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THURSDAY, 19 JUNE 2008
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PROCEEDINGS AT JOINT SITTING
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Members of the National Assembly and the National Council of
Provinces assembled in the Chamber of the National Assembly at
14:02.
The Speaker of the National Assembly took the Chair and requested
members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
CALLING OF JOINT SITTING
The Speaker announced that the presiding officers had called a Joint
Sitting of the National Assembly and the NCOP in terms of Joint Rule
7(2) for the purpose of receiving and debating the Report of the
Task Team of Members of Parliament Probing Violence and Attacks on
Foreign Nationals.
REPORT OF TASK TEAM OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT PROBING VIOLENCE AND
ATTACKS ON FOREIGN NATIONALS
(Debate)
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Mr K O BAPELA: Thank you, Speaker. The recent violence that erupted
and the attacks on foreign nationals in certain communities in our
country shamed us as a country and had a negative impact
internationally. The very few people who perpetrated the violent
attacks created havoc and trauma, and left a bad mark on the history
of our country. However, we were consoled by the fact that millions
of South Africans of goodwill rejected and denounced the violence
and the attacks on foreign nationals.
In the debate that took place in Parliament in the week of the
eruption of violence, all political parties condemned and denounced
the attacks, which was followed by a resolution that led to the
establishment of the task team and its being sent to affected areas
to see and listen to the people who had witnessed that — from the
victims themselves, community leaders and the security agencies in
those particular areas.
As I present the report on the probes on behalf of Parliament’s task
team, I would like to take this opportunity to remind South Africans
of the vision of our founding fathers of democracy such as Enoch
Sontonga, the writer of Nkosi sikelel’ iAfrika, which forms part of
our National Anthem today. We sing it with pride, as it evokes
emotions of solidarity with Africa. It refers to Africa, and that
includes South Africa, which is an integral part thereof. This is
the vision of the South African patriot who composed the song; his
dream was of a united and free South Africa.
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It is also to remind our people that the ruling party is the African
National Congress. As the name says, it embraces a similar vision of
Africa, with South Africa as an integral part thereof. Other parties
that have names that include the word “African” are the Pan African
Congress, the African Christian Democratic Party and the newlyformed African People’s Convention.
As we report on our probing into the recent violence, one of the key
recommendations is to initiate and embark as South Africans on a
campaign to be called “We are all Africans”. This campaign will be
aimed at educating, having awareness programmes, and teaching our
children about our history as a country, our values and principles,
the cultural links to Africa and the economic ties, which span
centuries, with Africa and the rest of the world.
Lastly, as I present the report, I wish to call on South Africans to
see the positives in the migration towards economic growth and
trade, and to see how some places which were in decline have been
revived. Like in any society, there will always be some that become
mischievous or misbehave, and the law processes will take care of
such. Cities in both the USA and the rest of the world have been
shaped by the migration of people, and continue to grow in that
direction.
Parliament has established this task team to get a sense of the
gravity of the situation in regard to the reported incidents of
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violence and the attacks on foreign nationals and others. Secondly,
it is to interact with the victims of the violent acts and the
relevant communities and authorities, and to present a report on the
visit that can form the basis of how Parliament will want to
intervene in the matter. Lastly, we want to lay a basis for ongoing
work by the parliamentary committees in this matter.
We visited areas such as Alexandra, Tembisa, Germiston, Reiger Park
and Ramaphosaville. In those areas the people spoke and
characterized the situation and the attacks. When you go and look at
the report, you will see that there is a section where it
characterizes the issue of the IFP.
I think it was at a meeting of
the Chief Whips Forum yesterday, which met and considered the
matter, where one of the ANC Youth League members made a strong
contention that the IFP was at the root of the violence. It is there
in the report.
We have now agreed that since that statement was made, the IFP Youth
Brigade and the ANC Youth League have met at the national level and
distanced themselves from it and denounced such utterances and
statements. We embrace the report with that understanding and
acknowledge the two parties’ distancing themselves from it and
rebuking the making of the statement.
If you look at the report, you will see that we as a delegation also
said to the meeting that no conclusion should be arrived at. If
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there was any suspicion of any person or party or organisation, it
should be reported to the police. Secondly, the ANC and the IFP
committed themselves in that meeting in Alexandra to work together,
which they have been doing, to deal with any elements within them
who are found to have been involved in the violent attacks.
Tomorrow, when South Africa will be celebrating Refugees Day, the
ANC and IFP leaders from Alexandra will be here in Parliament to
give their view of what happened so that they can further elaborate
on the matter. The report should be read within that particular
context.
We report here that most of the attacks and violence took place in
the poor areas, informal settlements and hostels, where there is a
lack of development and service delivery, and where the poorest of
our people reside.
