BELLS
Algonquian
Blackfoot.
ritual, social category, use.
Women wore their hair long and loose. Their principal garment was a sleeveless, skin
dress in the form of a slip. Its length fell to the wearer's ankles. This slip was supported
by straps over the shoulders. Probably women wore separate skin sleeves in cold weather,
held up by skin cords tied at the back of the neck. Cut fringes and porcupine quillwork
decorated these dresses. Women's ornaments included bracelets of deer or elk teeth,
necklaces of sweet-smelling roots, and finger rings and pendants of metal bells or
thimbles obtained from the traders (Ewers 1958:38).
Women wore their hair long and loose. Their principal garment was a sleeveless, skin
dress in the form of a slip. Its length fell to the wearer's ankles. This slip was supported
by straps over the shoulders. Probably women wore separate skin sleeves in cold weather,
held up by skin cords tied at the back of the neck. Cut fringes and porcupine quillwork
decorated these dresses. Women's ornaments included bracelets of deer or elk teeth,
necklaces of sweet-smelling roots, and finger rings and pendants of metal bells or
thimbles obtained from the traders (Ewers 1958:69).
There were nearly a score of medicine pipe bundles among the three Blackfoot tribes.
The most sacred object in each bundle was a long wooden pipestem elaborately
ornamented with plumes and such other decorations as eagle feathers, hair or weasel-skin
pendants, trade beads, bells, or ribbons (Ewers 1958:172).
From the Assiniboins in the mid-nineties the Piegans also acquired the grass dance, a
lively, young men's social dance with its associated paraphernalia of deer hair roaches
and hawk bells which jingled merrily as the dancers cavorted (Ewers 1958:311).
Bradley (1870's) stated that the Blackfoot woman's ornamental crupper had a fringe of
horsehair to the lower ends of which little bells were attached. In my informants' youth
cut buckskin fringes were also used. The ornamental crupper had a soft skin or trade
flannel base. It was decorated with beadwork or (if of skin) in angular painted designs
"something like a parfleche design." In more recent times (since ca. 1875) floral designs,
combined with the double-curve have been employed commonly. Martingales were
similarly ornamented (Wissler, 1915, fig. 15; Ewers, 1945 b, figs. 61-63). (Ewers
1955:96).
An impressive preliminary to the departure of a scalp-raiding party was the riding big
dance, referred to by Wissler (1913, pp. 456-458) as the "horseback dance or big dance."
The warriors who volunteered to join the party first rode out of camp for some distance.
There they changed to their war clothes, painted themselves in their war paint, painted
pictographic representations of their coups on their war horses and decorated them with
masks, bells, martingales, and feathers in their tails. Then they mounted and converged
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upon the camp from the four cardinal directions, carrying their weapons. As a number of
old men and women stood in the center of the camp beating drums and singing a song
with a lively rhythm, the warriors circled the camp on horseback. Then they shouted,
dismounted, and danced on foot, imitating the prancing of their horses, which stepped
along beside them to the beating of their drums (Ewers 1955:196).
Her oldest son, Dave, was beautiful and the Big Waters decided to make him a "favorite."
His mother still treasures a little metal bell charm that was given him as a child by an old
lady. She still lovingly exhibits his little fur cap, the beaded case that held his umbilical
cord, and the mink skin that he received from his father's older brother. Fine presents
were given in return for these, but the parents never could afford to honor their son with a
big and ostentatious give-away (Goldfrank 1966:66).
On receiving this word, the boy's father probably calls together his close relations,
discusses the matter with them, and, if the match is satisfactory to him, sends back word
to that effect. When this message is received, the relations of the girl proceed to fit her
out with the very best that they can provide. If she is the daughter of well-to-do or
wealthy people, she already has many of the things that are needed, but what she may
lack is soon supplied. Her mother makes her a new cowskin lodge, complete, with new
lodge poles, lining, and back rests. A chief's daughter would already have plenty of good
clothing, but if the girl lacks anything, it is furnished. Her dress is made of antelope skin,
white as snow, and perhaps, ornamented with two or three hundred elk tushes. Her
leggings are of deer skin, heavily beaded and nicely fringed, and often adorned with bells
and brass buttons. Her summer blanket or sheet is an elk skin, well tanned, without the
hair and with the dew-claws left on. Her moccasins are of deer skin, with parfleche soles
and worked with porcupine quills. The marriage takes place as soon as these things can
be provided (Grinnell 1962:212).
When they see fresh tracks of people, or signs that enemies are in the country, they stop
travelling in the daytime and move altogether by night, until they come to some good
place for hiding, and here they stop and sleep. When day comes, the leader sends out
young men to the different buttes, to look over the country and see if they can discover
the enemy. If some one of the scouts reports that he has seen a camp, and that the enemy
have been found, the leader directs his men to paint themselves and put on their war
bonnets. This last is a figure of speech, since the war bonnets, having of late years been
usually ornamented with brass bells, could not be worn in a secret attack, on account of
the noise they would make (Grinnell 1962:252).
Near extinction, though not completely dead, is the institution of the favoured child
(mιni.puka) which centres about the family. Horses and blankets were given out lavishly
in the name of the child. A wealthy father rewarded many times over the giver of a gift to
his favourite child. A trifling object such as a bell might in the past be rewarded with a
horse or a suit of buckskin clothing. Thus the favoured child institution was a special
aspect of distribution where generosity was reciprocated by generosity without possibility
of comparable return (Hanks 1910:88).
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The way I remember those boiled hooves, there was hardly anything worth eating on
them. But my grandparents liked them. Maybe it was their memories of the old days,
when hunger forced them to use such articles now and then. They saved the boiled
hooves to use for rattles on tipi doors, and so forth Those were the old-time version of
bells, which they later got from traders. They could be cut and shaped while they were
still soft from boiling. Later they dried up hard again (B. Hungry Wolf 1980:188).
Iron Pipe had arrived in time to claim the Thunder Lodge, but Many Guns, a friend of
mine from Gleichen, came to my teepee and told me that the Thunder Medicine Man had
saved for me a medicine drum, some medicine bells, and some other things. In order to
receive the medicine articles I had first to go through a ceremony, so at the appointed
time I called at the lodge of Iron Pipe. Iron Pipe's wife would not at first allow me to
enter the lodge, but Many Guns explained that I was an invited guest and so the woman
allowed me to take my place in the lodge.
He said, "Tomatoes are all right, but you must never again, under any circumstances, use
red paint on your blanket." The medicine articles which I purchased from the Thunder
Medicine Man included a drum, some medicine bells, and a small piece of metal
(Lancaster 1966:145-146).
The Medicine Pipe itself, when finally exposed to view, was a beautiful thing. Over three
feet long, it was marvelously decorated with such things as ermine tails, colored feathers,
fur, beads, tiny brass bells, human hair, etc. (Lancaster 1966:154).
This was a treat to hear, as most young people today don't know the old serenade songs
from the past. Long ago, several groups of serenade singers would go around the camp
circle every night, in the days when camp circles had a circumference of a mile or more.
Young people would tie strings of sleigh bells to their horses to add background music to
their singing. Groups of young men usually sang together, sometimes doubling up on one
horse. Married couples often rode the same way. Single men would ride alone, singing
love songs with code words so that their sweethearts, bound by tradition to stay inside at
night, would know the songs were for them (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:56).
The sacred Bundle for an Otter-Flag Tipi contains an otter skin and one or more other
animal skins. Bells are suspended from the nose, feet, and tail of the flag itself, although
in the past dried deer hooves were used instead of bells. Bands of quillwork or beadwork
decorate the neck, paws, and tail, and brass shoe-buttons are sewn on for eyes. The Otter
Flag itself is kept in a rawhide case for most of the year (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:70).
During ceremonies such as the Sun Dance, the Bundle is opened and the flag tied to an
extra-long tipi pole so that it hangs high above the doorway. As it waves in the air, the
bells jingle, reminding everyone of its presence (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:72).
Wolverine Tipi Flag on display at the Provincial Museum. The model shows the ancient
tipi design and the manner of hanging the flag over it. The tipi and flag were bought from
the Bloods. The other objects are also painted tipi decorations, mostly bells, hunting or
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horse raiding, a buffalo or horse tail used to be fastened to the center of the cross and left
to flutter in the air. Sometimes a crescent moon appears instead of a Maltese cross (A.
Hungry Wolf 1977:73).
"Many of the Indians prayed at me although not to me of course; they wished their diety
to give me a better heart, to make me more liberal; some prayed that they and I should
always be as good friends as in the past. R Wolf held up the front of the hide covering the
bundle to hide his actions from view and soon the sound of a bull keeping time with the
rattles was heard. At 3:30 R Wolf, after 10 minutes of antics such as poking up the nose
or head of the animal, exposed the article he had been hiding, which was a large otter
skin decorated with a scalp tied to the nose, and bells upon the legs. The head was only
stuffed. This object he lifted up and rising to his feet danced around the room to the
women and handed it to them. She prayed as usual and set it in place. Running Wolf
returned and went through the same performance with a large dried Beaver skin with tail
and claws on" (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:95).
The Bundle was kept in a cylindrical rawhide case for protection. The case had "fringe on
side—triangular painted design—green and red—much worn and warped." The contents
included the following (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:112):
-one unused clam shell and one clam shell used to mix green paint in, along with a
mixing stick, all wrapped in a bladder and kept inside a small bag of cheesecloth.
-one buffalo skin bag of sacred red paint, wrapped in a piece of canvas and tied with a
thong.
-a bundle of sweetgrass braids wrapped in calico cloth.
-a large bundle with calico cloth around it, containing the headdress parts, which were
only assembled when it was used; the parts included the snake, made of stuffed, yellowpainted buckskin with a zigzag line beaded along its body, beads and bells to be attached
at several points, and three plumes, consisting of many small feathers attached to three
main shafts, to be attached to the snake to complete the headdress.
-a batch of small feathers, some red and some natural white, in a paper wrapping.
-a bone whistle, also kept inside this part of the Bundle, each member wearing such a
whistle during the ceremony.
-The main Bundle also contained a "loose bead trimmed pendant"; a tiny cloth bag, inside
of which was a bladder filled with some kind of roots; and a small "accessory" bundle of
paint bags, more roots and painting shells, and some ancient cloth and scarf wrappings.
Robert Wilson was probably the first person to photograph members of the Motokiks
wearing their headdresses and putting up their lodge. In those days, the lodge was still
constructed with a framework of travois. To accompany Wilson's photographs of 1892
scenes, let us read some excerpts from the 1905 notes of David Duvall, a South Piegan
man who collected traditional information for the anthropologist Clark Wissler. These
notes are now in the American Museum of Natural History. Duvall got most of his
information from an old member who was the wife of Heavy Runner.
The main object in every Medicine Pipe Bundle is the sacred Stem. Like exceptionally
long regular pipestems, they have a straight hole beginning at the carved mouthpiece and
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ending at the carved bowl-fitting. Sacred Pipes are very handsomely decorated, with
many black-and-white ermine tails, black-and-white eagle feathers, eagle plumes, other
feathers, and beads, bells, and porcupine quills. They are kept in long, tubular cases of
red, blue, or black wool stroud cloth, the kind with the white selvedges brought to our
People by traders of the long-ago. These cloth covers replaced the original buckskin
covers as they wore out.
Spiritually, the sacred Stems represent all the Holy Powers of the Universe. They were
first given by Thunder, who embodies the rain-water that helps to make everything grow.
The wood stems represent all the plants that grow upon Earth; the eagle tailfeathers
represent all the Above Powers, including all the birds, the eagle being the most Powerful
among them; the ermine skins stand for all the Below Powers, including the animals that
walk on Earth; and the beads and bells symbolize all the goodness and beauty of the
Universe. The sacred Stems are attached to stone bowls that represent the strength of our
Earth Mother. Her Spirit travels in the form of smoke along the long and straight path of
the sacred Stem, into the body of the smoker, and as he exhales it, up into the air that
flows throughout the Universe. The physical appearance of a sacred Pipe represents all
the holy beauty that can be found if one lives by its holy Ways (A. Hungry Wolf
1977:124-125).
"All is now ready for dancing which is started by Priest, who takes some article from the
Sacred Outfit, generally the fancy stem of pipe, and dances around the lodge and out
through the entrance. He often has in one hand this whistle which he points up to the sun
and earth, blowing as he dances, and shaking the pipestem which has a great many bells
on it. After turning around outside he dances back through lodge and having danced four
times, hands articles to host, who prays to them [or with them, as I have said] and puts
them in their place" (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:128).
Mokakin sang an honoring song for his grandson. Two other grandparents, Ponah and
Emonissi, also sang their own rendition. The tiny bells on the sacred Pipestems jingled
with the leader's movements.
After the sacred objects were replaced in the Bundle, the singers began the inspection
dance song. Jim Twig took the sacred Pipe and danced outside to see the payments. To
make their grandson's transfer successful, both grandparents had amassed four nice
horses, a new Winchester rifle, a couple of blankets covered with bills, and a huge pile of
blankets and dry goods. When Jim Twig came back inside, he danced up to young
Weaselhead, handed him the sacred Pipe, and said, "Oki, here is your holy Pipe."
The transfer is completed after the new Owners have had their faces painted. Two men
held up a large blanket to shield the painting from the view of others. The drummers sang
while Henry Standing Alone stood outside the blanket and held the main Pipe over the
blanket, jingling its tiny bells above the head of the new Owner. The topknot and
headbands were fastened on by the leader and his wife. Then the leader and his wife
exchanged new clothes with the new Owners, to symbolize the rebirth of the Owner and
his wife. In the Old Days, these new clothes would have been made of finely decorated
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buckskin. Today, except for handmade moccasins, the new clothes are store-bought and
are seldom worn at the exchange. Often, only blankets are actually exchanged and worn
(A. Hungry Wolf 1977:141).
"Midway between the line of men and each rider was a dismounted man; one of them had
in his hand an Indian standard, an otter skin [actually a fisher skin] decorated with beads
and bells" (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:206).
"All was well until I had reached quite a distance from the Crow lodges. The horse I was
riding became impatient to return home, and when he found that I would not allow it, he
began to pound and dance up and down. The bells all made a row and the two shields on
my back rattled [illegible] so loud that the horse became more [illegible] each moment
until finally, down went his head and I was bucked off. I did not let go of the bridle but
the animal I was leading got away when I fell, galloping back home at his top speed. I led
my horse far out on the prairie, until I grew tired of walking and again ventured on his
back. Fortunately, he had recovered from his uneasiness and gave me no more trouble.
As day broke, I saw for the first time that my horse was a fine buckskin. When I neared
the fort, my stud again began to dance, and in that style I went in, the horse prancing
sideways, showing first one side then the other, my goods with many bells jingling in
time to the horse's movements. When I saw the black looks of envy upon the faces of the
warriors observing my return, I felt amply revenged for all their insults" (A. Hungry Wolf
1977:248).
"We reached the corral, got inside, and after a lot of trouble succeeded in making a hole
big enough for a horse to pass through. Suddenly, we heard a great row at one of the
other corrals. One of our men, a blundering fool, had entered that corral and caught a
mare with a bell on her neck. He attempted to lead her out of a place where she would
have to jump high to get through. The mare tried but fell back, her bell making a row that
roused the whole village in an instant. Then the women began throwing burning sticks on
the ice so that their husbands could see to shoot" (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:252).
"Our chief had taken out a horse from one of the corrals before the row occurred, but no
others than we three did so. One called Many Strikes obtained the trimming of a war
shield, but not the shield. The fellow who caused all the row carried away the mare's bell,
which he had taken off and put over his shoulder when he saw the mistake he had made.
My capture was a baldfaced bay (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:252).
Calf Shirt used his Rattlesnake Power to doctor various ailments. One of his specialties
was sterilizing women. Among his doctoring articles was a buckskin snake that was
painted black and had a green glass bead attached to the head and a small bell to the tail.
