In actuality, the party list system is an added
instrument of the ruling class to coopt leaders
and progressive organizations to become
ensnared in parliamentarism, share in the
corruption and privileges accorded by the
reactionary system and abandon their stand
for genuine social change.
Despite the measly 20% reserved for
marginalized sectors, corrupt politicians and
parties representing the reactionary ruling
class nonetheless tried to grab it for
themselves by fielding their own errand boys
in the party list elections. Many participants in
the party list elections in May were of this sort.
Among them were those supported and
funded by the state (MAD, VFB, COCOFED,
APEC, NATCO-COOP), big political parties of
the ruling classes (Lakas-NUCD, NPC, PMP,
LDP, LP, Promdi, Aksyon Demokratiko, True
Marcos Loyalists, Osme¤a), big business
(CREBA) and big religious sects (CIBAC,
BUHAY). A number of them (MAD, VFP, LakasNUCD, NPC, APEC and CIBAC) dominated the
party list elections. Progressive organizations
and the democratic mass movement
vigorously objected and successfully blocked
them from taking seats in congress reserved
for party list representatives. This was
achieved through mass actions and the tactic
of filing a case in the Supreme Court. The
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Supreme Court clarified that only parties and
organizations that genuinely represented
marginalized sectors of the people were
qualified to join the party list elections. The
COMELEC was obliged to accredit only three
so far - Bayan Muna, Akbayan and Butil among those that actually garnered 2% or
more of the total party list votes cast.
Progressives and genuine representatives of
marginalized sectors are minuscule in number
compared to the more than 200
representatives of the reactionary ruling
classes in congress. Worse, only about a
dozen of the 52 seats reserved for party list
representatives have been filled up in the last
two party list elections.
In any case, the reactionaries failed to thwart
the people's strong support for and the
unequivocal victory of, Bayan Muna, a
progressive party. This, despite brazen poll
fraud, harassment and vote buying by
reactionary organizations who ran in the party
list elections. Through its more than 1.7
million votes, Bayan Muna posted a big lead
over other party list candidates, including
extensions of corrupt politicians and their
political parties, others who outrightly
embodied the interests of the reactionary
ruling class, pseudo-revolutionary parties and
reformist groups. This meant that three
representatives of Bayan Muna would take
their seats in congress.
The public is still largely unaware of the party
list. Not even half of those who voted in the
recent polls voted in the party list elections.
The big number of votes garnered by Bayan
Muna mainly came from its wide base among
the toiling masses and support from the
middle forces who participated in and
advanced EDSA 2. Through its well-conducted
alliance work, it was able to raise added
resources, broaden its linkages in provinces,
districts, municipalities and cities, gain
additional votes and thwart poll fraud. Other
candidates garnered far fewer votes, except
for MAD.
Although they have also been able to win party
list seats, the narrow organizational base and
influence on the people of Anakbayan and
Sanlakas and other pseudo-revolutionary
organizations have also become manifest.
Red Flag July 2002
In the case of Sanlakas, it has been isolated
from the mainstream of the anti-Estrada
movement as far back as the latter part of
2000, with its advancement of its "Resign All"
slogan. AMIN, another pseudo-revolutionary
organization in Mindanao, bought votes but
failed to attain the requisite 2%.
Despite the victories of progressive forces in
the electoral arena, strengthening the mass
movement both in the cities and countryside
remains the key to advancing the people's
democratic demands. Advances in electoral
and parliamentary struggle are part of the
overall advance and strengthening of the
progressive and revolutionary forces. It is our
objective to accelerate and comprehensively
advance and strengthen all parallel arenas of
revolutionary struggle.
The
actions
within
parliament
of
representatives of the progressive and
democratic mass movement and the people
should not be divorced from the mass
movement. They can only be effective
representatives of the people within the
reactionary parliament if they maintain tight
relations with the democratic mass movement
outside. They must remain focused on the
agenda of the people and the mass
movement even as they utilize the methods of
parliament.
It is the primary task of progressive forces
within parliament to expose the reactionary
congress and the reactionary state in general
by advancing people's issues and struggles
against
imperialism,
feudalism
and
bureaucrat capitalism. They must not be used
to deodorize or redeem the decadent and
moribund system.
It is also an important task for them to be alert
to, and vigorously resist, the temptations of
parliamentarism and the corrupt political
system.
There are clear limitations to, and boundaries
in, what the progressive forces can do within
parliament. Because congress is a parliament
of reaction and reactionaries, it will not pass
laws that would be detrimental to the basic
interests and continued class dominance of
the reactionary ruling classes. Nonetheless,
progressives within congress, in cooperation
with mass actions outside the latter, must
thoroughly fight for the passage of laws and
programs that would provide the people even
a modicum of relief. They must serve as the
voice of the oppressed people resisting the
deterioration of their livelihoods and the
trampling of their democratic rights.
11
State suppression of progressive forces is also
a glaring reality. The continued escalation of
the armed conflict between the revolutionary
forces and the state's armed forces and the
unrelenting intensification of the crisis
gripping the reactionary ruling system are
further pushing the enemy to tighten its
surveillance and intensify its harassment and
attacks against progressive political parties
and the revolutionary mass movement. Even
now, the reactionaries are relentlessly
maligning and harassing Bayan Muna. AFP
propagandists and psywar experts have been
insinuating that Bayan Muna is allegedly a
mere front of the Communist Party of the
Philippines. Newspapers have also reported
that the US' local henchmen have already
fielded hit squads that would target leaders of
the open democratic movement, including the
party list representatives.
Progressives have a very small niche. The
same goes for what they have been able to
achieve in the electoral and parliamentary
struggle. Reactionary elections are a political
arena tightly controlled by the reactionary
ruling classes. They are characterized by the
widespread and absolute reliance of
reactionary politicians and parties on violence,
money, deception and fraud to win. In the face
of all this, the effort and success of some
progressives to win seats in the reactionary
parliament manifest a level of capability
among the revolutionary and democratic
forces to likewise use the enemy's
instruments and arena against him and to
attain benefits for the movement and the
people. It has been demonstrated that these
victories may be surpassed in the future,
along with the further advance of armed
struggle and the mass movement.
On the other hand, the reactionary elections
and parliament cannot be decisively used by
the revolutionary forces and people to seize
political power and obtain fundamental
changes for the people's welfare. Armed
revolution remains the only means for the
revolutionary movement and the people to
overthrow the reactionary and corrupt ruling
system. Armed struggle and the mass
movement are essential and more primary
compared to electoral and parliamentary
struggle. Along with such efforts and victories
in electoral and parliamentary struggle, it is
likewise necessary to further clarify to the
people the undeniable need to advance
armed struggle and expand and deepen the
revolutionary mass movement in the cities
and countryside.
Ang Bayan July 2001
Red Flag July 2002
12
Red Flag July 2002