Regarding the geographical aspect of the violence, it only happened
in corners of particular communities, and entire communities were
not engulfed, though they were gripped by violence. We found that
the few people who perpetrated this violence had only affected some,
though the impact was very great, because we saw graphic pictures of
people being burned; we saw the looting, the burning and the
destruction of property; and we are sitting with a situation where
we have over 32 000 people who have been displaced as a result of
the violence. The impact has been quite serious.
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We also got reports that there were certain organisations who
distributed pamphlets or used a loud hailer before the attacks. In
Ekhurhuleni we also got a report that there were people moving from
one place to the other in Kombis or taxis, provoking the violence.
As a result we found ourselves in that situation.
We found the following to be the causes of the violence. The first
one is xenophobia. Though the issue should not be exaggerated, at
the same time it should not be underplayed. The issue of xenophobic
attitudes does exist among some South African citizens who will have
been exploited to initiate the violence and attacks on foreign
nationals.
It is also because of the migration aspect in a globalised world,
where we see a lot of movement of people in the cities of Europe, in
the cities of the USA and also in South Africa and other African
countries, it is mostly South Africa and Botswana within SADC who
are receiving migrants coming to them. The figures that have been
put forward are that before the apartheid era 500 000 foreign
nationals used to live in South Africa, and today it is estimated to
be about 6 million. Let us look at those figures in a very positive
light. As I indicated earlier, they are contributing positively to
our economy, except for a few of them who might be mischievous.
The criminal element took advantage of the situation. Looting, armed
robbery, housebreaking, theft and violent crimes and attacks have
been indicated by the number of people arrested and charged. As soon
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as the cases are heard in the courts, those are the situations that
will be explained.
We saw the involvement of the youth and particularly young people
between the ages of 16 and 22. If you look at this issue, you will
note that they were children of up to 3 years old in 1994. There is
a lot that we need to learn from this. Most of them don’t know
African values and beliefs and we therefore need to deal with that
issue.
The socioeconomic aspects were also pointed out, such as the
competition for scarce resources, social and economic inequalities
in society, poor living conditions and a high rate of unemployment.
These have all indeed exacerbated an already tense situation. In
some instances people raised the concern of the undocumented
migrants who, when they were pursued to the full extent of the law,
were not to be found. South Africans who are law-abiding and
documented will be arrested if they break the law. That is an issue
that calls for some kind of discussion.
The fourth issue was the involvement of a third force and whether
there was such a force or not. Although the delegation did raise the
matter, no evidence came forth. It is safe to say that a measure of
planning and orchestration in the attacks was pointed out in
Alexandra and also in Ekurhuleni, where people moved from one place
to another provoking violence. We have agreed as a task team that
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the police should follow those matters up and find out whether it
was indeed in pursuance of a particular agenda, or a political
agenda of some sort.
The fifth one is the knowledge and awareness that amongst South
African citizens there is a lack of knowledge and awareness, what we
can refer to as ignorance about foreign nationals. They do not know
who these people are. Some are naturalized citizens. Some have
refugee status. People are confused about that. Some have an asylum
seeker’s permit. The general trend is to put them all in one basket
and that is it! That ignorance is quite dangerous and we need to do
something about it.
Lastly, there are the existing perceptions in communities, where we
found that as a result of the growth of migrant people who are
moving into those communities, people are saying that these people
are taking their jobs, their women and their houses. These are
perceptions, and when you investigate deeper, you find that these
are just rumours and people tend to believe them rather than looking
for facts and following them up. There are social relations that
have broken down, where fights occur from time to time. This has
never been a problem but all of a sudden these issues are being
elevated. As was mentioned earlier, the undocumented migrants remain
a concern.
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I am not going into the impact of the violence. I think it was well
reported. Regarding the humanitarian situation, a number of
displaced people were left in crisis, and this is in the report.
We then came to the following proposals or recommendations. The
first is that parliamentary public hearings should be held by a
joint session of all relevant parliamentary committees, where we
will begin to assess the policies and the legislative framework
dealing with migration and immigration, including the magnitude of
the problem of undocumented migrants, the porous borders that we
have, and whether the decision or no decision that was taken that
the army should no longer patrol our borders was correct or not. Our
closing in on our borders does not mean we are saying no one shall
come into South Africa. It is really the issue of safety and
security, and the transitional crimes such as women trafficking that
we need to prevent. Whoever comes to South Africa should come
through legal means. Those hearings will assist us in finding a
balance and seeing the challenges and gaps in our policies.