He would lay this snake next to a woman's body, sing his song and give her some kind of
Medicine, and the woman would never have children again. (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:271)
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"South of the Bear Paw Mountains we found an empty shack, where we camped for a
while. By this time the rain was turning into snow and it was getting colder. The next day
when we got to the foot of the Bear Paws, it became so cold and miserable that we
decided to make camp and wait for the storm to pass. We made a brush shelter and stayed
in it for four days, but the storm just kept up. We had nothing to eat the whole time, even
though we all took turns going out to hunt. One of my best horses died while we were
camped there. It was a mare; she had a colt that died, too. They must have frozen to
death. Both of them were wearing bells, and I had grown very attached to them" (A.
Hungry Wolf 1977:295).
Three old women at Fort MacLeod in 1924. On the left is Double Victory Woman,
mother of John Cotton. She holds a staff with hooves and bells attached. In her other
hand is a horsetail switch. The woman in the center is Heavy Face, mother of Jim White
Bull. She holds a stone hammer for pounding berries and dried meat. On the right is
Takes-a-Man, who was then the widow of White Calf. On her dog's travois is a hide
scraper made of bone and a small kettle of the kind that was obtained from traders. Black
Looking is the man on the horse (Glenbow Archives) (A.Hungry Wolf 1977:312).
Bear Shield, around 1900. Also known as Pig Shirt, he was a brother of the chief, One
Spot, and was best known for being a lady fancier and user of Love Medicine. He
married a number of times, once even to a white woman. He is wearing one of the holy
war-shirts, said to have been bullet proof. Around his neck is a large brass bell, perhaps
to call attention to himself, and a beaded case for a pocket mirror. His rings are made of
brass wire. From his gun hangs an iron, which was struck with flint to make sparks for
fires (Pollard Photo) (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:316).
"I always look forward to going to any kind of dance, even though I can only hear the
drums and bells. I remember just what it looked like in the Old Days, and I always get up
and pretend that I am dancing like when I was young again. My grandchildren sing
Indian songs and drum and I get up and dance every night" (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:338).
The front-tails do not braid the hair but allow it to hang free. An eagle tail-feather,
trimmed with quills and small bells, is tied on the head crosswise. Narrow garters of
otterskin, decorated with quills and bearing bells, adorn the legs. The chief regalia, from
which they take their name, are belts, or scarfs. On the right side of the belt is an
appendage, formed by wrapping a stick one hand long with the skins of two buffalo tails.
This was bound around the middle with red cloth and some beading of large white and
blue beads. To one end is attached a fringe of buckskin, weasel fur, and red cloth, with
bells at the ends. This is the "buffalo tail seen from the front." The ends of the sash hang
down on the left side (Fig. 11) (Wissler 1913:388).
Big-brave sat near one of the members and offered him a pipe to smoke. At first he
refused to take the pipe, but finally he took and smoked it. Big-brave thought that the
man was afraid he would not get a horse from him as he had just received one the day
before, therefore his hesitation. Then Big-brave made the smudge place and the
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transferrer asked him to remove his clothes. When he had done so, the transferrer painted
his face and entire body black and scratched the paint down with his fingers. The
mother's face was also painted. A streak of red was painted across his eyes and mouth
and small dots of white on his cheeks, forehead, and chin and on all his joints. His new
clothes were first passed over the smudge four times, and then given to him to put on.
The transferrer then took up the otterskin which is used as a garter strap, spat on it four
times, passed it four times to the smudge place, and before tying it around Big-brave's
leg, recounted four war deeds. The strap was a narrow strip of skin decorated with small
bells and quill work (Wissler 1913:390).
The raven-bearers carry sticks trimmed with alternating pieces of black and red cloth
(Fig. 14), bearing feathers and bells.1 They paint their faces red with a pair of small white
spots on the forehead, cheeks, and chin (Wissler 1913:392).
Note 1: Maximilian, German ed., 578, gives a drawing of this emblem.
For the ceremony they sit in a circle with their sticks on end. As songs are sung, they
shake them to sound the bells. When dancing they carry their robes on their left arms and
hold their sticks up in front, inclined forward. The drummers stand, as for the front-tails
(Wissler 1913:392).
Owing to reluctance of informants, we were unable to obtain a concise account of the kitfox organization. The main leader wore the entire skin of a kit-fox, with the head before
and the tail behind. Around the neck and legs of the fox skin were strands of beads. Small
bells were tied to the feet. Four eagle tail-feathers were stuck up on the top and one at the
tip (Wissler 1913:399).
When the kit-foxes gave a dance, they opened up two large lodges and made them into
one. For four days and four nights they sat inside, painting and dressing themselves,
singing and making ready for the dance, only appearing at night, outside of the dance
lodge. On the fifth day they marched through the camp. Their chief wore the fox-skin,
with the head made into the form of a hood. The nose was in front, the ears on the top and
the skin, with bells fastened to the tail, hung down his back. The face of the leader was
painted green, to look as frightful as possible and inspire the spectators with awe. The
second in rank, called the White-circle-man, carried a spear, with one end bent into a
circle. It had bells attached, and was covered with white swan's down and white plumes.
The third held a spear of the same shape, covered with white feathers, but fringed with
black and red plumes. The rest of the members carried pointed spears, covered with otter
skins ornamented with feathers and bells. The kit-foxes all painted their faces. They
wore, for garters around their legs, wide bands of otter skins, with bells attached, and an
eagle feather, decorated with red, green and yellow, in their back hair. White weaselskins were also attached to either end of this feather, while a strip of otter skin was
suspended from its centre. When they marched through the camp they formed in the
shape of a fox head. The chief went first standing for the nose. Behind him were the
second and third men for the eyes, and then came the rest of the society in a group, all
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together representing a fox head. The two second-men, as the eyes, watched the chief,
who was the nose, or leader, and acted just as he directed, the rest following after
(Wissler 1913:401).
While dancing they all sing and some carry bells to keep time. Others hold both hands on
their breasts as in the stick game. No drums are used. It is thought that the more the
dancers exert themselves during the dance the better will be the result of their prayers.
Before hunting, a deer dance is held, so they may dream where the game will be found.
Sometimes the leader dances, holding a post with both hands with bells, deer hoofs or
claws in one hand, and a handkerchief or skin in the other. Anyone who believes in the
dance may join whether he has songs or not. Some of the regalia for the dance are: rabbit
ears, deer claws and hoofs, feathers, plumes, mink skins, otterskins, sleigh bells, and deer
tails, also weasel skins, owl and other feathers. Juniper is more frequently used for the
smudge than sweetgrasss. The members paint in red or yellow with a stripe across the
forehead and one across the chin (Wissler 1913:442).
When medicine-pipe men join in the ceremony they bring with them their own utensils,
sweet-pine needles for the smudge, etc. During the feast they are served first. When the
owner of the smoking-otter joins he is given a place near the smudge place, opposite the
leader; the medicine-pipe man is seated to his left. While the smoking-otter owner
smokes, sleigh bells are shaken four times and everyone must desist from touching his
moccasins. The smoking-otter owner uses juniper for his smudge. At the beginning of the
ceremony the iniskim songs are sung (Wissler 1913:446).
In 1909 Big-spring bought the stick game dance bundle from a Gros Ventre. It contains
twenty sticks with magpie feathers and four small plumes on the end of each. The sticks
were about fourteen inches long and half an inch in diameter and were painted red. Small
bells are also attached to the end of one of the feathers. There are two guessing sticks
about fourteen inches long with eagle feathers and a few plumes and bells on their ends.
These sticks are also painted red. There are four bones or hiding sticks two of which were
blue and two white. There is a small wheel-like object about two and one half inches in
diameter resembling the wheel used in the arrow game. This is worn by the guesser.
Sweetgrass is used for the smudge. The only difference between the two guessing sticks
and the others is that the former have eagle feathers instead of magpie feathers (Wissler
1913:448).
Fish dreamed of a man who came to give him the stick game bundle. The dream person
carried the bundle on his left arm. His face was painted yellow and dotted all over. In his
hair was tied an owl feather. Now, one of the guessers ties an owl feather in his hair when
the game is played. Fish claims the stick game bundle to be very powerful. If a person be
sick he may vow to play with the stick game owner in order that he may recover. When
the game is played, the bundle owner paints and prays for the person with whom he is to
play. On the other hand, the game must not necessarily be played when anyone is ill but
can be played at any time (Wissler 1913:449).
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Fig. 29. These sketches show the use of the horse bonnet and the decorations of horses
for the horse dance ceremony. One side of a horse bonnet is always painted red, the other
blue. The paintings on the horses represent the deeds of the riders. Drawn by Red-plume.
decorated with feathers, are used. Some of the horses have horse bonnets and bells
around their collars (Wissler 1913:457).
The night singers do not necessarily have to belong to any society but anyone may join
them. This custom is kept up nowadays only during the sun dance. It is not understood as
good form for the women or girls to go out with the night singers. Although a great many
of the grass dance songs are sung, there are special songs also. The singing is usually
continued until daylight. At the end of each song they usually shout and keep time with
sleigh bells when singing. They are never ordered to sing at the present time.
The Begging Dance
The Piegan name for this dance is "those that dance around camp for a smoke." The
members do not belong to a society, but a number of men, six or twelve, or sometimes
more, go to some tipi and sing and shake their bells. This may be done at any time of the
night. The owner of the tipi fills a pipe and lets them smoke, gives them some food, a
blanket, clothing, a horse, or money. The presents are divided up among the men. The
owner of the tipi seldom knows who the men are. They repeat this at four tipis and then
disband. Several groups of these men may go around at the same time, but they never
stop at the same tipi. Usually, the men stop at the tipi of a chief or head man as they are
more sure of getting a smoke, for it adds to one's prestige to be generous with presents,
feasts, etc. (Wissler 1913:460).
Fig. 2 (50-4434). A Personal Charm. Piegan. When he went out to get horses in the night
and the dogs barked, he was to toss a stone to one side of them and they would be quiet;
but he must never kill a dog. A song was given him as a part of the formula.
A more complicated charm is shown in Fig. 2. The brass button at the top stands for the
morningstar; the curved crosspiece, the sun woman (the moon). Along the edge of the
latter were twelve brass nails, representing stars. The bunch of four small bells is said to
stand for star clusters, though on this point our information is not definite. The pendant
plumes and a bit of weasel fur are added as is usual on objects associated with the
morningstar and the sun (Wissler 1912:92).
The two objects in Fig. 3 constituted the war medicine of a Piegan. They are respectively,
a necklace, and a hair ornament, and bear as secondary characters various symbols
relating to dream experiences. The necklace came down to its last owner together with a
particular song; the whole formula is supposed to keep off bullets and blows. The
foundation of the piece is a string of beads, black in color, to represent the night sky. To
it are attached seven small buckskin bags representing the seven stars, or
Fig. 3a (50-4539), b (50-4540). War Charms. a A Necklace, b A Hair Ornament. Piegan.
Page: 10
Great Dipper. The bags contain the leaves of some unidentified plant. A compound disc
of brass is attached, representing the sun and bearing the usual strips of weasel fur.
Clustering in this are four small black buttons, suggesting the bells in Fig. 2. Finally,
there are fifteen long pendants each bearing a red bead and a brass button, representing
stars in general. The seven small bags have their edges beaded in blue. The hair ornament
is of a well-known type, but this one was dreamed by its owner. The disc is the sun, and
the bunch of horse hair at the end is the objective symbol of a prayer for horses. The
import of the dream in which this was bestowed was that it would bring prosperity
(Wissler 1912:92-94).
One of the most famous war charms known to the Blackfoot people is shown in Fig. 4.
This seemed due to the fact that a noted Blood warrior, One-spot, carried it for many
years; his great deeds being attributed not so much to any initiative of his own as to the
power of the formula objectified by this charm. It was very much desired by others but
the owner always refused to transfer it. It is in the form of a scarf, a broad strip of yellow
dog skin from the nose to the tail tip, mounted on red flannel. To the eye holes are
attached beaded discs bearing brass buttons; over the ears are what may be the symbols
of feet on quill-covered strips of buffalo hide. At various points are feathers of owls,
hawk, eagle, and prairie chicken, together with strips of weasel skin. Two bells adorn the
tail piece. This, like others of its kind, is based upon a dream experience and bears a
formula with songs. In singing, the tail piece is held in the hand and a bell
accompaniment given (phonograph record, 436).
A charm resembling the preceding but concerning which we have more information is
shown in Fig. 5. It is an otterskin. The skin has been removed from the animal in one
piece, split down the belly from the nose to the tip of the tail. In the holes where the legs
were, pieces of leather, wrapped with flannel and beads with feathers are inserted, bells
and weasel skins hang from the ends. The tail is tipped in a similar fashion. A slit is cut in
the top of the head and neck pieces. Across the top is the bill of a white swan with the
skin of the neck attached. This is to give the owner general powers in life and war: the
song for this expresses the idea, "Alone I [swan] walk [fly]; it is medicine." To the bill of
the swan are hung duck feathers to give the power of swiftness: the song, "The lake is my
lodge." At the end of the swan skin the wing of an owl is hung to give power in the night
so that the horses of the enemy may be taken: the song, "The night is my medicine; I
hoot." To the skin of the swan are attached two metal discs; the large one represents the
morningstar, the small one the "smokingstar," or "daystar." The songs are: "I am the
morningstar," and "The daystar, he hears me; he is my medicine." The bells represent the
power of the sun; the song, "These medicines are powerful." The entire skin of a jay bird,
found in the mountains, is tied to the back of the skin and this is said to give power to
treat disease as well as secure success in war: the song, "The mountains are my lodge: the
woods are my medicine" (Wissler 1912:96).
There is one song for the otter: "I am swinging around in the water." The bells are shaken
as an accompaniment to this.
Page: 11
The most striking object is the robe.1 It is of cloth in yellow ground with corners of blue.
Scattered over the surface are circular patches of blue representing stars. Near the center
is a large red spot bordered with blue and covered by a brass disc, the whole representing
the sun. Below, is a blue crescent for the moon, and still lower, a red spot bordered by
blue for the morningstar. To the various blue spots on the robe are fastened bells,
feathers, and skins of the weasel and gopher. The whole was given in a dream to a North
Piegan, who transferred it to its late owner. Two songs (records 349-50) belong to its
formula: "Sun, look upon me. You see me now. Take pity on me" (Wissler 1912:98).
Note 1: On a rock near this shelter was an offering to the sun consisting of an old coat, a
shirt tied to a stick, and a peculiar fan-shaped object of twigs distended by being bound to
a hoop of the same material. On the projecting ends of the twigs were eagle feathers. This
object was weighted down with a stone and joined to the other offerings by a cord. We
were told that such fan like objects were often used when making sun offerings. A
somewhat similar offering is shown on plate XIV, Maximilian's atlas. Another view of
this shelter was published in the American Museum Journal, Oct. 1906, Vol. VI. 208.
Otter Bundles.
We collected two other versions of this myth in one of which two Sarsi went east with
some white men while in the other it was a Piegan. In each, they went on a boat to an
island, but then to heaven, where the ritual came from God. The version previously
published was given by an old Piegan who owned one of the bundles and may be
assumed the most authentic. In that narrative we are told that, "Whenever the owner of
this medicine begins to smoke, he shakes the bells on the otter four times. Then he takes
some smoke, blows it into the hollow of his hand, and rubs it on the otterskin. Then he
blows one handful to the otter, one to the bells, one to the owner's heart, and one to the
ground. This last is because the otter runs on the ground. There is power in this, because
the otter is supposed to have long life."2
Note 2: Vol. 2.
One of the unpublished versions runs: when the Indian had returned, he made up the
smoking-otter bundle. Later, his brother requested it, so he transferred it to him. Yet he
made up another one smaller than the first. The latter is the female, the former the male.
Thus it came about that there were two otter bundles. Now a few years ago, the owner of
the smoking-otter got a new otterskin and in a ceremony changed the old otterskin by
placing the bells and other things on the new skin. A white man who is still living asked
for the old skin, saying that he wished to use it as a bag. It was given to him and he got
some bells and made up another smoking-otter and later transferred it to another man.
There are now three smoking-otters here. They were all transferred in the same way with
the same songs. The smoking-otter is very powerful and was formerly much used in
battle and on the warpath. The owners seldom fail to have dreams through the bundle.
There are four or more war songs among those used with the smoking-otter. Some of the
words are: "Wind is our medicine. Rain is our medicine. The water is our medicine and
our body" (Wissler 1912:126).
Page: 12
Some live coals are placed on the two piles of dirt and while singing the smudge song he
holds up some of the seeds with one hand. The song runs as follows: "The above is
powerful. The ground is our medicine." Then he places some of the juniper on each
smudge place. After passing the smoking-otter around his waist it is passed out through
the west of the sweat house and placed on top of it with the head towards the east. Five
heated stones are brought in and placed at each corner of the hole and one in the bottom.
He makes another smudge, placing some of the seed on each of the five rocks. Then they
are all thrown into the hole and the rest brought in. Another smudge is made on the pile
of stones in the hole. Some of the seed is placed at the four corners while some is put on
the center of the pile of rocks. The curtains are pulled down and after dipping a bunch of
grass in water, he sprinkles the stones seven times. He sings and a man on the outside
shakes the seven bells on the otter four times. As there are usually five or six men in the
sweat house, each man takes his turn at praying while the others sing. There are seven
songs in all. The covers of the door are raised seven times and the ceremony is ended.
When it is raised in the beginning of the ceremony, they all look out and say: "We are
looking at the green grass, leaves, and berries." This is said if the ceremony is held during
the winter, but should it be held in the summer time, they say: "We are looking at the
snow." This means that they will all live to see the next winter (Wissler 1912:127-128).
The next song is: "Waves are my medicine. Water is our medicine." He passes the otter to
the first person sitting to his left under the cover. The otter is passed under the robes or
blankets around the entire tipi until it reaches the owner again. This passing of the otter
under the robes represents the otter swimming under the water. The owner now takes the
otter again and sings: "Above is our medicine." This refers to the seven stars which the
seven bells tied around the otter's neck are supposed to represent. Then he dips his
fingers into the cup of water and sings: "Water is our medicine," and places his hand on
his head and on his breast, the purchaser repeating the same motions with his cup of
water.
The owner passes the otter to the smudge four times and as it has a looped carrying strap
made of a red scarf he places the loop over the buyer's head and shoulders and leaves the
otter hanging on the purchaser's back with the head at his left side. After, it is removed
from the purchaser's back and put on his wife in the same manner by the owner's wife.
Then it is placed on its bed of grass curled up as if it were alive. He takes a pipe which
has been filled and holding it with both hands with the bowl towards his left and the
mouthpiece towards his right and turning the pipe about four times, he holds it to the
purchaser's mouth four times, barely touching his lips with the pipestem. At the fourth
time the purchaser draws four times on the pipe. Meanwhile the spectators shout and
cheer for the purchaser. The owner then lights the pipe and hands it to the purchaser. He
blows some of the smoke in his left hand which he places on the ground and to his heart.
Then he blows some smoke in his right hand, brushes his head with it and places his hand
to his breast. He blows more smoke in his right hand and rubs the otter's head with it and
then into his left hand and rubs the seven bells which are tied to the smoking-otter's neck.
As he is smoking the pipe the owner shakes the bells on the otter's neck for him four
Page: 13
times and again the crowd shouts and cheers the buyer. The words of the song referring
to this are: "My smoke is powerful" (Wissler 1912:129).
The purchaser's face is painted with yellow, a yellow spot on his forehead and on either
cheek. A scratch is made across each spot with the fingers in representation of the crack
in the bells on the otter's neck.
There are forty-nine songs which are sung in groups of seven. The new owner is painted
with yellow spots. These spots of yellow are scratched across first in the painter's hand
and then stamped on. The cross is to represent the cracks made in the bells which are on
the otterskin. The new owner's horse is painted with red paint to represent the tracks of
the otter eagle claws (zigzag lines between two horseshoes), and hailstones (circles).
Sometimes the horse is painted with many dots of red on the head, neck, and shoulders,
and on his hips. The otter is either carried on this horse or else the owner rides on the
horse and carries the otter on his back. The horse is painted on both sides.
After the horse is painted, the otter is placed outside the tipi on a tripod. When he wishes
to move camp, he puts the otter on his back, a smudge is made outside near the tripod and
the former owner makes four passes to the smudge and to his stirrup and mounts his
horse. The owner's and his wife's white blankets are painted in red with seven rows of red
dots, seven in each row. These represent the seven bells on the otter's neck (Wissler
1912:130).
Tipis were often provided with door bells. One of the skin tipis in the collection has such
a bell, or rattle, made of eight dew-claws from cattle, strung like a tassel, and tipped with
pieces of red flannel. This rattle is suspended inside above the door so that any
considerable movement of the door curtain or the stretching of the tipi cover as a person
creeps through will cause it to swing and announce the intruder. Another specimen in the
collection is made of six moose hoofs (Wissler 1910:105).
After a while, as Old Man was walking along, a girl saw him, and, as he was making
queer signs, she went toward him. "What do you want?" she said. When Old Man heard
the voice, he said, "I want you to come over here." Now Old Man tied up his eyes, and,
when the girl came over, he said, "I wish you to lead me, for my eyes are sore." They
went on until they came to some thick brush. Then Old Man said, "I will make a camp
here." So he set up some poles as if to make a lodge. Then he went after more poles but,
being unable to find the ones just set up, he started another shelter, and so on. Finally the
girl said, "What are you doing?" Old Man said, "I am making several lodges, so you can
have your choice." After a while he began to tie a rattle, made of hoofs, to the girl's dress.
"What are you doing now?" she said. "Oh," said he, "I am putting preventive medicine on
you." Then they camped together. Old Man had hung the hoof-rattles on the girl to act as
a bell, so that he could hear her and follow her. One day the bandage came off his eyes,
and the girl saw that he had no eyes. When she found this out, she tried to run away from
him. Old Man followed her by the sound of the rattles; but, when she discovered this, she
Page: 14
took them off and threw them out from a steep bank over the river. Then Old Man
followed the rattling that they made, and fell head first into the water2 (Wissler 1908:30).
Note 2: See Maclean, Journal of American Folk-Lore. Vol. VI. p. 168.
Now it was the turn of the father-bear to give the man something, so he gave him a lance
with an otter-skin hanging down decorated with feathers. Bear's claws were hung to it for
bells [rattles]. The shaft of this lance was wrapped with elk-skin, and a head-dress of
bear-claws went with it (Wissler 1908:97).
This is the way the Smoking-Otter medicine came to be among the Indians. When the
Indian was brought back to his people, he took an otter-skin and a swan-skin for his
medicine. Whenever the owner of this medicine begins to smoke, he shakes the bells on
the otter four times. Then he takes some smoke, blows it into the hollow of his hand, and
rubs it on the otter-skin. Then he blows one handful to the otter, one to the bells, one to
the owner's heart, a˚nd one to the ground. This last is because the otter runs on the
ground. There is power in this, because the otter is supposed to have long life (Wissler
1908:99).
This story came from the Kutenai Indians.2 Long ago in their camp one of them died. The
one that died was a man true and good. After he died, his spirit went away to the land of
the dead to find out what was there (Wissler 1908:157-158).
Note 2: For many years the Blackfoot and Kutenai Indians have visited each other and
exchanged a few ceremonies. The most important one acquired by the Blackfoot seems to
have been the Black-Tail Deer-Dance, a ceremony to aid in hunting deer. The narrator
was the chief director of this dance among the Piegan.
When he had been there a while, the spirit told him to return to his people and tell them
what was there. He had been dead seven days, and his body was badly decomposed; but
the spirit of the dead took his spirit down to its body and he came to life. He came to life
in the midst of his friends. Now it was this way: the watchers around the body heard a
noise inside of the corpse, but all the while the spirit of the dead man was sitting near,
saying that he was trying to sing. So they quickly unwrapped the body. Then the man
opened his eyes, and, looking at them, said, "I have come from the land of the dead. I
have come to teach you more songs and prayers." Then he rose and picked up a small
bell. Now all the people were very hungry, for they had nothing to eat for a long time.
The man said, "Now we will dance." So he led the dancers round in a circle, and, keeping
time with the bell, sang the songs he had learned when in the land of the dead. When the
dance was over, the people rested while he prayed for them. Then they danced again.
They all slept that night, and when they awoke, the man who had been dead said, "I know
all about power. I saw it in my dream. You can believe that there is such a place." Then
the men went out to hunt and brought home a great deal of meat, and after that the dance
was called the "Black-Tail Deer-Dance." Now every one takes part in this dance before
he goes out to hunt. They dance in the evening and at night they can see in dreams where
game is to be found (Wissler 1908:157-158).
Page: 15
Delaware.
ritual, use.
They adorn their leggings in the same manner; their mocksens, (properly Maxen, or
according to the English pronunciation Moxen), are embroidered in the neatest manner,
with coloured porcupine quills, and are besides, almost entirely covered with various
trinkets; they have, moreover, a number of little bells and brass thimbles fixed round their
ancles, which, when they walk, make a tinkling noise, which is heard at some distance;
this is intended to draw the attention of those who pass by, that they may look at and
admire them (Heckewelder 1819:195-196).
While the women, as I have already said, have thimbles and little bells rattling at their
ancles, the men have deers' claws fixed to their braced garters or knee bands, and also to
their shoes, for the same purpose; for they consider jingling and rattling as indispensably
necessary to their performances in the way of dancing (Heckewelder 1819:195-197).
Her mocksens were ornamented with the most striking figures, wrought on the leather
with coloured porcupine quills, on the borders of which, round the ancles, were fastened
a number of small round silver bells, of about the size of a musket ball. All these things,
together with the vermilion paint, judiciously laid on, so as to set her off in the highest
style, decorated her person in such a manner, that perhaps nothing of the kind could
exceed it (Heckewelder 1819:195-265).
From the time of their first contacts with the Europeans, the Indians had wanted to
acquire guns, powder, cloth, lead, copper, kettles, axes, hoes, picks, spades, shovels, glass
beads, awls, bodkins, scissors, knives, mirrors, and needles. William Penn, for example,
purchased land in 1683 from Tamanend and other Delawares by the payment of: 5 pairs
of stockings, 20 bars of lead, 10 tobacco boxes, 6 coats, 2 guns, 8 shirts, 2 kettles, 12
awls, 5 hats, 25 pounds of powder, 1 peck of pipes, 38 yards of "duffields," 16 knives,
100 needles, 10 glasses, 5 caps, 15 combs, 5 hoes, 9 gimlets, 20 fish hooks, 10 tobacco
tongs, 10 pairs of scissors, 7 half-gills, 6 axes, 2 blankets, 4 handfuls of bells, 4 yards of
"stroudswaters" and 20 handfuls of wampum 19 (Newcomb 1956:82).
Note 19: Sipe, 1931, p. 70.
There were one hundred and seventeen kettles of iron or brass, seventy-six earthenware
and stoneware jugs, twelve "steels to strike fire," and twenty spoons. Among sundry
small objects were one thousand fish-hooks, two hundred and twenty needles, one
hundred and twenty awls or "muxes," used to drill holes in wampum (as one of the deeds
states), one hundred and thirty clay pipes, ten bells, and ten jewsharps.
Neither are they all alike in taste, every one dressing himself according to his fancy, or
the custom of the tribe to which he belongs. While the women, as I have already said,
have thimbles and little bells rattling at their ankles, the men have deers' claws fixed to
their braced garters or knee bands, and also to their shoes, for the same purpose; for they
consider jingling and rattling as indispensably necessary to their performances in the way
of dancing84 (Newcomb 1956:93).
Page: 16
Note 84: Heckewelder, 1881, p. 205.
A ringing noise in the ear is known as "death bells" and announces the demise of a
relative or friend (Tantaquidgeon 1942:58).
After they have refreshed themselves and rested, the prisoners are led out for the
amusement of the inhabitants. They fasten strings of bells or deer-claws to the feet of one
of them, to make a rattle for the dance, and present him with a parcel of small sticks.
What is meant by the latter, the prisoner knows. He takes as many as he pleases and
returns the rest (Zeisberger 1910:105-106).
In exchange for furs the Delaware obtained many items of European manufacture that
soon became standard additions to their culture, often replacing completely their
aboriginal counterparts. Readily adopted in this way were metal kettles and edged and
pointed tools, household implements, bottles and jugs, and items such as glass beads,
bells, and jew's-harps (Goddard 1978:220).
Ojibwa.
use.
The ornaments worn by dancers were of wide variety and showed much originality. In
recent times they have been elaborated by the use of sleigh bells, small round mirrors,
and bits of tin (Densmore 1929:37).
Athabaskan
Chipewyan. use.
Harness and span are quite different to those of the Eskimos. The harness [Li'bET!ulE]
consists of a thick upholstered collar of skin, from which two traces run to the rear, also
of caribou skin. These are connected over the animal's back by a rather wide girth, which
is sometimes decorated with bells and other ornaments, whilst the traces are connected
under the belly by means of a couple of thinner straps. Fig. 16 is a set of harness of this
type (H 1:37, CNM), made of unhaired, smoke-cured caribou skin. It has two traces, 1.40
m long, each ending in a split loop in which is a wooden stick to act as a toggle. The
back-girth is 12 cm wide and edged with canvas.. There is a similar form of harness
among the Ojibwa4 whereas the eastern Cree have adopted the Eskimo harness5 . The
dogs are spanned in tandem form so that they can get along the narrow trails in the forest
(Birket-Smith 1930:41).
Note 4: Densmore 1929, 135.
Note 5: Skinner 1911, 43.
For example, our primary on-site informant frequently elaborated upon specific artifacts
that he, or other identifiable individuals, had once used. The richness of context, and the
emotional quality of such testimony, are suggested by his comments upon our discovery
of two small steel ball bearings in a house depression at the Cree River Site (Cree Lake
Page: 17
19). He identified these objects as "ringers" for the insides of large sled dog harness bells,
and he also identified the former owner of the bell ringers and the decomposed house:
Oh yeah, that would be what John Rat used. Boy, he used to have nice dogs too. He used
those kinds of bells. You could hear him coming down the lake miles away. Nice like
that. Francois Brochet (Metis Cree outpost trader for the HBC), he used those same kind
of bells for his dogs too, you know, but he was just showing off. He liked to drive around
with his dogs like that, acting like a big shot.3
Note 3: Swedish-Canadian immigrant.
The survey data themselves, as well as informant testimony, indicate that many of these
items were routinely resurrected and recycled. Several common examples of adaptive
reuse have been described in an earlier section on methods. These include the recycling
of metal packing crates and other large metal containers for cooking and heating stoves
and chimneys, and the recycling of food tins as lighting devices, tea pails and drinking
cups. One of the illuminating, if not distressing, events of our survey was watching one of
our on-site informants appropriate pieces of the artifact collection for use as part of his
trapping outfit. On another occasion, the same informant retrieved several small dog
harness bells from a site once occupied by his family, remarking that the bells reminded
him of his father (Brumbach 1982:24-25).
Other unusual purchases separate Deaf Isaac from the previous customers. For example,
on 4 November 1909 he purchased for 63 MB a set of commercially manufactured dog
harnesses and two sets of sleigh bells. In addition to the common purchases of shot and
other materials used with older muzzle-loading firearms, he also acquired six boxes of
factory-loaded cartridges (Jarvenpa 1984:176).