The parliamentary task team, comprising members from the Western
Cape and also Gauteng, should continue to oversee the programme of
reintegration of those people who were displaced into the
communities, where it will be safe, and into other parts of
communities where it is safe to do so. Such reports will come to
Parliament continuously. Parliament should recall all the
resolutions contained in the UN World Conference against Racism,
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Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance and see to
it that these are being implemented and how far we have moved as a
country in the implementation.
The long-term recommendation includes the “We are all Africans”
campaign. We also need to look at the violent nature of South
Africans. It is quite worrying that 14 years down the line, South
African people can still respond in the manner in which they did.
Something is not well within our society and we need to look at
these issues. We should also begin to engage in campaigns that are
positive, that will rebuild the image of South Africa, which has
been dented, especially now before the 2010 World Cup. We need to
ensure that everyone is on board. We need to begin to root out
corruption within society, particularly in Home Affairs. They need
to begin to ensure that the systems are clean and not corruptible,
or those who are corrupt are then removed.
In conclusion, I want to take this opportunity on behalf of this
institution to thank all the people of South Africa who really
helped by denouncing and condemning violence, and by opening their
hearts, their homes and their purses in assisting. Our thanks also
go to the national, provincial and local governments, community
leaders, religious leaders, NGOs and civil society for their
assistance. Some of them are sitting in the gallery. A big thank you
goes to the policemen and women who were there when the violence
broke out and who really ensured that it did not spread further.
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Lastly, I thank the Speaker, the Chairperson of the NCOP, the
members of the task team on these violent attacks, hon members,
political parties and the Chief Whips Forum for their co-operation
and support.
The report is presented for consideration. We have attached an
annexure which attempts to give the graphic situation of the history
of people’s movement to South Africa from colonialism up to now. It
is quite educational and helpful. People can thus engage with the
issue. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mrs S M CAMERER: Madam Speaker, as a member of the parliamentary
task team, I would like, at the outset, to acknowledge the good work
done by the Chair of the team, hon Obed Bapela. His approach to this
task given to us by Madam Speaker has been laudably inclusive,
consultative and thorough. We have had ample opportunity to observe,
discuss and make contributions to the report, and we have had
excellent support from the researchers. But basically it was a task
hedged around with tragedy, as the Chair has said, and shame.
The events which started on the evening of 11 May in Alexandra
Township, part of my constituency area, and which spread to other
areas in Gauteng and eventually to the Western Cape, bear shocking
testimony to the deep-seated xenophobic tendencies and violence
which characterise our society. Over 60 people have been killed and
over 30 000 displaced, but the image of the kneeling Mozambican man
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burning to death in the dust in Ramaphosa squatter camp as a
xenophobic mob laughed and hurled insults, shocked the world as
South Africa has not shocked the world since the end of apartheid.
As we say in this report, our image has been dented to say the
least.
We as South Africans have a lot of work to do to process what has
happened and to search for the way forward. Hopefully, this report
of our parliamentary task team can make a positive contribution to
this search.
Two things are very clear from this report. The first is that
government must shoulder the responsibility for what happened. It is
clear that the state’s failure to stem the tide of illegal
immigration, and incapacity to process the wave of refugee
applications, were a short-term catalyst to the violence in a
fertile field of rising food and fuel prices, a shortage of housing
and jobs, and general poverty. The fact is that poverty-stricken
South Africans bear the brunt of government’s policy failures. The
Human Sciences Research Council’s study of the violence, released
this week, confirms this position.
Secondly, while the police, local government and civil society have
done a magnificent job in dealing with the immediate crisis – and on
behalf of the DA, I would like to thank them once again - Parliament
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itself must play a key role in providing solutions in the short,
medium and long term.
It was appropriate that in compiling the report the team started on
the ground in Alex, talking to the police, the community and the
victims of the violence. The extent of the tragedy was made clear to
me when I was told by women from Zimbabwe and Mozambique,
temporarily housed in the conference room of Alex Police Station,
that they had lived in our country for 15 to 17 years and regarded
South Africa as their home. Was that not enough time to escape the
label of “foreigner”? Apparently not.
The SA Human Rights Commission, in its comprehensive report
published in 2006, found that South Africans are exceedingly
xenophobic and the causes for it are complex. These include South
Africa’s racist history, along with extreme levels of poverty. It is
mostly black African foreigners who face discrimination, hostility
and abuse, which lead to intermittent violent attacks. It is
particularly shocking that the SAHRC report found that those
officials tasked with the protection of foreigners, such as the
police and the Department of Home Affairs, displayed the highest
levels of xenophobia.
Since 1994, South Africa has engaged with the problem of xenophobia
as indicated in this report. In 1998, there was a consultative
conference which came up with a national programme of action and the
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Roll Back Xenophobia Campaign, which has regrettably lately not been
resourced and appears to have fallen into disuse. It urgently needs
to be resuscitated.