During the trapping season a team of five dogs can travel 40 or 50 miles in one day if the
load is not too heavy. However, since frequent stops are usually made to check traps, 20
to 30 miles is a more common daily average. Harnesses are usually purchased complete
from the Hudson's Bay Company, although a few men buy only the rigid, padded leather
collar and make the rest out of webbing or, occasionally, caribou skin. Dogs are
harnessed one directly behind the other; long side strips of leather or webbing lead
directly from the harness of one dog to the collar of the dog behind. A team of dogs may
present quite a striking appearance if the owner wishes. A few men have sets of small
blankets about a foot and a half square that fit over the back of each dog. These blankets
are beautifully embroidered with floral designs in different coloured yarns, and there is
also a fringe of coloured yarn around the edges. Down the centre of each blanket is a
green velvet strip to which a set of six or eight bells is attached. Yarn tassels are
sometimes seen on the harness of each dog, or a fox's tail may be similarly used. A whip
with colourful yarn tassels is usually a piece of standard equipment (VanStone 1965:43).
Caddoan
Pawnee.
ritual, use.
Page: 18
In Oklahoma in the 1920s, there were only three old men living who had Buffalo Doctor
Sacred Bundles. During the ceremony, this song would be sung and these old men would
arise. They were John Brown, Old Man High Eagle, and Wichita Blaine. They would be
the only ones to dance first as these songs were sung. Then the others could join them.
They each wore a buffalo tail and a matted tuft of buffalo hair on their heads. They
carried baby buffalo hooves on sticks that formed rattles and whistles of wood about
twenty-four inches long. There was also a bronze bell attached to each man's costume
(Blaine 1990:68).
These Frenchified chiefs at the Bourgmont councils could hardly be expected to accept as
equals the rude Pawnee countrymen from the Loup Fork, who did not even know how to
behave in the presence of important Frenchmen and who were so ignorant that they were
fair game for any French peddler, who wandered into their villages with a pack of trinkets
on his back, and traded them out of their furs and Padouca slaves for knives, beads, red
paint, and hawk-bells. The Iowas, Missouris, and Kansa Indians, as men of the world
who had known the French for many years, thus looked down on the Skidis and probably
made jokes about their bucolic manners; but they were very careful about meddling with
these same Skidis on their home grounds or out on the high plains; for a big band of
Skidis armed with bows and lances was nothing to laugh at (Hyde 1974:88).
Raruhwaku smears his own body with red earthen dust. He makes several long streaks of
red paint upon his arms and body. Taking otterskins decorated with ribbons and small
bells, he ties them around his legs, the ends hanging in front. He takes up a buffalo-hair
rope decorated with small soft down feathers and places it about his neck. He places upon
his head a bunch of soft down feathers with two eagle feathers stuck through them, and
through this a sharp stick is passed by running the stick through his scalplock. His
costume is complete. Beaver wears the same headdress and buffalo rope around his neck,
but is daubed with the white clay mixture (Murie 1914:226).
The fourth man on the north side is Young Bull. His body is covered with red paint, and
he is smeared with buffalo urine mud at the elbows and shoulders, three places on his
back, three on each side—on the back of the shoulders and halfway down, near the hips,
and upon the knees. On his head he also has soft down feathers and wears part of a
buffalo tail, with two long pieces of buffalo wool, which hang down his back. He wears a
buffalo tail with hanging feathers. On the strings around his waist are attached two large
sleigh bells that sound like buffalo hoofs rattling. The mud upon his joints was picked up
where buffalo bulls had urinated; it smells strong. The decorations upon his body show
that he represents a buffalo bull just after rolling upon the ground. He is a great doctor
who has power to mesmerize as well as power to tell when a man is sick and what animal
power the patient should come under (Murie 1914:227).
The three sticks are decorated with porcupine quills and crow feathers; the tops are dyed
horsehair. These sticks are set into a buffalo hide pad, from which one coyote tail and
three strings of crow feathers hang. There are two large sleigh bells, one attached to each
side. (This is the Iruska bustle) (Murie 1914:461).
Page: 19
Fig. 11. Bustle for the Raven Braves. The uprights are sticks wrapped with porcupine
quills and tufted with horse hair. The belt is of buffalo hide and bears a few sleigh bells.
The pendants are wolf tails and strings of crow feathers. (Murie 1914:575)
When the three Pawnee men returned to their home they began to teach other young men
the Sioux songs they had learned. One day some Skidí young men came together and
Knife-chief told them about the Sioux dance. The old Pawnee iruska dancers never used
sleigh bells upon their bodies; but did use them around the drum. The Sioux dancers also
wore ornamental clothes while the Pawnee did not. All the Pawnee dancers wore was the
headgear and the bustles. The Sioux bustle was also different (Murie 1914:624).
In the spring of 1911 Eagle-chief called some young men together and told them he
wanted to organize a new iruska dance. This was agreed to by all. Money was collected
to buy a new bass drum and sleigh bells (Murie 1914:625).
The paraphernalia of the appropriate military society, the Two Lance or Horse Society,
was in the Wolf-in-Water Village, and the chief, Feared-by-the-Enemy, called on Chief's
Road who had the lances and lance covers in his tent to send for them, and Angry Horse
to send for the crow-feather belt with the sleigh bells on it that the head policeman was to
wear (Weltfish 1965:209).
Very early next morning, just before sunrise, the lances were reinstalled outside the
council tent. The new chief of police, Strikes-the-Enemy, donned his crow-feather belt
with the sleigh bells on it and, armed with his special club, rode back and forth in front of
the council tent waiting for White Eagle to lead off the hunt (Weltfish 1965:209-210).
The meal over, the official police belt was hung up tied to the south pole of the tent, south
of the Evening Star bundle, and the head policeman War Cry would wear it when he was
on duty. There were sleigh bells for each of the other three official policemen so that they
could make themselves heard as they went through the camp warning people to be quiet
(Weltfish 1965:432).
The business over, it was time to serve the feast of donated boiled buffalo ribs which
were served without delay. As no corn had been donated, no offering was made to the
sacred bundle that night. The guests made haste to go home so that the family could
prepare their dry meat. However, the police had to remain until after midnight to see that
there were no infractions of the anti-noise rules. Every now and then one of their number
was sent out to see that no one happened to forget and was laughing too loud. The
policeman put on his belt with the sleigh bells and taking his stick walked cautiously
through the camp. One could hear the snow cracking under his feet. As he arrived where
the noise was, he tapped the tent with his stick. Then the noise would stop. He had been
holding his sleigh bells so that they would not sound, but now he released them so that
everyone would know that he was passing through (Weltfish 1965:438).
Iroquoian
Page: 20
Iroquois.
use.
The Onondagas term it Da-yu-sah-yéh-h h. Pull-away, and fox and geese in the snow are
out-door games; blind man's buff and others are favorites within, as well as that of the
bell and shoes, which I recently described (Beauchamp 1896:272).
I have spoken of the game of the bell and the shoe as though it might have been adapted
from the whites. A bell is hidden in one of three shoes, by the Onondagas, and the
opposing party must guess in which of these it is. In Tanner's Narrative, however, about
seventy years ago, he described a similar game somewhat differently played by the
Ottawas and Crees. The former used four moccasins, in one of which was hidden some
small object. These were touched in due order, with varying results to the guesser and his
party. The Crees put the hand successively into all the moccasins, endeavoring to find the
hidden object last of all. In this case, therefore, the Onondagas have preserved an old
game, substituting the bell for something more primitive (Beauchamp 1896:275).
Of the Caddo tribes only the Cahinnio had any knowledge of the true calumet of peace,
according to Joutel, who in July of 1687 was met at the frontier by an Indian carrying a
"sword ornamented with feathers and two hawk bells . . ." the noise of which he heard
(Fenton 1953:197).
The Christians depicted a witch as a big dog, while the Longhouse people envisioned an
owl. The typical witchcraft story involves a dog that was shot. The hunter follows the
tracks to another neighborhood and then finds that a man has just died. The moral is that
the deceased man was a witch who transformed himself into a dog. Christians also
believed that if a witch approached in the guise of a red bell, one must stand in the middle
of a circle made by pouring whiskey on the ground (Foley Fieldnotes, 1973). (Foley
1975:132-133)
In addition to the knee-bands, Knee Rattles of deers' hoofs, as shown in the figure, and in
modern times, of strips of metal, or of bells, made a necessary part of the costume.
Personal ornaments of various kinds, together with the war-club, the tomahawk, and the
scalping-knife, completed the attire (Morgan 1901:255-257).
Frequently one heel is brought down twice or three times before it alternates with the
other. This will convey an impression of the surprising activity of this dance, in which
every muscle of the body appears to be strung to its highest degree of tension. The
concussion of the foot upon the floor served the double purpose of shaking the rattles and
bells, which form a part of the costume, and of adding to the noise and animation of the
dance (Morgan 1901:270-271).
The boat was about fifteen inches in length, and made of beech, or other hard wood,
something in the fashion of a canoe. It was solid, with the exception of an oblong cavity
in the centre, over which arched a hickory bow, designed to suspend bells or other rattles
upon. In the stern of this little vessel a white feather was inserted for a flag, by which to
follow it in its descent (Morgan 1901:294).
Page: 21
The trade between the Lakes region and the south can be traced by the wide use that was
made of Lake Superior copper. Fontaneda found copper, probably from Lake Superior, in
Florida. Cabesa de Vaca, in 1536, got a copper bell from the Indians who told him that it
came from the north, where there were plates of it ..."18 (Selden 1965:17).
Note 18: Hunt,Wars , p.22.
These changes, over a period of time, form and are formed into a complex ritual system.
Hence the revelation or hierophany becomes a symbol such as a costume, dance, or song.
As the members of later generations participate in the power of these symbols, the
revelation as cultural symbol becomes again the revelation as experience. Even in the
atmosphere surrounding the rites, their origin in the dream makes itself "felt," even to
non-Iroquois:. . . The nodding plumes, the tinkling bells, the noisy rattles, the beats of the
high strung drums, the shuffling feet and weird cries of the dancers, and the approving
shouts of the spectators, all added to the spell of a strangeness that seemed to invest the
quaint old councilhouse with the super-naturalness of a dream2 (St. John 1981:200).
Note 2: Harriet Converse, "Green Corn Dance," Journal of American Folklore 4 (1891):
77.
All was gone through with in the most solemn and affecting manner. Their stories were
told with much gesticulation and earnestness. After the preceding ceremony commenced
the War Dance, which, for singularity and effect, and the thrilling animation it imparts to
the actors, cannot be surpassed by any rite of modern times. The fantastic figures and
devices painted on their almost naked bodies, the rude headdresses and ornaments,
consisting of bells, brooches, rings, a profusion of ear and nose jewels, with deers' hoofs
dangling about their ankles, gave the performers a most singular and grotesque
appearance (Tooker 1970:167).
Most of the men hunted extensively, not only for deer, elk, and small game to use for
food and clothing and miscellaneous household items, but for beaver, mink, and otter, the
prime trade furs. Pelts were the gold of the woods. With them a man could buy guns,
powder, lead, knives, hatchets, axes, needles and awls, scissors, kettles, traps, cloth,
ready-made shirts, blankets, paint (for cosmetic purposes), and various notions: steel
springs to pluck out disfiguring beard, scalp, and body hair; silver bracelets and armbands
and tubes for coiling hair; rings to hang from nose and ears; mirrors; tinkling bells
(Wallace 1972:24-25).
Not all therapeutic dream-fulfillments ended in even a partial cure, of course, but this was
not felt as any reflection on the principles of dream-therapy. The whole village vied to
give the sick person his every wish, for any frustration was a threat to life. A dying man
might be seen surrounded by literally thousands of scissors, awls, knives, bells, needles,
kettles, blankets, coats, caps, wampum belts, beads, and whatever else the sick man's
fancy, or the hopeful guesses of his friends, suggested (Wallace 1972:70-71).
.
Page: 22
Muskogean
Seminole.
ritual, use.
The Seminoles believe that one of the most powerful medicines for hunting and love
magic is a piece of the horn of the Giant Horned Snake. This creature, according to
Willie, resembles an ordinary tie snake and, in fact, is called stvkwvnaya (lit. tiesnake) in
the Muskogee language. The Giant Horned Snake, however, is much larger than a regular
tie snake. It is also called C&unknown;tto mikko, "Snake King." It is blue on its upper
surface and yellow underneath. The horns are variously colored. Willie's uncle once saw
one with horns which sparkled "like diamonds." The Giant Horned Snake lives
underwater, and its home is in the deepest pools in lakes and streams. It is extremely
dangerous, drowning and partially eating its victims, but if approached in the correct
manner its horns can be scraped to provide a substance giving the possessor a powerful
hunting and love medicine and also an ability to learn the uses of all herbal medicines.
The presence of the Giant Horned Snake is indicated by a sound resembling the ringing
of a small silver bell (Howard 1984:90).
One time I was walking near a stream by B----- R-----'s place. One of these snakes is
supposed to live there. I heard a little bell ringing in the water, but I knew what it was
and stayed my distance. I just kept walking away. When I finally looked back I saw a big
splashing in the water where I had heard the bell. That night we heard a faint voice crying
"Help!" from the same place where I had seen the splashing. The next morning we went
down to the creek and found the body of a white man. He had been killed by the snake.
His nose, eyes, lips, ears, and the fingers of his left hand had been eaten off. These snakes
do this when they are hungry. They drown people and then eat those parts. My cousin
Wilson Tiger saw the snake once. The male has horns but the female has something like
hair (Howard 1984:92-93).
I have seen two or three women wearing a few sleigh bells on a strap instead of either the
terrapin-shell or condensed-milk-can leg rattles (Howard 1984:118).
This dance is a cognate of the Shawnee Moving Dance, also known as the Corn or Bean
Dance;2 the Iroquois Corn or Bean Dance; the Delaware Bean Dance; and the Caddo Bell
Dance. The Seminole and Creek Bean Dance songs are somewhat similar to those of
these other tribes (Howard 1984:167).
Note 2: James H. Howard, Shawnee! The Ceremonialism of a Native American Tribe and
Its Cultural Background, pp. 322-24.
Siouan
Assiniboine. ritual, use.
Page: 23
We will now state how they proceed in case of sickness. A child falls sick. The
father or some other near relative immediately sends a gun or a horse to the divining man
to secure his services. Sometimes smaller articles are sent, and the doctor, thinking them
beneath his notice, will not pay a visit until enough is offered, which amount varies in
proportion as the patient's relatives are rich or poor. He then enters the lodge of the sick
person in his medical capacity. His instruments are a drum, a chi-chi-quoin, or gourd
rattle, and, perhaps, a horn cupping apparatus. He must have (although not perceptible)
some things concealed in his mouth or about his person, as will presently appear,
although they go usually through their operations entirely naked (except the breech-cloth)
and not in a hideous costume as has been represented. The doctor is accompanied by five
or six others as old and ugly as himself, bearing drums, bells, rattles, and other noisy
instruments (Denig 1930:423).
FOX DANCE (TO-KAH-NAH WAH-CHE).—This is done by those who belong to the
band called Foxes, who are pretty numerous among several nations. It is got up with the
view of publishing their feats as in the preceding one, and also to display themselves as a
body. Their costume consists of a deer or antelope skin, shirt, and leggings painted a
bright yellow, and their faces painted with yellow stripes, besides other forms. A dressed
fox skin being slit in the middle, the head of the man is thrust through, the skin spread out
on his shoulders, the head of which lies on his breast, and the tail hangs down his back,
the whole skin being fringed round with colored garnishing of porcupine quills, bells, and
polished buttons placed in the eyeholes of the animal in the skin (Denig 1930:561).
Other ornaments consist of elk teeth, colored porcupine quills, and feathers of the white
plover dyed. Feathers of ravens, owls, hawks, and eagles, furs cut in strips and wrought in
various parts of their dress, besides a great variety of trinkets and paints furnished by the
traders, among which are brass rings, brass and iron wire, beads, brass hair and breast
plates, brass and silver gorgets, wampum moons, hair pipe, St. Lawrence shells, spotted
sea shells, hawk bells, horse and sleigh bells, cock and ostrich feathers, thimbles, gold
and silver lace, etc. (Denig 1930:591)
Songs for dancing, medicine (that is, the practice of healing), and on other assemblies are
generally accompanied with drums, bells, rattles, flutes, and whistles, of all of which the
drum is the principal instrument, for though on some occasions all of them and several of
each kind are used, yet there are none in which the drum is not used, but several where
the rest are dispensed with. At its conclusion cult members returned to the horse tipi to
dance. Each member placed his horse medicine bundle on a pronged stick in the ground
near the altar. Drums and bells accompanied the dancers. Each member drummed and
sang his song 4 times, while the member next to him accompanied him on another drum.
The other members danced in place with empty hands. Every now and then these dancers
raised their hands toward their horse medicine bundles hanging near the altar and then
toward their praying leader, indicating their approval of his actions. They wore no
distinctive costume but danced in their every-day clothes. The leader's wife wore a long
necklace of antelope or deer hoofs which rattled as she danced. During the last of the 4
times the songs were sung the tempo was increased (Denig 1930:618).
Page: 24
The entire camp was invited. At its conclusion cult members returned to the horse tipi to
dance. Each member placed his horse medicine bundle on a pronged stick in the ground
near the altar. Drums and bells accompanied the dancers. Each member drummed and
sang his song 4 times, while the member next to him accompanied him on another drum.
The other members danced in place with empty hands. Every now and then these dancers
raised their hands toward their horse medicine bundles hanging near the altar and then
toward their praying leader, indicating their approval of his actions. They wore no
distinctive costume but danced in their every-day clothes. The leader's wife wore a long
necklace of antelope or deer hoofs which rattled as she danced. During the last of the 4
times the songs were sung the tempo was increased (Ewers 1956:63).
The all-important feathered belt represents the tail of the rooster. Eagle feathers, sewed
on an oblong piece of blue flannel, cover the back of the legs from the hips down to the
ground. Two long wing feathers, stripped down to the ribs, are attached to the top of the
feathered cloth and are spaced about one foot apart. The ribs are covered with colored
quillwork. A string of very small brass bells is tied to each tip and then looped down to
the butt ends, where they are fastened. A cloth belt completes this costume.
Dancers' arm bands are usually of metal or tanned deer-hoof skins, with the two hoof
"buttons" left on each band for ornaments. Round or wide-mouthed bells, riveted to
straps, are fastened securely around the legs below the knees or at the ankle. Some
dancers fasten a string of bells from the hips to the garters or ankles (Long 1961:129130).
If a part of a dancer's dress, such as a loose bell, feather, or ornament, falls to the floor
while a men's dance is in progress, the owner is not allowed to pick it up. As soon as the
fallen part is noticed by the dancers, they begin to dance around it, forming a group. As
the group becomes larger with most of the dancers joining, the Singers change to a war
chant and beat. When this chant is sung, all of the dancers circle the object with the old
warriors inside of the circle near the fallen ornament. The object represents an enemy,
and after a time, one of the warriors picks it up and the singing and dancing cease. With
the object in his right hand the warrior points it in the direction he once journeyed with a
war party and relates a war story, after which he hands it back to the owner, who comes
to the center of the circle and, through the announcer, gives something to the relator or to
the dance group (Long 1961:139).
The concluding parts of the Grass Dance then follow, with the male Singers chanting the
Take Down the Feathered Belt Song, assisted by two women seated nearby. These
women are well-known Singers. They finish the chorus or last part of a song, which is
sung without words. When their part comes, the men stop singing and beating the drum.
As a result, the high voices which blend together can be heard clearly above the jingling
of the small bells which adorn the dancers. As the two female voices approach the end of
the song, the Drum Beaters and male Singers drown them out by beginning the next verse
(Long 1961:141).
Page: 25
Because this is a solo part and the principal feature of the dance, the crowd is tense.
Absolute quiet prevails. Above the beat of the drum and the singing, the big and small
bells which adorn the legs of the dancer peal forth, commanding the attention of all
onlookers (Long 1961:143).
The women's dress was of mountain-goat skin and ornamented with porcupine quills and
elk teeth. The lower edge of their garments was decorated with bells and deer-hoofs.
1. Hanbe'tcumbino, the hand-game. This game has been recently revived by the Ft.
Belknap people, and is played by a society, generally on Friday evenings. The buttons are
two pairs of bones, or pieces of cherrywood. Instead of indicating the guesses with the
fingers, the players use a ceremonial wand, from one to one and a half feet long, which is
trimmed with feathers, wrapped with otter-skin, and has an attachment of bells. From
seven to twelve tally-sticks are employed (Lowie 1909:17).
Like the Dakota, the Assiniboine warrior carried with him his w'tawE, or war charm.3 If
a man desired to obtain a w'tawE, he resorted to a holy man, offering him a horse for a
fee. The shaman bade him fetch certain objects, prepared the charm, and predicted what
would happen to the wearer in battle. Thus, he might announce that the owner would
wound one or two enemies; would be wounded himself, though not seriously; or would
be shot in the leg by an arrow. The w'tawE of different men varied considerably. One
informant used the dried and fleshed skin of a blue-bird, with jack-rabbit ears sewed to its
neck, the whole attached to a piece of rawhide painted red on the opposite side. During a
fight the head of the bird was fastened with a string to a lock of the owner's hair. Another
man had for his w'tawE a large knife with a handle made of a bear's jawbone, to which
were tied little bells and a feather (Lowie 1909:31-32).
"At a later period, I dreamt of several men, who told me I was wanted in a certain tent. I
walked to the lodge indicated. It was painted red all over. Right over the door was a
picture of a man with outspread arms. As I entered, I bumped against something; it was a
bell. An old man was sitting inside. He said, 'My son, I am the one who has summoned
you. I shall give you the painted lodge (wi'ha) and teach you how to use it.' To the right
of the entrance there was the figure of a woman. I was told to copy it in my painted
lodge. Then I was asked to look outside. About four feet from the ground there was
painted a snake heading towards the east; it was faced by another snake from the opposite
side. The space between the two animals was completely covered with red paint. Their
tails encircled the entire circumference of the tent-cover. Above the heads of the serpents
there extended the figure of a man, while a small snake was coiled near the top. I
reentered. The top of the lodge was explained to represent the sky-opening, and the bell
the heart of a man speaking. The inmate of the lodge showed me his heart, and I saw it
looked like a bell. Then he told me I was to get the wakan' power to aid the sick. 'Thus
you will get plenty of horses and abundance of food, besides your family will always be
well. When you doctor a patient, you must act as follows:— Near the fireplace plant one
end of a tree-trunk not stripped of its foliage, and stick the other end into the flap-holes;
get three or four dressed buffalo skins, and construct a little booth. Allow yourself to be
Page: 26
tied hand and foot with buckskin thongs, then have tanned robes wrapped about you and
tied from the outside. Have a rock put near the fireplace. It should be painted red and
ought to rest on a clean piece of calico. Have a little dog suckling cooked and set near the
fireplace. Two, or three, drummers are to sit on the right-hand side of the entrance; no
one else must be admitted. Suspend a bell from the trunk.' Next the old man taught me a
song. He told me that one drum should lie by the painted rock. The two drummers were
to begin singing, then I was to join in the chant. When they began singing the second
time, another man was to ladle out the pup-meat into a pan and deposit it on the right side
of the rock. In the interval between the third and fourth songs a spirit would call, ring the
bell, and speak plainly, so that all the people could understand. A noise would be heard in
the skies. The visitant was not to be seen, but only to be heard. He would ask what was
the matter. 'Then you must ask him for aid. He will first eat the pup. Then he will tell you
whether the patient can be cured, and, if so, how soon. If a cure is impossible, he will say
so. He will disappear, but first he will free you in the twinkle of an eye, and hang all your
bonds on the tops of the tipi-poles. This is the way to doctor people in a painted lodge"
(Lowie 1909:49).
Horse-dance
This dance differs from that of other societies in being primarily a religious ceremony,
commonly regarded as on a par with the sun-dance. The Assiniboine are said to have
obtained it from the Canadian Blackfoot about three generations ago. An Assiniboine
visitor was told by the Northern Blackfoot that if he performed the ceremony he would
obtain horses. They also instructed him to offer the pipe to Wakan'-ta`ñga (Great
Wakan'), to the sun, the thunder-bird, and the earth. My informant, Little-Chief, and his
wife have joined in the dance ever since they have been about twenty years of age. Now,
there are only about eight members left. When Little-Chief joined, he paid a bay and a
black horse, two white horses, and a lodge with all its contents as an initiation fee. This
was surrendered to his sponsor, who invited the entire society, and divided the property
among the members. At that time there were four headmen. Little-Chief had noticed the
prosperity of the members of the society, and that was his reason for wishing to join. A
candidate was taught the ritualistic songs, and was told that he would get many horses,
enjoy prosperity and live to be an old man. Two lodges were united to form the dancelodge. Wild berries and choke-cherries, stored in buffalo-skin bags, were prepared for a
feast, at which all spectators were welcome. The weeds and grass in the back of the lodge
were cleared for an oblong altar, about three feet by one and a half in area. Here
sweetgrass and juniper (?) needles were burnt for incense. All smoked the black pipe,
then it was laid on the altar. The pipe was then offered to Wakan'-ta`ñga, the sun, the
thunder-bird, and the earth. Little-Chief was in the habit of paying some other old man to
offer the pipe for him. This offering was accompanied by a prayer in behalf of the
families of the celebrants, as well as of the whole tribe, and for plenty of horses. A dance
followed, women joining their husbands. The performers did not change their position in
the circle while dancing. Two drummers sang, a third man sounded a bell, and eaglebone whistles were blown. No special costume was worn (Lowie 1909:57-58).
They set out and reached the first big sea. The new chief took a handful of dirt, tied on
his mink-skins, and walked on the water. He sprinkled dirt as he walked along, it turned
Page: 27
into land, and the people were able to follow him across. When all had reached the other
shore, the land disappeared again. They got to the second sea, and crossed it in the same
way. After a while they got to the old man who had presented him with the bow and
arrows. The people gathered many robes, and their chief presented them to the old man,
telling him what had happened. The old man bade him go home. They traveled on and
got to the old woman, who was also presented with gifts and was told of the hero's
adventures. The next day they met the wolf sitting on a hill. He said, "Friend, I am going
to leave you, from now on I shall no longer accompany you underground." The hero
thanked him for his help, and asked to be allowed to visit his friend's home. First he went
to his own lodge, and brought flannels and little bells. Then he re-joined the wolf. They
went below a big rock and walked under the surface of the ground. There was a large hall
inside. They found ten able-bodied young men, with plenty of buffalo-meat and venison.
These ten men were the wolf's sons, and an old wolf couple were his parents. The visitor
tore up his flannel, fitted each piece around the neck of one of the wolves, and attached
some bells. When he had distributed his gifts, he sat down. The wolf said, "I am very
grateful to you, now all my children have the flannel and bells they desire" (Lowie
1909:212).
A man was living with his wife. One day he was looking for game. When he returned, his
wife was gone. At first he thought she might have gone for wood, but he could not find a
trace of her. He returned, wondering where she had gone. A crow came flying and
continued to circle around above him. "What are you flying around for? I'll kill you." "If
you talk to me that way, I won't tell you where your wife is." The man then promised him
whatever food he wished, and also flannel and bells to wear around his neck. The crow
said, "Go to that creek. It will be dark by the time you get there. Travel all the next day
till you get to a camp. Your wife is there; a young man from that band has stolen her.
Wait till it gets dark. I'll be there to show you where to go" (Lowie 1909:216).
But Carry-The-Kettle's technique, passed to the younger man who ultimately adopted the
Touchwood Hills as his territory, was quite different. The person with the special skill
would clothe himself with a buffalo robe and equip himself with a bell. When the herd
was within a reasonable distance from the pound he would make his way, slowly and as
inconspicuously as possible, to mingle with the animals. It might take all day to do it
without creating suspicion; it might take two days, but there was no hurry. Finally,
having gained the confidence of the animals, he would begin to move toward the mouth
of the big funnel, gently ringing the bell to make the animals mildly curious. In their
curiosity they would follow and when all were moving in the right direction, the Indian
would ring the bell more loudly and move more rapidly. With success, the herd would
soon be on the run, pursuing the sound of the bell and the man in the buffalo hide would
be heading straight for the entrance (MacEwan 1971:52).
Goods were also given to leading Indians who were instructed to give them to other
bands who were not in the habit of trading at the Bay in the hope that it would encourage
them to do so. Occasionally, company employees were dispatched from the posts for the
same purpose, as was Henry Kelsey. In these instances the variety of goods given away
was greater than in the case of gift exchanges at the post because they were intended to
Page: 28
show the range of goods that would be available to those bands who were willing to make
the trip down to the Bay. For example, Henry Kelsey was sent inland with the following
inventory of goods:
2 long eng guns, 1 blanket, 1 man's laced coate, 1 man's laced cap, 2 ice chissels, 3
hatchets, 56 flints, 1 silke sash, 2 ivory combs, 2 Leath Looking glasses, 4 gun worms, 26
lbs. powder, 71 lbs. shott, 1/4 lbs. beads, 3/4 lbs. red Lead, 4 Steeles, 16 knives, 24 bells,
1 brass kettle, w3 lb., 1 pr. scissors, 2 skeins twine, 2 nett lines, 2 scrapers, 20 lb. brazil
tobacco, 2 sword blades, 1 steele tobacco box, 1 Large powder horne, 1 small ditto, 1
dagger27 (Ray 1974:213-67).
Note 27: This consignment was to be given to the Plains Indians of Saskatchewan.
When the band arrived at the post a feast was held at the conclusion of which the chief
was given food and clothing and 'was presented with the semi annual gratuities — tea,
tobacco, ammunition, etc. — which his written and carefully wrapped up certificate as a
Company's chief specified.'2 Following this exchange, the chief and his followers made
their presents; then the company's traders gave in return 'Quantities of tea, tobacco, sugar,
and perhaps some other rare expensive luxuries, such as flour, rice and raisins ...
preliminary to the individual payment in full to each of those who had contributed to the
"presents". strictly according to his proportion.'3 Thus, gift-giving was still a central
feature of the trade, but rather than make liberal presents of fancy clothing to many
Indians, along with beads, bells, and other frills, as well as alcohol, the traders gave away
smaller gifts — mostly of food stuffs (Ray 1974:213-214).
Note 2: Cowie, The Company of Adventurers, 276. As Cowie pointed out, the chiefs
received an 'outfit' also. According to Cowie they wore it for a few days and then
distributed the garments to their followers. The only symbols of office which they
retained were a long-stemmed pipe of peace and a 'big lowland Scotch blue bonnet'
similar to those worn by curlers.
Note 3: Ibid., 276.
Wo'tawE, or war charms were carried by the Assiniboine warriors. These were obtained
by dreams or by gifts of horses to one with supernatural power, who would aid in the
collecting of various items to bring good luck to the owner. Wo'tawE were symbols of
good luck and were not to be given away, or sold, once made, else the owner would
suffer. Each Assiniboine carried different war charms with him. Thus, one of Lowie's
informants used the dried and fleshed skin of a blue bird, with jackrabbit ears sewn to its
neck, the whole attached to a piece of rawhide painted red on the opposite side. During a
fight the head of the bird was fastened with string, or cord, to a lock of the owner's hair.