In 2001, the issue of xenophobia was one of the key areas under
discussion at the UN Conference against Racism, Racial
Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance held in Durban,
and South Africa did subscribe to the declaration emanating from
that conference recognising, among other things, the key role of
parliaments in fighting xenophobia.
In 2004, the SAHRC and Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Portfolio
Committee held hearings, which eventually led to the 2006 report I
mentioned earlier.
The impressions gained at Alex are summed up in the report, with
overwhelming evidence from all parties that the xenophobic violence
was orchestrated, and that it started in the Beirut section of Alex,
dominated by hostel dwellers. By contrast, in other areas we
visited, Tembisa, Germiston, Reiger Park and Ramaphosa, although
outsiders are alleged to have visited these areas before the
violence started, these attacks were more in the nature of copycat
attacks, coupled with opportunistic criminal incidents.
A common denominator of the attacks is that they all occurred in
areas where people are really poor, competing for meagre resources
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and services, resentful at competition for what little was offered
by government. Grievances relating to occupation by foreigners of
government supplied housing was typical of complaints that were
made. The Ramaphosa settlement, visited by the task team at dusk
when thick smoke from fires partially obscured our vision, is about
as poor as it gets in urban areas. We were told by the police that
within 24 hours of chasing out the foreigners, the local residents
had cleared their shacks, which they had burnt down, and were
building their own shacks on that reclaimed turf.
This raises the burning question which has still not been answered:
How do we reintegrate the foreign nationals washed up in the camps
back into these sorts of places they used to call home if they do
not wish to return to their own countries and indeed have the right
to remain in ours? Is it possible and, if so, will we not risk more
violence? The new HSRC’s report confirms that it will not be easy to
do so and it will require very strong leadership. The task team
report suggests that this leadership should be provided by
Parliament, because xenophobia cannot be tolerated.
This report makes a number of recommendations. Some of those have
been dealt with by the hon Bapela, including the following. In the
short term, as he has indicated, the relevant parliamentary
committees must get together to review the entire policy and
legislative framework dealing with immigration and assess how many
people are here who are undocumented immigrants and what the
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magnitude of that problem is. The Members of Parliament in both
affected areas, mainly Gauteng and the Western Cape, should remain
as monitoring task teams to monitor the implementation of
humanitarian and reintegration programmes.
In the longer term, Parliament must ensure that the corruption in
the Department of Home Affairs is rooted out and urgent steps are
taken to process refugees and immigrants, and to issue them with the
correct documentation. We must also monitor the interministerial
task team looking into the causes of the attacks. As a matter of
urgency, parliamentary committees within the security cluster should
review the securing of South Africa’s borders and ports of entry.
Together with civil society and government departments, Parliament
must promote a national campaign against violence, and at the same
time establish the ability of the SA Police Service’s crime
combating units to stem future attacks and respond to violent
situations in general. We must resuscitate the Roll Back Xenophobia
Campaign and focus on our commitments as a country to observing
foreigners’ rights. We must help to enhance South Africa’s image
ahead of the Fifa World Cup in two years’ time; we must enhance that
image, and we must work towards that goal. We must examine to what
extent the Millennium Development Goals have been attained. We must
monitor progress in processing cases arising from the xenophobic
attacks in special courts established for this purpose. And there
are further goals for the longer term which are listed in the
report.
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The DA supports all these actions. Thank you, Madam Speaker.
[Applause.]
Mr B W DHLAMINI: Madam Speaker, Chairperson of the NCOP, Ministers
present and hon members, the IFP commends the chairperson of this
task team, hon O Bapela, for his able leadership of the team, as
well as the entire membership of the all-party team for their
commitment and diligence. The IFP also feels that the
recommendations of the task team are ideally positive, not only in
highlighting the social, economic and political origins of the
conflict and violence, but also the recommendations suggesting the
way forward.
The IFP sympathises with all those affected by the senseless
violence and commends South African civil society, the government
and the general public for their humanitarian aid offered to those
affected. We deeply regret the loss of lives and offer our deepest
condolences to those affected.
We must be tough on xenophobia and criminality, and, yes, we must be
equally tough on the causes of xenophobia. South Africans are
neither xenophobic nor mean-spirited. South African people are
hospitable and generous, even when they have little or nothing to
share. They have long embraced the spirit of ubuntu botho, which
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says: “Umuntu ngumuntu ngabanthu.” [“A person is a person through
other people.”]
Their misfortune is that of having a less than fully competent
government which has made enormous mistakes and has stood by them
with steadfast stubbornness, especially in the field of migration
control, service delivery, poverty and the fight against crime. A
lack of service delivery and fighting crime, poverty, and a lack of
proper immigration control resulted in the emergence of another
phobia, which burst out at Polokwane in December 2007.