Another individual noticed by Lowie had for his Wo'tawE a large knife with a handle
made of a bear's jawbone, to which was tied little bells and a feather (73) (Rodnick
1938:44).
Page: 29
"A child falls sick, the father or some other near relative immediately sends a gun or a
horse to the divining man to secure his services. Sometimes smaller articles are sent, and
the doctor thinking them beneath his notice, will not pay a visit until enough is offered,
which amount varies in proportion as the patient's relatives are rich or poor. He then
enters the lodge of the sick person in his medical capacity. His instruments are a drum, a
gourd rattle and perhaps a horn cupping apparatus. The doctor is accompanied by five or
six others as old as himself (his assistants), bearing drums, bells, rattles....
"All sing and play the instruments mentioned. The doctor slowly approaches the patient,
applying his mouth to his naked breast or belly, draws or appears to draw therefrom by
suction a worm, sometimes a bug, a wolf hair, or even a small snake, making at the same
time gestures, grunts and grimaces. This object he displays to the lookers-on, stating he
has extracted the cause of the disease. This operation is repeated several times with like
results and after he and the accompanying band partake largely of a dog, or other feast
provided for them, they leave for the time being. The whole performance, with the music,
incantations, preparations and feasts included, would occupy from two to three hours and
often the whole night, if the performers are paid high (90)" (Rodnick 1938:54).
Dance was introduced to the Assiniboine by the Sioux in 1872. At one time this dance
was owned by a society, whose members were the only ones allowed to participate in its
dances. The dance brought good-luck to the Indians and was performed whenever any
member of the society requested it. The dance was soon made part of the July fourth
celebration at the agency grounds. A fundamental dancing pattern existed in this dance,
although each dancer could invent his own variations, the main requisite being that the
dancer keep time to the beats of the drum. The old men wore their war costumes and their
steps were that of accentuated walks. The younger people were dressed in black and red
tight-fitting cloth suits, adorned with sage grass and bells around the ankles, the bells
being used to keep time to the singing and the drumming. This was the dance that
impressed tourists as being a "war dance," due to the frenzy of the younger dancers. Like
the Owl-Dance, this dance was performed but twice during the summer, along with the
Owl-Dance (Rodnick 1938:124).
ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Beauchamp, William M.
1896 Iroquois Games. Journal of American Folklore 9(35):269-277.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: not specified; U.S.A. and Canada
Date Coverage: not specified.
This paper, which was read at a meeting of the American Association for the
Advancement of Science at Buffalo (N.Y.) in 1896, describes in some detail the games
existing at the time among the Iroquois. Children's games are mentioned, and adult games
including the black and white game, lacrosse, foot races, pole climbing, and snow snake
are discussed.
Birket-Smith, Kaj
Page: 30
1930
Contributions to Chipewyan Ethnology. Gyldendalske Boghandel,
Nordisk Forlag, Copenhagen.
Chipewyan ND07. Field Date: 1923. Place Coverage: Churchill, Manitoba; Reindeer
Lake, Saskatchewan, Canada. Date Coverage: ca. 1900-1925.
This is a traditional ethnography of the Chipewyan Indians through the first quarter of the
20th century. Although heavy emphasis in this work is on material culture, there is also
much data on foods and the food quest, relations with other tribes, settlement patterns,
geography, social organization, amusements, religious beliefs and mythological tales, and
the cultural position of the Chipewyan in reference to Eskimo and other Boreal
Woodland societies (discussed in large part in terms of cultural element distributions).
The information presented here -- particularly in terms of hunting, fishing, trapping, and
clothing and clothing manufacture -- is very detailed.
Blaine, Martha R.
1990 Pawnee Passage, 1870-1875. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Pawnee NQ18. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: Skidi (Skiri), Chawi (Chaui),
Kitkahahki, and Pitahawirata bands; northern Kansas and Nebraska, U.S.A. Date
Coverage:1870-1875.
This book attempts to broaden the reader's view of the Pawnees during the years 18701875 '...by adding to existing evidence in archives and to other printed sources original
selections from Pawnee oral history containing views of events of that time' (p.xi). The
author believes that the inclusion of primary source material from Pawnee speakers and
descendants of people who actually lived during those years will enrich, and sometimes
modify the perspectives expressed in documentary and published sources. Much of the
oral history material presented in this document comes from the author's late husband
Garland J. Blaine, who himself was a Pawnee. Topics discussed in detail in this work
relate to traditional economic pursuits, horse stealing, the 'sacred' relationship between
the buffalo (bison) and the Pawnee, Sioux-Pawnee relationships and warfare, U.S.
government attempts at acculturation, the reservation system, and the final removal of the
Pawnee from Nebraska to a reservation in Indian Territory in Oklahoma (1874-1875).
Brown, Jennifer S. H.
1993 Fair Wind: Medicine and Consolation in the Berens River. Journal of
the Canadian Historical Association 4:55-74.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: Northern Ojibwa: Berens River area
of Manitoba and northwestern Ontario, Canada. Date Coverage: ca. 1900-1944.
This article presents a biographical sketch of Fair Wind (Naamiwan), an Ojibwa healer
and leader known along the Berens River of Manitoba and northwestern Ontario during
the early to mid-twentieth century. The paper describes his life and explores the nature of
his religious leadership, based in large part on the memories of his descendants, and on
Page: 31
the records left by the ethnologist Hallowell, the reports of numerous fur traders and
missionaries, and others who visited the region during his lifetime (1851-1944). The
document also describes the origin and development of Fair Wind's distinctive drum
ceremonial, the roots of which extended to the Drum Dance that originated in Minnesota
in the 1870s (p. 55).
Brumbach, Hetty Jo
1982 An Ethnoarchaeological Approach to Chipewyan Adaptations in the
Late Fur Trade Period. Arctic Anthropology 19(1):1-49.
Chipewyan ND07. Field Date: 1970s. Place Coverage: Upper Churchill River area,
Saskatchewan, Canada. Date Coverage: late eighteenth century - 1970s.
This document presents a research strategy for investigating the processes by which
Chipewyan, Cree, Métis, and European populations have adapted to the natural
environment, the Euro-Canadian fur trade economy, and to each other as both competing
and cooperating social groups in the Upper Churchill River area of Saskatechewan. "An
interpretive framework links local ecological relations with fur trade specialization and
the nature of intergroup behavior and communications. The data base for assessing this
framework was retrieved by a methodology combining participant and
ethnoarchaeological observation of ongoing behavior with archaeological documentation
of late historic sites. Special attention is given to the economic and social position of
Chipewyan families in outpost and bush communities in northwestern Saskatechewan
between 1890 and 1950" (p. 1).
Denig, Edwin T.
1930 Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri. In Forty-sixth Annual Report of
the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian
Institution 1928-1929, edited by M.W. Stirling, pp. 377-628. U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington.
Assiniboine NF04. Field Date:1850s. Place Coverage: Upper Missouri River area, United
States. Date Coverage: late eighteenth-mid nineteenth centuries.
This monograph presents a general ethnography of traditional Assiniboine society as it
existed in the mid 1850s. The author lived with the Indians for an entire year, (probably
around 1854), gathering information and confirming the data obtained from his
informants. A wide range of subject coverage is presented in this work, but some of the
major topics discussed are: history, geography, fauna, pictographs, astronomy, medicine,
social and political organization, warfare, property, religion, courtship and marriage,
hunting, dancing and amusements, and games and gambling. Denig notes that much of
the ethnographic data on the Assiniboine contained herein also applies to the Sioux,
Arikara, Mandan, Gros Ventres, Cree, and Blackfoot. These groups are designated by the
author as 'prairie roving or wild tribes', reflecting the general attitude of his day regarding
native American populations.
Page: 32
Densmore, Frances
1929 Chippewa Customs. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 86.
U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1905-1925. Place Coverage: Central Ojibwa: Minnesota,
Wisconsin, United States; Ontario, Canada Date Coverage: 1905-1925.
This is a study of almost all aspects of the material culture of the Chippewa. The author
visited the people for the purpose of studying tribal songs, and this collection of data
concerning their customs was gathered during their research. Her study was conducted on
Chippewa reservations in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Ontario, and here she presents a
well organized account of Chippewa customs.
Dunning, Robert W.
1959
Social and Economic Change among the Northern Ojibwa. University
of Toronto Press, Toronto.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1954-1955. Place Coverage: Northern Ojibwa: community of
Pekangekum, Ontario, Canada Date Coverage:1954-1955.
This source, written by a professional anthropologist schooled in the theoretical concepts
and methods associated with the British 'structuralist' school of social anthropology,
presents a highly detailed analysis of kinship structure and social change in the Northern
Ojibwa community of Pekangekum. Data are also presented on changing patterns in
Ojibwa marriage selection with the increase in available spouses due to population
expansion. In preparation for the presentation of the above material the author describes
briefly the history of the Northern Ojibwa up to the late 1950s, the history and external
relations of the community of Pekangekum with the outside world, demography and
residence patterns, and the ecology and economy of the people.
Ewers, John C.
1955 The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture with Comparative Material from
Other Western Tribes. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 159.
U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1941-1951.Place Coverage: not specified. Date Coverage:
not specified.
The influence of the horse on Plains Indian culture is the subject of this monograph. John
Ewers, who was the curator of the Museum of the Plains Indian, did archival research and
interviewed elderly informants to gather this data on the horse in pre-reservation
Blackfoot culture. A great deal of information is presented including chapters on care,
breeding, gear, the use of the horse in such activities as camp movements, hunting, war,
trade, recreation, and religion. Comparative data from other Plains cultures is presented.
Page: 33
Ewers concludes that "...the influence of the horse permeated and modified to a greater or
lesser degree every major aspect of Plains Indian life" (p. 339).
1956
The Assiniboin Horse Medicine Cult. Anthropological Quarterly 29:5768.
Assiniboine NF04. Field Date: 1953. Place Coverage: Montana. Date Coverage: 18341933.
This is an account of the Assiniboine Horse Medicine Cult (see article on Bear Cult,
document no. 8.) Ewers discusses its history, leadership, membership, lodge, dances, and
associated rituals, taboos, and medicines. He also compares it to the cult of the Blackfoot
from whom the Assiniboine acquired it.
1958
The Blackfeet: Raiders of the Northwestern Plains. University of
Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1941-1951. Place Coverage: northwestern Montana, United
States; southern Alberta, Canada Date Coverage: ca. 1850.
This is primarily a general memory ethnography focusing on the Piegan and Blood ca.
1850. Ewers also presents a great deal of historical data from 1700-1950. The
ethnographic subjects covered are buffalo hunting, community life, arts and crafts,
warfare, leisure time activities, religion, and missionary activities. Most of the data was
gathered while Ewers was the curator of the Museum of the Plains Indian on the
Blackfeet Indian Reservation in Montana.
Fenton, William N.
1953 The Iroquois Eagle Dance: An Offshoot of the Calumet Dance. Bureau
of American Ethnology Bulletin 156, U.S. Government Printing
Office, Washington.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: 1933-1950. Place Coverage: various locations, New York
State, U.S.A. and Canada Date Coverage: not specified.
This monograph is a reworking of Fenton's doctoral dissertation at Yale. This work
describes and analyzes the variations of the Eagle Dance at different Iroquois
communities. These data are marshalled in such a way as to show their bearing on the
ethnological problem of individual variation in behavior. Sections of the monograph
discuss the Seneca Eagle Dance at Allegany and Tonawanda Reservations, the Onondaga
Condor Dance, and the Eagle Dance and Six Nations Reserve, Grand River, Ontario. The
Iroquois Eagle Dance is then discussed as a cultural phenomenon, including data on
origin legends, scrifices, dream experiences, ritual equipment, organization, and pattern.
The monograph concludes with a long section on the documentary history of the Eagle
Dance including a survey of the literature and a distribution and comparative study.
Page: 34
Foley, Denis
1975 An Ethnohistoric and Ethnographic Analysis of the Iroquois from the
Aboriginal Era to the Present Suburban Era. Ph.D. Dissertation,
State University of New York, Albany.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: Six Nations Reserve, Brantford,
Ont., Canada. Date Coverage: 1870-1914.
According to Foley, much of the information that exists on the Iroquois is based on the
early writings of the Jesuit Fathers and colonial chroniclers, and further supplemented by
the ethnographies of Morgan, Beauchamp, Parker, Hewitt, Goldenweiser, Fenton, Speck,
Shimony, Myers, and Weaver. Prominent social theorists such as Marx and Engles
utilized portions of Morgan's research on the Iroquois to develop theories on the origin of
the state and class structure. This dissertation '...attempts to synthesize and place the
various primary sources and secondary works in historical perspective in order to
delineate specific factors affecting the processes of change' (p. i) from the aboriginal
precontact period to the mid-1970s.
Goddard, Ives
1978 Delaware. In Handbook of North American Indians: Northeast, v.15,
edited by Bruce G. Trigger, pp. 213-239. Smithsonian Institution,
Washington.
Delaware NM07. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: Eastern Pennsylvania,
southeastern New York, northern New Jersey, United States Date Coverage: seventeentheighteenth centuries.
This article, from the Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 15, is a comprehensive
survey of Delaware ethnography from the seventeenth century to the 1970s. The autor
describes the westward movement of the Delaware from the east coast of the United
States through the present states of Indiana, Ohio, Kansas, Texas, Missouri, Oklahoma,
and to Ontario, Canada. The summary is very compactly written and covers a wide range
of topics such as political organization, subsistence, technology, clothing and adornment,
structures, life cycle events, religion, warfare, and culture contacts with other societies.
This document provides an excellent general background for a more intensive study of
Delaware ethnography.
Goldfrank, Esther S.
1966 Changing Configurations in the Social Organization of a Blackfoot
Tribe during the Reserve Period (the Blood of Alberta, Canada).
University of Washington Press, Seattle.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1939. Place Coverage: Blood Reserve, Alberta, Canada.
Date Coverage: 1877-1940.
Page: 35
This monograph focuses on the changes wrought in the economy and in the social and
religious institutions of the Blood of Alberta since their confinement to a reservation in
1877. It contains detailed consideration of the relative ranking of various statuses in the
society, as well as of limitations on and opportunities for social advancement. The range
of personality types found among the Blood is discussed and related to the differing
strategies employed by individuals in adapting to the changing society. A series of life
histories at the end of the source serve to illustrate aspects of Blood culture and daily life
discussed in the body of the text.
Grinnell, George B.
1962 Blackfoot Lodge Tales: The Story of a Prairie People. University of
Nebraska Press, Lincoln.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: ca. 1888. Place Coverage: Blackfeet Indian Reservation,
Montana, United States; Blood Agencies in Canada. Date Coverage: not specified.
This book opens with a series of English translations of Blackfoot texts, divided by
Grinnell into adventure stories, origin myths, and accounts of the travels and doings of
the culture hero, Na'pi ("Old Man"). This section is followed by an ethnographic sketch
incorporating material on all three Blackfoot subdivisions (Sík-si 'kau, Kaínah or Blood,
and Pikuni or Piegan), that includes data on daily life, social organization, hunting,
warfare, religion and ritual, and curing.
Hanks, Lucien M.
1910 Tribe Under Trust: A Study of the Blackfoot Reserve of Alberta.
University of Toronto Press, Toronto.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1938-1941. Place Coverage: Northern Blackfoot; Blackfoot
Reserve, Gleichen, Alberta, Canada Date Coverage: ca. 1879-1941.
The Blackfoot Reserve of Alberta has a trust fund from the sale of reservation lands in
1910. The trust fund provides the Indians with a certain degree of social security, yet they
are dissatisfied. This problem is the subject of the study. The subjects treated are the
treaty and the early Reserve, the sale of the land, the economy, some social effects of the
economy, the political system, the social complex, and a diagnosis, by the authors, of
Reserve needs. Though this information is somewhat dated (fieldwork was conducted
from 1938-1941), this monograph provides information on many aspects of Northern
Blackfoot life.
Heckewelder, John G. E.
1819 An Account of the History, Manners, and Customs, of the Indian
Nations Who Once Inhabited Pennsylvania and the Neighboring States.
Transactions of the Historical and Literary Committee of the
American Philosophical Society v.1. Abraham Small, Philadelphia.
Page: 36
Delaware NM07. Field Date: ca. 1800. Place Coverage: Eastern United States. Date
Coverage: eighteenth century - ca. 1818.
The basic source on the Delaware, this paper was written by a missionary on the basis of
thirty years of contact with the Indians. A considerable amount of the work is devoted to
a consideration of relations between the Indians and the whites, the author attempting to
show that the Indians were often not understood, and unfairly treated. Social and political
structure, the life cycle, clothing, medicine, warfare, magic, cookery, and other aspects of
Delaware life are described, the author omitting only religious ceremonies which he felt
has been adequately covered by a previous work. Information is given on several other
groups of eastern Indians, particularly the Iroquois.
Hickerson, Harold
1988 The Chippewa and Their Neighbors: A study in Ethnohistory.
Waveland Press, Prospect Heights.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: Central Ojibwa: Wisconsin,
Minnesota, and the Great Lakes region, United States; Canada Date Coverage:
"traditional" to ca. 1850.
This work illustrates the use of ethnohistoric methods to describe cultural organization
and to analyze factors of culture change among the Chippewa at various periods in their
history (p.1). Using a variety of early documents relating specifically to the experiences
of European missionaries, traders, travelers, or officials having direct contact with the
Chippewa, Hickerson tries to piece together a picture of what the organization of the
people was like relying in large part on the implicit nature of the material gleaned from
the scattered sources rather than any explicit details contained therein. This study
discusses the methodological approach to the study of ethnohistory and how it may be
employed in reconstructing past cultures, clan organization, the Midewiwin ceremony of
the medicine societies, and Chippewa-Dakota Sioux relations. A critical review of this
book, written by Jennifer S.H. Brown and Laura L. Peers, will be found on pp. 135-146.
Hilger, M. Inez
1951 Chippewa Child Life and Its Cultural Background. Bureau of
American Ethnology Bulletin 146. U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1932-1940. Place Coverage: Central Ojibwa: reservations in
Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan, United States Date Coverage: 1932-1933, 19391940.
The author of this work is a professional ethnologist and member of the Order of St.
Benedict. Although child-rearing practices were the main objective of the study, a full
ethnographic description is included. Material was obtained from a number of
reservations in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. In addition to data on the life cycle,
Page: 37
information is included on material culture, social organization, religion, subsistence
activities, etc. A thorough survey of the literature was made in writing the work.
Howard, James H.
1984 Oklahoma Seminoles: Medicines, Magic, and Religion. University of
Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Seminole NN16. Field Date: 1975-1981. Place Coverage: Oklahoma, United States Date
Coverage: mid nineteenth century – 1982.
This source presents an overview of selected aspects of Oklahoma Seminole culture
based primarily on information obtained from the author's chief informant and
collaborator, Willie Lena. Lena is described as a 'traditional' Oklahoma Seminole and is
also responsible for most of the numerous illustrations of Oklahoma Seminole life
presented in the source. The author's objective in basing his description of Oklahoma
Seminole culture on information provided by Lena and other Oklahoma Seminole
informants is to present that culture 'as it is seen and interpreted by its more traditional
members'. The topics covered in the source include herbal and non-herbal remedies,
witchcraft and magic, ceremonialism, dancing, athletic sports and games, supernaturals,
hunting, childhood, and funeral practices. An introductory chapter also presents a
summary of Florida and Oklahoma Seminole history.
Hungry Wolf, Adolf
1977 The Blood People, a Division of the Blackfoot Confederacy: An
Illustrated Interpretation of the Old Ways. Harper Row, New York.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: ca. 1972. Place Coverage: not specified Date Coverage: not
specified.
This is a comprehensive monograph covering many aspects of Blood culture; religion and
ritual, men's and women's societies, and warfare and raiding are especially well
described. Also of value are the numerous narratives of pre- and early reservation life
obtained by Hungry Wolf from a broad spectrum of elderly individuals. This book should
be used with caution, however, since the author (a non-Indian) apparently felt so
immersed in Blood life that he did not think it necessary to clearly distinguish his own
views from those of his informants. Further, it is often difficult to determine the exact
provenance of his factual information, which may derive from documentary sources,
from the testimony of Blood informants, or from his own personal experiences.
Hungry Wolf, Beverly
1980 The Ways of My Grandmothers. Morrow, New York.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: none. Place Coverage: Blood Reserve in southern Alberta,
Canada Date Coverage: not specified.
Page: 38
This monograph is about the lives of Blood women. The author is a young Blood woman
who interviewed elderly women. The book consists of personal narratives of these
women, the author's experiences in learning to live like her ancestors, mythology, and
miscellaneous data on such topics as food preparation and clothing. Many photographs
and text figures are included
Hyde, George E.
1974 The Pawnee Indians. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
Norman.
Pawnee NQ18. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: Skidi (Skiri), Chawi, Kitkahahki,
and Pitakahaki bands; northern Kansas and Nebraska, U.S.A. Date Coverage:1700-1799.
This is a scholarly and well documented standard history of the Pawnee Indians from
early historic times (ca. 1550) to the late 1800s. The presentation of the material in this
study is highly detailed in nature and deals primarily with the topics of early Indian-white
contacts, relationships with neighboring tribes -- particularly in terms of territorality and
warfare, the imposition of the reservation system on the Pawnee by the U.S. government,
and their eventual removal to Indian Territory in Oklahoma in the 1870s. The author is
highly critical throughout this work of the manner in which the Indian Agency handled
affairs on the reservation and the way in which they attempted to restructure Pawnee
society to conform to what they considered appropriate. In overview this work '...looks
far back in tribal history, assessing cautiously the values in oral history for as long as a
century and a half. It looks critically not only at white motives but at Pawnee cultural
characteristics and military patterns' (p. vi).
Jarvenpa, Robert
1984 The Microeconomics of Southern Chipewyan Fur Trade History. In
The Subarctic Fur Trade: Native Social and Economic Adaptations,
edited by Shepard Krech III, pp. 147-183. University of British
Columbia Press, Vancouver.
Chipewyan ND07. Field Date: 1979-1981. Place Coverage: not specified Date Coverage:
not specified.
This is a study of the rapidly changing material adaptations of the Chipewyan Indians in
the late fur trade economy of north central Canada during the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. In essence, this work combines archival materials (e.g., fur trade
business accounts and journals) with other forms of evidence (archaeological data and
interviews with native informants) "in explaining how people coped with the material
conditions of local ecosystems and the political economy of the Euro-Canadian fur
market" (p. 147). Some of the major topics discussed in the text, all of which relate in
some manner to the trade between Chipewyans and the fur companies, are: major trade
routes, the annual cycle of trading exchange, the caloric intake of imported vs. native
foods, socio-cultural change, and a profile of the trading transactions of four Chipewyan
traders.
Page: 39
Kohl, Johann G.
1860 Kitchi-Gami: Wanderings Round Lake Superior. Chapman & Hall,
London.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date:1855. Place Coverage: Central Ojibwa: Lake Superior region,
Ontario, Canada Date Coverage: "traditional" to ca. 1850.
This source was written by an eminent German traveler during a stay on the shores of
Lake Superior in the mid-nineteenth century. While there the author had ample
opportunity to study the Ojibwa who lived throughout the area, and it is from his astute
observations of Indian life that this source is derived. Although the data in this source are
somewhat lacking in the ceremonial, social and religious aspects of Ojibwa ethnography,
they do give an accurate and detailed account of the material culture and mythology of
the people, much of which has been fully substantiated by professional ethnologists from
their own field work. Abundant data may be found in this source on: missionary activity
among the Ojibwa, the canoe and its construction, the order of the Midés, Indian sports
and pastimes, mythology, death customs, sign language, travel, eschatology, dreams and
spirit quests, supernatural beings, snow shoes and their construction, writing, and pipes
and their importance to the Ojibwa.
Lancaster, Richard
1966 Piegan: A Look from within at the Life, Times, and Legacy of an
American Indian Tribe. Doubleday, Garden City.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date:1958-1966. Place Coverage: Piegan; Blackfeet Indian
Reservation, Montana, United States Date Coverage: not specified.
During the year 1958 and again in 1962 the author, a linguist by training, lived among the
contemporary Blackfoot on the Blackfeet Indian Reservation, Montana. While there he
was adopted as a son by Chief White Calf, a 105 year old Blackfoot leader, who
subsequently became Lancaster's primary informant for the bulk of the information
contained in this source. This work is basically a memory ethnography with particular
emphasis on the chief's personal experiences on the warpath, his role in representing his
people in relations with the U.S. government, and in general his reminiscences of how
things were done in the past. Much of the historical information presented by the chief
was later verified by the author. Although a good deal of the source deals with
Lancaster's personal experiences of living on the reservation and his personal
relationships with the Chief and his adopted brother Jim (who also has furnished some
bits of ethnographic information), the true importance of this work seems to lie in that it
represents an eye-witness account of living history as it was actually experienced and
remembered by a Southern Piegan Indian.
Landes, Ruth
1937 Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia University Press, New York.
Page: 40
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1932-1935. Place Coverage: Central Ojibwa: Manitou
Reserve, Emo, Ontario, Canada Date Coverage: 1932, 1933, 1935.
This book contains information on the political, kinship, and gens structure of the Ojibwa
living on the Manitou Reserve at Emo in southwestern Ontario, and the regulations and
customs connected with marriage and property. the author states her conclusions
regarding the structure and regulations of each, and seeks to confirm them by presenting
lengthy discussions of individual cases and life histories of Ojibwa individuals.
Long, James L.
1961 The Assiniboines from the Accounts of the Old Ones Told to First Boy
(James Larpenteur Long). University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Assiniboine NF04. Field Date: 1953. Place Coverage: Montana. Date Coverage: 18341933.
James Long (b. 1888) was brought up by his Assiniboine grandmother and halfAssiniboine mother and has written an account of the traditional way of life of his people
based on the stories of 25 informants who in 1939 ranged in age from 66 to105 years old.
Long summarizes various aspects of Assiniboine culture and includes the informants own
personal accounts and stories. The major subjects covered are legends, hunting, warfare,
dances, and religion. Stephen Kennedy has written an introduction on the history of the
Assiniboine and the Assiniboine artist William Standing (see document no. 11) drew the
illustrations.
Lowie, Robert H.
1909 The Assiniboine. Anthropological Papers 4(1). American Museum of
Natural History, New York.
Assiniboine NF04. Field Date: 1907-1908. Place Coverage: Morley, Alberta, Canada;
Fort Belknap, Montana, United States Date Coverage: seventeenth-early twentieth
centuries.
Lowie has divided this document into two major parts. Part 1 describes the ethnology of
the Assiniboine from the seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries, with a primary
emphasis on history, material culture, amusements, art, warfare, social organization and
custom, and the religious life. Part 2 is a collection of eighty mythological stories dealing
with the trickster cycle as well as a wide variety of other miscellaneous tales. This section
forms the major portion of this book (pp. 99-234). The ethnographic focus of this work is
on the Assiniboine of Morley in Alberta, Canada and Fort Belknap, Montana in the
United States, the two areas studied extensively by the author during his period of field
work.
MacEwan, Grant
1971 Carry the Kettle: Assiniboine Centenaria. McGraw-Hill, Toronto.
Page: 41
Assiniboine NF04. Field Date: not specified. Place Coverage: Touchwood Hills,
Saskatchewan, Canada Date Coverage:1816-1923.
This is one of four portraits in this collection of notable Assiniboines by the LieutenantGovernor of Alberta, J. W. Grant MacEwan (also see documents nos. 20-22.)
Morgan, Lewis H.
1901 League of the Ho-De'-No-Sau-Nee, or Iroquois, v.1. Dodd & Mead,
New York.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: 1844-1859. Place Coverage: not specified Date Coverage:
not specified.
Morgan's extended personal contact with the Iroquois enabled him to produce this work
that many regard the first true ethnography. Book I, entitled 'Structure of the League,'
discusses Iroquois life prior to and during the American Revolution, the formation of the
League, the structure of government, and a comparison of this government with the
nations of antiquity. In Book II, 'Spirit of the League,' Morgan describes the religious
beliefs, burial customs, games, dances, marriage, war customs, etc., of the tribes
comprising the League. The prophet, Handsome Lake, and his successor, Sose-há-wä, are
discussed. Volume II is included in this file as document no. 2.
Murie, James R.
1914 Pawnee Indian Societies. Anthropological Papers 11(7). American
Museum of Natural History, New York.
Pawnee NQ19. No Field Date. Skidi (Skiri), Chawi (Chaui), Kitkahahki, and Pitahawirata
bands; northern Kansas and Nebraska.
Murie, a Skidi Pawnee, prepared this discussion of Pawnee societies under the direction
of Clark Wissler. Murie collected and wrote down whatever information he could gather
on a number of topics. After preliminary discussion of Pawnee social and ceremonial
organization, he proceeds to discuss the bundle societies, private organizations,
medicinemen's societies and modern ceremonies, including the Ghost Dance and the
peyote ritual. He closes with a section on miscellaneous. Murie was a primary informant
for most of the earlier field workers among the Pawnee. The introduction and conclusion
are by the editor of the series, Clark Wissler.
1989
Ceremonies of the Pawnee. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.
Pawnee NQ18. Field Date: ca. 1890-1920. Place Coverage: Chawi band; Platte, Loup,
and Republican River areas, Nebraska and northern Kansas, U.S.A. Date Coverage:
1900-1920.
'Ceremonies of the Pawnee' by James R. Murie (or Coming Sun -- his native American
name), presents a significant contribution to the study of Pawnee ethnology in its highly
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detailed description of nineteenth to early twentieth century ceremonialism. The
introductory portion of the text presents the general background of the manuscript, an
overview of Pawnee society, and a biography of Murie. The remainder of the text is
divided into two main parts. Part I deals in great detail with the rituals and ceremonies of
the Skiri or northern band of Pawnee, while part II provides comparable information on
the south bands -- the Chawi (Grand), Kitkahahki (Republican), and Pitahawirata
(Tappage). Much of the ceremonial data, especially for the south bands, relate to
medicine society rituals (see categories 756 and 796). Song texts which accompany the
various ceremonies, are also to be found scattered throughout this work.
Newcomb, William W.
1956 The Culture and Acculturation of the Delaware Indians.
Anthropological Papers 10, Museum of Anthropology. University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor.
Delaware NM07. Field Date:1951-1952. Place Coverage: Eastern Pennsylvania,
southeastern New York, northern New Jersey, United States Date Coverage: 1524-1690.
This monograph is a survey of the literature available in the mid-1950s on the Delaware.
While the author spent two summers among the modern Delaware, and uses some of the
material gathered to show how the culture has changed, most of the material in the book
has been gathered from the literature from contact time onward. The author describes the
development of Delaware culture from a number of autonomous groups, and reconstructs
the culture under the following headings: technology, economics, material culture, life
cycle, kin groups, social control, war, religion and magic, and folklore. In addition to this
balanced description, the last third of the work deals with the historical changes which
occurred in Delaware culture as a result of contact with the whites, and the extent to
which acculturation occurred at various time periods up to the present.
Peers, Laura L.
1994 The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 1780 to 1870. Minnesota Historical
Society Press, St. Paul.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: Central Ojibwa: prairie provinces,
western Canada Date Coverage: "traditional" to ca. 1850.