On 16 May 2008 the IFP in this House denounced the xenophobic
attacks and placed on record that it believed that the failure of
government to deliver services to the people of Alexandra was the
cause of the current crisis in that area. It also rejected the
notion that it was the IFP that had caused the violence in
Alexandra. The IFP called upon both the Department of Foreign
Affairs and the Department of Home Affairs to champion a tangible
programme to deal with xenophobia, which is in line with the
recommendations of the task team.
This is a true reflection of how the IFP views the matter at hand,
but an irresponsible, callous and not surprising statement from the
ANC Youth League in Alexandra, which accused the IFP of being
responsible for the attacks, appears in the report. I am pleased, Mr
Bapela, with the way you have handled the issue. However, as you
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have correctly stated, at a meeting of the youth formations convened
by the ANC Youth League at Luthuli House, the IFP Youth Brigade
raised the issue of the ANC Youth League in Alexandra and the ANC
Youth League distanced itself from such irresponsible statements. It
cleared the position of the Youth League and a youth front against
xenophobia was formed, which comprises all youth formations, with a
slogan: “South Africa, we are listening. Africa, we are sorry.” We
therefore wish to put it on record that the IFP has serious
reservations about this report, which gives the wrong impression to
the reader, that the IFP is the root cause of the attack.
One is aware that more especially the ruling party is divided on how
to deal with the xenophobic attacks. The one side, like all South
Africans and independent institutions and researchers, agrees that
the root cause of these unfortunate incidents is a lack of service
delivery, poverty, poor or no immigrant control, and the fight
against crime. The other side is worried about its legacy, which has
been exposed by these attacks, showing that they were stubbornly
against accepting their failures in service delivery, fighting crime
and immigration control.
The time has come for South Africans to desist from the syndrome of
denials, scapegoating and spin doctoring the facts. We are all in
this — let us work together to deal with these xenophobic tendencies
and criminality. There is no amount of economic and social hardship
which can justify this barbaric behaviour. Visiting Alexandra,
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Tembisa and the offices of the Ekurhuleni Municipality and driving
through the Ramaphosa squatter camp has not given us a full picture
of what happened. There is a lot that needs to be done to
effectively bring about the necessary healing and reconciliation. I
thank you. [Applause.]
Nksz S N SIGCAU: Somlomo ohloniphekileyo, baPhathiswa bembeko
namalungu ahloniphekileyo, xa ndixabangela malunga nalo mba,
ndingathi iqela lale Ndlu, elibandakanya onke amaqela ezopolitiko
amelweyo kule Ndlu, lifumanise oku kulandelayo ngokubhekisele kumba
wokutshutshiswa kwabantu bangaphandle.
Okokuqala, iingingqi ezibandakanyekayo kolu dushe zingingqana
ezincinci ezibandakanya abantu bangaphandle kunye negcuntswana
labantu balapha eMzantsi Afrika. Okwesibini, olu dushe lube
neziphumo ezikhulu, zokukhutshwa kwabantu ezindlwini zabo; ukubethwa
kwabantu ngohlobo oluhambisa umzimba, maxa wambi batshiselwe naloo
mizi yabo; ukubulawa kwabantu okanye ukutshiswa kwabo ngomlilo
bephila.
Lo bholokodlela ushiye umzi ontsundu wahlulalene phakathi. Kukho
abalugxekayo olu hlaselo, ngeli lixa abanye bentyontya amakhwelo,
kuxhelwe exhukwana kubo. Into eqaqambileyo kulo bholokodlela
yeyokuba uxhaphake kwezi ndawo kuhlutshekiweyo kuzo, ematyotyombeni.
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Olu hlaselo luqubulisile, khange lubonakale luseza; nto leyo ethetha
ukuba khange luqulunqwe kwantlandlolo, koko yinto esuke yathi gqi
qhaphu. Nakaloku nje, alikabikho eliqinileyo elivela kurhulumente
elithi uza kuyithini na le ntlekele, le ngxubakaxaka.
Simana sisiva nje ukuba aba bantu uza kubabuyisela eluntwini.
Esingayivayo kakuhle into yeyokuba uza kubabuyisela njani. Into
encomekayo kuyo yonke le nto kukuphakama kwabantu ngamxhelo-mnye
belugxeka olu hlaselo; ne-UDM yazibandakanya nesi simbonono kwaye
isazibandakanya naso nakaloku nje.
Ngokukokwam ukubona, asikabikho isizathu sokuba abantu abanenyama
negazi njengam nawe baphatheke kabuhlungu kangaka, ngakumbi oomama,
abantwana, amaxhego namaxhegokazi.