The western Ojibwa are the descendants of Ojibwa people who migrated into the West
from their settlements around the Great Lakes in the late eighteenth century. This work
traces their origins, adaptation to the West, and the way in which they coped with the
many challenges they faced in the first century of their history in that region between the
years 1780 to 1870 (p. ix). These challenges, examined in detail in this study, involved
the surviving of epidemic disease, the rise and fall of the fur trade, the depletion of game
in the region, the establishment of European settlements in the area, the loss of tribal
lands, and the Canadian government's assertion of political control over them.
Ray, Arthur J.
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1974
Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Trappers, Hunters, and
Middlemen in the Lands Southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870.
University of Toronto Press, Toronto.
Assiniboine NF04. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: central and southern Manitoba
and Saskatchewan, Canada Date Coverage: eighteenth century.
This document deals in historical perspective with the fur trade as a pervasive force
influencing the economic and political development of what was then known as Western
Canada between 1640-1870. During this period the fur trade operated as an integrating
force between Indian and European, requiring the cooperation of both parties in the
exploitation of resources. Although this time involved peaceful relations between settlers,
traders, and Indians, it was also a time of cultural change for the Indians. 'This book deals
with some of the adaptive responses that were made by the Indians living in the central
and southern portions of Manitoba and Saskatchewan. Attention is focused on the way in
which different Indian groups perceived and responded to the varying opportunities
which the fur trade offered to them. In particular, detailed consideration is given to the
different roles that key Indian groups played in the fur trade and to the implications that
this role differentiation had for tribal migration, inter-tribal relations, material culture
change, and ecological adaptation. With respect to the latter, the implications that the
progressive deterioration of the resource base had for culture change are also discussed'
(pp. xi-xii).
Rodnick, David
1938 The Fort Belknap Assiniboine of Montana. Ph.D. Dissertation,
University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
Assiniboine NF04. Field Date: 1935. Place Coverage: Western Canada and Western
United States Date Coverage: 1640-1887.
In this dissertation, Rodnick chronicles the loss of Assiniboine culture. The Assiniboine
are the most northerly extension of Sioux-speaking people on the Great Plains. They
signed the Fort Laramie treaty in 1851 and permanently settled on Fort Belknap
Reservation in 1888 after the near extinction of the buffalo forced them to change their
way of life. In the 1890s, compulsory education, wage labor, farming, and stock raising
began a period of assimilation. The total failure of farming and ranching left the
Assiniboine impoverished by the 1930s. Rodnick describes the different dance societies
and relates several Assiniboine life histories.
Schmalz, Peter S.
1991 The Ojibwa of Southern Ontario. University of Toronto Press,
Toronto.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: Central Ojibwa: southern Ontario,
Canada Date Coverage: late eighteenth - nineteenth centuries.
Page: 44
This work is an historical account of the Ojibwa from the seventeenth century to the
1990s. Based on oral traditions, supplemented by the usual documentary sources,
Schmalz corrects many long standing historical errors and fills in numerous gaps in
Ojibwa history. The document begins with a study of Ojibwa life before the arrival of
Europeans in North America, with a particular focus on the peaceful trade relations and
later warfare which developed between the Ojibwa and Iroquois. The golden age of the
Ojibwa came in the eighteenth century with their close alliance with both the French and
English, and their increasing dependence on guns, tools, and liquor at the expense of their
traditional ways of life. The author describes the participation of the Ojibwa in the
colonial wars in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and the later establishment
of the reserve system under British and later Canadian supervision which was intended to
destroy the traditional Indian culture and assimilate them into mainstream society. 'The
twentieth century has been something of an Ojibwa renaissance. Schmalz shows how
Ojibwa participation in two world wars led to a desire to change conditions at home.
Today [the 1990s] the Ojibwa are gaining some control over their children's education,
their reserve, and their culture' (p. i).
Selden, Sherman W.
1965 The Legend, Myth and Code of Deganawidah and Their Significance
to Iroquois Cultural History. Ph.D. Dissertation, Indiana University,
Bloomington.
Iroquois NM09 Field Date:1963-1965.Place Coverage various locations in New York
State, U.S.A., and Ontario and Quebec, Canada Date Coverage: precontact Period.
The material under study in this dissertation involves the legend of the 'culture hero'
Deganaweda, the code of laws he is said to have formulated, and the myth that has grown
up around him in the last century (p. 2). Selden believes that the combination of legend
and laws have not only united the Iroquois tribes into a powerful league, but also have
guided their behavior in both war and peace by specifically stating which actions are
allowed and which are forbidden. This work is divided into three parts: the legend of
Deganaweda and its many variants; the Code of Deganaweda which establishes the rules
and regulations that have been transmitted orally for centuries but were not written down
until the late nineteenth century; and the contemporary lore that clusters about
Deganaweda and which was recorded by the author during his field work in 1963-1965.
Shkilnyk, Anastasia M.
1985 A Poison Stronger than Love: The Destruction of an Ojibwa community.
Yale University Press, New Haven.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1976-1979. Place Coverage: Grassy Narrows, Ontario,
Canada. Date Coverage: 1873-1962.
In this study, Shkilnyk documents the terrible consequences of an overly paternalistic and
misguided government community development program. In 1963, the Department of
Indian Affairs coerced 500 Ojibwas to abandon their isolated and spacious settlement and
Page: 45
move to a cramped suburban-style housing complex. Closer to the highway, the new
settlement was connected to the town of Kenora whose employment opportunities and
business services would have a modernizing influence on the band, or so policy-makers
thought. Wage work in town and a fall in fur prices broke up the traditional winter
practice of trapping by extended families. In 1970, the discovery of mercury poisoning in
the nearby lakes and rivers closed down commercial and sports fishing, which had been
important sources of employment and income for the band. With all former productive
avenues cut off, the Grassy Narrows Ojibwa became totally dependent on government
jobs and welfare. Alcoholism became rampant. Cases of child neglect, juvenile
delinquency, violent deaths, and suicide were far above national averages. Shkilnyk
shows how provincial and federal governments failed to act responsibly to avoid liability.
Speck, Frank G.
1937 Oklahoma Delaware: Ceremonies, Feasts and Dances. Memoirs of the
American Philosophical Society v.7, Philadelphia.
Delaware NM07. Field Date: 1928-1932. Place Coverage: Oklahoma, United States
Date Coverage: eighteenth century-1932.
This study is the result of some eight years' work among the Oklahoma Delaware and the
Munsee residing in Ontario. Using the many historical documents relating to Delaware
ceremonies in the past, the author tries to relate the ceremonies of today to those of the
past, and tries to see how much the ceremonies have changed in the intervening two
centuries. Speck covers family feasts, the Bear and Otter Rites of the Grease Drinking
Ceremony, the Mask Dance Rite, the Buffalo Dance Ceremony, Rain Making Ritual, the
Spring Prayer and Football Ceremony, the Corn Harvest Ceremony, Rite to Avert
Thunder, Mortuary Rites and Procedures, and several other ceremonies. Some material
pertaining to the culture of the Nanticoke Indians, mainly relating to witchcraft, is also
included. At the time of publication, Speck was Professor of Anthropology at the
University of Pennsylvania and a noted authority on the Algonquian Indians of the
northeastern United States.
Steinbring, Jack
1981 Saulteaux of Lake Winnipeg. In Handbook of North American Indians,
Subarctic, v.6, edited by June Helm, pp. 244-255. Smithsonian
Institution, Washington.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: Not Specified. Place Coverage: Lake Winnipeg, Manitoba,
Canada Date Coverage: 1750-1975.
This article provides an introduction to the Saulteaux Ojibwa of Lake Winnipeg,
Manitoba. The Saulteaux, or 'People of the Rapids,' originally came from Sault Sainte
Marie and migrated to Lake Winnipeg beginning in the mid-eighteenth century.
Steinbring briefly discusses the following topics: language, territory, history of cultural
contact, subsistence patterns, technology, curing practices, social organization, religion,
mythology, and the current (1960s) situation.
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St. John, Donald P.
1981 The Dream-vision Experience of the Iroquois: Its Religious Meaning.
Ph.D. Dissertation, Fordham University, New York.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: No date. Place Coverage: Seneca, Tonawanda Reservation,
N.Y., U.S.A. Date Coverage: nineteenth century.
St. John's dissertation is a study of continuity and change in the religious life of the
Iroquois from approximately 1600 AD to around 1980. Throughout this work the dreamvision experience is given primary focus, for the author believes that by understanding
this religious phenomenon within the context of several significant periods and events in
the history of the Iroquois, its many functions and meanings become evident (p. 321).
The historical periods noted above in which the dream-vision is investigated are the early
contact period, which the author calls the 'archaic universe', the prophetic career of
Handsome Lake, the Longhouse Religion which was founded on the basis of the
revelations of Handsome Lake, and the emerging 'planetisation' of mankind. Much of the
early historical data in this document is based on the JESUIT RELATIONS and other
related works, such as the CODE OF HANDSOME LAKE, and the journal entries of
various Quaker missionaries. This material is then further supplemented by later
compilations from mythology, folklore and legend.
Tanner, John
1830 A Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner (U.S.
Interpreter at the Sault de Ste. Marie), during Thirty Years Residence
among the Indians in the Interior of North America. G.,C., & H.
Carvill, New York.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: no date. Place Coverage: Central Ojibwa: Great Lakes Region,
United States and Canada Date Coverage:1780s to ca. 1850.
This work is divided into two major parts. Part I is the autobiographical narrative of John
Tanner, depicting his life and adventures during his thirty year's captivity among the
Ojibwa. First captured at the age of nine from his parents' home in Kentucky by Shawnee
Indians (ca. 1789), he was later adopted into the family of his captors and eventually sold
to a member of the Ojibwa-Ottawa band. The major portion of part I describes his
growing up and assimilation into the band, his travels and experiences as a fur trader, and
his unsuccessful return to White society. Part II of this document presents some limited
ethnographic data on the Ojibwa related primarily to their feasts and fasts, dreaming
experiences, and religion. This section also contains lists of plants and animals known to
the Ojibwa, their clan totems, and the texts of various songs used in hunting and
medicine.
Tantaquidgeon, Gladys
Page: 47
1942
A Study of Delaware Indian Medicine Practice and Folk Beliefs.
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Deptartment of Public Instruction,
Pennsylvania Historical Commission, Harrisburg.
Delaware NM07. Field Date: 1930. Place Coverage: Indian River Hundred, Sussex
County, Delaware, United States Date Coverage: not specified.
On the basis both of material gathered in the field and extracted from the literature, the
author, a professional ethnologist, gives a detailed description of Delaware medical
practices. In addition to covering the various aspects of this, information is included on
witchcraft, dreams, and plant and animal foods. Appendices contain a listing of medicinal
plants, three myths, and material gathered on the Nanticoke .
Tooker, Elisabeth
1970 The Iroquois Ceremonial of Midwinter. Syracuse University Press,
Syracuse.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: 1958-1966. Place Coverage: Onondaga, N.Y., U.S.A. Date
Coverage: 1800 - ca. 1850.
Traditionally the Midwinter Ceremonial was the largest and most complex of Iroquois
rituals. This study is divided into three major parts. In part I the author describes some of
the basic principles of Iroquois ritualism, which are then interpreted in terms of the
various components of the ceremonial itself (part II). In this section Tooker discusses
cultural variations between different members of the Iroquois League (e.g., Seneca,
Cayuga, Onondaga), and changes that have been introduced in the ritual during the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Part III of this work presents the Midwinter
Ceremonial in historical perspective. Here, through the eyewitness accounts of Halliday
Jackson, Mary Jemison, Thaddeus Osgood, Lewis Henry Morgan, and J. V. H. Clark the
Midwinter Ceremonial is described in detail as it was originally performed during the
eighteenth through nineteenth centuries.
VanStone, James W.
1965 The Changing Culture of the Snowdrift Chipewyan. National Museum
of Canada, Ottawa.
Chipewyan ND07. Field Date: 1960-1961. Place Coverage: village of Snowdrift, south
shore of Great Slave Lake, Northwest Territories, Canada. Date Coverage: eighteenth
century - 1960s.
In contradiction to the general premise that culture change within the Mackenzie River
Valley and Great Slave Lake region would tend to represent a relatively homogeneous
universe of interacting forces, the author has qualified this generalization by reference to
actual historical records of cultural contact in the area which show a variation of effects
depending upon the intensity of the contacts (p. xiii). To study one particular aspect of
this problem -- the effects of contact intensity -- VanStone chose as his sample the village
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of Snowdrift, which represents a homogeneous population, living in an isolated
community with few outside contacts. As background information for his analysis the
author presents data on the culture history of the Chipewyans, the annual cycle,
government assistance programs, subsistence techniques, individual life cycle events,
social structure and community life, the individual and his place in the culture, and
religious institutions and concepts. The source concludes with a discussion of the effects
of acculturation, limited as it is, on the various cultural elements as listed above.
Wallace, Anthony F. C.
1972 The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca. Vintage Books, New York.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: 1951-1956. Place Coverage: Seneca; Allegany Reservation,
New York State, U.S.A. Date Coverage: 1700's.
This monograph traces the history of the Seneca, especially the Allegany Seneca, from
the seventeenth through the mid-nineteenth centuries. The role of the Iroquois in the
American Revolution and other wars of the eighteenth century is discussed. Special
emphasis is placed on the aftermath of these wars, the land grants and setting up of
reservations leading to the decline of the League and the subsequent rise of the prophet,
Handsome Lake. Under the guidance of Handsome Lake's revelations and moral code,
the Iroquois achieved a cultural revitalization that has enabled them to maintain their
ethnic identity.
Weltfish, Gene
1965 The Lost Universe with a Closing Chapter on 'The Universe Regained'.
Basic Books, London.
Pawnee NQ19. Field Date:1928-1936, 1954. Place Coverage: Skidi (Skiri), Chawi,
Kitkahahki, and Pitahawirata bands; Pawnee, Oklahoma, U.S.A Date Coverage: late
1800s - early 1900s.
This work, the product of a number of years of research among the Pawnee of Oklahoma,
is a sensitive and illuminating portrayal of the Pawnee as they existed in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The information presented is based on memory
ethnography provided by Weltfish's informant, Mark Evarts. Evarts was a Pawnee of the
Skidi band who experienced reservation life during the period of 1861-1875. Weltfish
authenticated this information with ethnographic documents and data that he collected
during his fieldwork. The first part of the monograph provides background on Pawnee
history and culture, followed by a series of brief chapters reconstructing the daily and
seasonal round of life of a group of Pawnee in Nebraska during the year 1867. The book
concludes with a section of end notes, a lengthy bibliography, and an index.
Wissler, Clark
Page: 49
1913
Societies and Dance Associations of the Blackfoot Indians.
Anthropological Papers 11(4). American Museum of Natural History,
New York.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1903-1912. Place Coverage: not specified. Date Coverage:
not specified.
This monograph written by Wissler on the basis of his own field notes and information
supplied by D.C. Duvall and James Eagle-child, is a descriptive study of the age-graded
men's societies, women's societies, religious cults, and dance associations of the three
Blackfoot subdivisions. The three ceremonies, paraphernalia, dances and songs, and
special behavior of the members of these societies are minutely described, as are the
procedures for transferral of membership from one society to another. However, little
information is included on the function and integration of these groups in Blackfoot
society as a whole.
Zeisberger, David
1910 David Zeisberger's History of Northern American Indians. Fred J.
Heer, Columbus.
Delaware NM07. Field Date: 1767-1780. Place Coverage: Pennsylvania, New Jersey,
Ohio, United States Date Coverage: seventeenth-eighteenth centuries.
This paper by a Moravian missionary deals generally with the North American Indians,
although most of the specific references are to the Delaware. The author describes the
country of the Delaware and its flora and fauna, and gives accounts of their religion,
economic life, social organization, etc., based upon observations extending over a period
of years. The source is often not specific as to which tribe or tribes the author is referring.
Page: 50