Xa ndigqibezela, urhulumente makakhawulezise ukuphanda ukuba le
ntlekele isuswe yintoni na. Urhulumente wethu makakhawulezise
ukubatshutshisa abantu abafumaneke bechaphezeleka kolu dushe, ze
kwenziwe isifundo ngabo ukuze nabanye bangaze banqwenele ukwenza
into eyelele kule.
Urhulumente wethu makabe neenkqubo zokufundisa abantu ngobuzwe
baseAfrika, ngobuntu jikelele, nangokuhlonipha abasemzini, ze ongeze
nangemithetho engqingqwa ekhusela imida yeli negxile ekukhuseleni
abo sele bengaphakathi, nokuba bangene ngayiphina indlela.
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Masimanyane maAfrika! Imvelaphi nekamva lethu linye; sidityaniswe
ngumqokozo ongenakuqhawuka. Masele ndiphela apho, Somlomo. Enkosi.
[Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Ms S N SIGCAU: Madam Speaker, hon Ministers and hon members,
concerning the issue under discussion, namely xenophobia, let me say
that a task team consisting of all political parties represented in
this august House came to the following conclusions.
First of all, the xenophobic attacks took place in pockets of areas
where foreign nationals and a few South Africans reside. Secondly,
these attacks have had profound results, such as people being chased
out of their houses; others being brutally attacked and having their
houses burnt down; and the killing of people by burning them alive.
This tragedy has left South Africans divided. There are those who
criticise these attacks, whilst others are having a field day
instigating them. What is clear is that these xenophobic attacks are
common in informal settlements.
These attacks took us by surprise and they happened spontaneously.
Even now, there is no word from government as to how government
plans to deal with this matter.
We hear that the displaced people will be reintegrated into the
communities they came from, but we do not know how government plans
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to do that. At least one good aspect out of this was the fact that
the people, including the UDM, unanimously condemned these attacks.
In my opinion, there is no reason that people with flesh and blood
just like you and me, particularly women, children and the elderly,
should be treated in such a terrible manner.
In conclusion, government should take steps, without delay, to
investigate the reasons behind these attacks and make an example of
the perpetrators by prosecuting them.
Government should create programmes to educate people about African
nationalism, ubuntu in general and respect for foreign nationals.
Government should also come up with strict border controls to
protect those who are already inside our borders, regardless of how
they came to be here.
Let us all unite as Africans! Our past and our future are one and
are irrevocably linked. Let me end there, Madam Speaker. Thank you.
[Applause.]]
Mr M H HOOSEN: Madam Speaker, many debates and discussions have been
held in this House and on platforms throughout our country on the
causes of and matters pertaining to the recent shocking xenophobic
attacks. As the free movement of people for better living conditions
becomes more and more apparent, xenophobia has become a growing
19 JUNE 2008
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international phenomenon, with many countries experiencing similar
problems. What has elevated the South African situation is the high
level of violence associated with these attacks.
Madam Speaker, without exploring the causes in detail, which are
several and have been well documented, let me say that as
responsible leaders we need to urgently look ahead. We must ask
ourselves: Why are our actions becoming increasinly reactive, rather
than proactive? What can we as a nation do to be better prepared in
the future? What preventative measures can we adopt to ensure that
this does not happen, on such a scale, in the future?
Indeed education must form the backbone of our aim to eradicate
xenophobia from our nation. As a signatory to the Durban
Declaration, the product of the conference on xenophobia a few years
ago, South Africa has a responsibility to proactively adopt
preventative measures and we must accept that we have not pursued
this with the vigour that it deserves.
At this point, I would like to congratulate hon Bapela for the good
work that he has done, but at the same time also suggest that this
ugly word, makwerekwere [foreigners], in our communities must be
banned from the vocabulary of our people.
The regularisation of asylum seekers and proper documenting of
migrants also need urgent attention. Against the backdrop of these
19 JUNE 2008
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urgent measures, the ID supports the recommendations that this
committee continues the good work that has been done and be further
tasked with oversight over the implementation of the recommendations
produced.
In particular, the second recommendation on developing educational
programmes around the principle of “We are all African” must be
given priority and urgently implemented. Parallel to this, a
programme to reduce the high levels of violence in our societies
must also be implemented. I thank you.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE COUNCIL: Somlomo, malungu onke abekekileyo ...
[Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, Speaker, hon
members ...]
... last month our country witnessed a wave of xenophobic attacks
and violence that spread to various parts of our country. Xenophobia
is based on unfounded, unverified fears, as well as the inclination
to stereotype foreigners as the cause of social and economic
problems.
Generally, xenophobic attitudes are a reflection of a change in
migration streams and the perceived threat to citizens’ rights and
interests. It is one of the most inhumane forms of discrimination
facing many migrants in many parts of the world.
19 JUNE 2008
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Somlomo obekekileyo, thina bantu baseMzantsi Afrika siqhele ukuhlala
nabantu bamanye amazwe, kwaye sihleli nabo iminyaka ngeminyaka.
Asifuni ke ngoko ukudibanisa ukubukulwa kwezinye izizwe nobundlavini
esibubone buqhubeka. Kwaye iyothusa into yokuba abo babengamaxhoba
ocalu-calulo ibe ngabo abaphambili ekundlandlathekiseni abantu
ababhacele apha ngenxa yeemeko kumazwe abo.
Ndiyaphinda ndithi, umbutho wethu norhulumente wethu ...
(Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Hon Speaker, as South Africans, we are used to living side-by-side
with foreigners, and we have been living with them for many years.
Therefore, we do not want to associate ourselves with the violent
xenophobia attacks we witnessed recently. It is alarming that the
very people who were victims of apartheid are alleged to be the ones
perpetrating these attacks on foreign nationals who fled to this
country owing to terrible conditions in their own countries.
I repeat this again, our political party and our government ...]
... condemn in the strongest possible terms this inhumane front of
criminality and blatant exploitation of challenges faced by our
people.
Ndazi nto nye ke, Somlomo, ukuba thina sendiselene naba bantu, kwaye
siyazalana. Kufuneka ke sizame ukuba zingohlulwa iintsapho ngenxa
19 JUNE 2008
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yemikhwa yoofunzeweni abangenazinjongo zakuncedisana norhulumente
ekuphuculeni nasekuziseni iinkonzo ebantwini. Kwakhona, uMzantsi
Afrika awusosiqithi eAfrika; uyinxenye yeAfrika.
Njengabameli babantu, ngumsebenzi wethu ukuba sithi rhoqo sixoxisane
nabantu bakuthi, silwe naluphi na uhlobo localu-calulo lwabantu
abangaphakathi eMzantsi Afrika. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs
follows.)
[One thing I know, Madam Speaker, is that we have intermarried with
these people, and therefore we are related. We must avoid a
situation where families are separated on account of wrongdoings by
rogue elements who have other motives than to assist government
improve service delivery to the people. Furthermore, South Africa is
not an island in Africa; it is part of Africa.
As representatives of the people, it is our duty often to hold
debates with our people and fight any form of discrimination against
people in South Africa.]
As a caring organisation, the ANC deployed its leadership to all the
centres and areas where people were housed. We made sure that we
addressed people, showed that we care, and many of our members are
continuing with that work as we speak.
19 JUNE 2008
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We must indicate that many foreign nationals still regard South
Africa as their beacon of hope and a home away from home. As the
ANC, we would like to take this opportunity to reiterate that we
will continue to use all means to quell any form of discrimination
against foreign nationals. We will continue to seek solutions and
work with those affected to redress the impact of these violent
attacks.
We would also like to express our deepest appreciation for the
heartening support to victims of thuggery and hooliganism, and the
overwhelming positive response of many South Africans, including
students, churches, nongovernmental organisations, the private
sector, media houses, artists, national and provincial governments,
municipalities and even local communities.
We would like to take this opportunity to congratulate institutions,
organisations and individuals for showing the real spirit of ubuntu
and African unity by providing humanitarian support, including
shelter and physical support, to assist those who were relocating,
and food for those who were placed in temporary shelter.
Ndifun’ukuthi, ilungu elibekekileyo uNkskz Camerer, njengomntu
owayekhe wakurhulumente owawuphethe ngaphambili, uyawazi umahluko
phakathi kwalo rhulumente wethu norhulumente owayekho awayinxalenye
yawo. Wazi kakuhle ukuba akukho nto basenzela yona thina; sazilwela.
Lo rhulumente uzama ukulungiselela abo babengaxhamli.
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Moulana M R SAYEDALI-SHAH: [Engavakali.]
UMBHEXESHI OYINTLOKO WEBHUNGA LAMAPHONDO LESIZWE: Ndiyothuka kuba
nalo uthethayo uthetha kanye le nto bendiyithetha. Benza kanye le
nto bendiyixela; balibele kukujonga kurhulumente. Urhulumente akazi
kukhuthaza ubundlavini. Khange kubekho lubukulo lwabantu ngokobuzwe;
bubundlavini qha obu benzekileyo. Yaye asisoze sibukhuthaze
ubundlavini, nokuba benziwa ngubani na. Yiyo loo nto sisithi
iyasothusa into yokuba ibe ngabantu ababengaxhamli abakhokelayo kobu
bundlavini.
Mandize kweli lungu belisandul’ ukusuka apha. Iyinene yona into
yokuba ngulo rhulumente oncede ekubeni kuphele amaholo apha eMzantsi
Afrika. Ukubangaba i-ANC ibingaphethanga, ngekusekho ooNdokwenza
nanamhlanje apha eMzantsi Afrika. Ngenxa yemithetho ekhoyo kuMzantsi
Afrika omtsha, abantu bahlala kwiindawo abathanda ukuhlala kuzo,
apho baziva bengonwaba khona.
Mandigqibele ngelithi, thina siyi-ANC siya kuncedisana norhulumente
ukuze abantu abangabophuli-mthetho bafakwe kwindawo ebafaneleyo.
Ngaphezu koko, asisoze siyikhuthaze into yokuba, kuba abantu
namhlanje besazi ukuba sijongene nonyulo, bazenze ngathi bayasebenza
ukulungiselela ukuba banyulwe. Awukho omnye umbutho osebenzileyo
apha eMzantsi Afrika ngaphandle kwe-ANC. Kwaye awukho omnye umbutho
oseza kusebenzela abantu, okwangoku sisaphilayo sisonke, ngaphandle
19 JUNE 2008
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kwe-ANC. Enkosi, Somlomo. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa
paragraphs follows.)
[I want to say to hon member Camerer, as a person who was part of
the previous government, that she knows the difference between our
government and the government she served in. She knows very well
that they did nothing for us, as we fought for everything we have.
This government is trying to help those who were previously
disadvantaged.
Moulana M R SAYEDALI-SHAH: [Inaudible.]
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE COUNCIL: I am surprised because even this hon
member who is heckling me, is saying exactly what I was saying. They
are doing exactly what I said; they are blaming the government.
Government does not encourage violent behaviour. What we just
witnessed was not xenophobia; it was plain violence. And we do not
encourage violence regardless of who perpetrates it. That is why we
say it is surprising to notice that the people who are alleged to be
at the forefront of these violent attacks are people who were
previously disadvantaged.
Let me respond to the previous speaker. Indeed it is true that it is
this government that took the decision to abolish migrant workers’
hostels in South Africa. If it wasn’t for the ANC government, even
today we would still have migrant workers’ hostels in South Africa.
19 JUNE 2008
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Because of the new laws in South Africa, people are free to stay
where they want to stay; where they feel happy.
Let me conclude by saying that we, as the ANC, will work hand in
hand with government so that criminals are put in prison where they
belong. Furthermore, we can see through the actions of people who,
now that we have elections coming up, pretend to have the interests
of the electorate at heart. No other party, other than the ANC, has
worked hard in South Africa. And no other political party in our
lifetime, other than the ANC, will work for the advancement of the
interests of the people. Thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]]
Mrs C DUDLEY: Madam Speaker, the ACDP offers sincere apologies to
the 32 000 people, mainly foreign nationals, who have been displaced
and accommodated in tents, community halls and churches across the
country, and expresses deep regret and concern for all who have
experienced the consequences of the shocking actions of a few.
The ACDP salutes all those who worked and gave so generously and
selflessly, and in fact are still accommodating foreign nationals.
The manner in which the SA Police Service responded also needs to be
commended.
The ACDP appreciates Parliament’s urgent attention to the calls of
Members of Parliament for us to respond adequately to this crisis.
We also recognise the work of MPs, officials and staff, and commend
19 JUNE 2008
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them for this effort. Having participated in the efforts of the task
team, the ACDP supports the resulting report and its
recommendations.
All manner of conspiracy theories arose to explain the xenophobia.
It was said to be too organised to be spontaneous, yet, having
visited four different, high-density areas in turmoil, I’m not sure
it was particularly organised. Many side agendas, it seems, also
took advantage of the situation, escalating and distorting it.
The sudden outpouring of violence against foreigners shocked us as a
nation, despite the fact that we knew that xenophobic attitudes were
rife and many reports on this have been available. One of our major
blind spots, I believe, is that South Africans somehow see
themselves as naturally good people. Well, we are only as good as we
choose to be and in reality every one of us is capable of shocking
behaviour. It would be helpful for us to remember this, and not just
to assume that we are somehow going to do the right thing. We have
to be alert and to work on our attitudes and actions at all times.
We will exhibit base, selfish, survival instincts.
We also make the mistake of assuming that people who have
experienced pain and suffering will be compassionate, but so often
the opposite is true, as wounded people tend to wound others. And
people who have suffered rejection reject. This vicious cycle can
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only be broken when people choose to forgive, choose not to take
offence, and choose to pass on only what is good.
The number of foreign migrants to South Africa has increased from
500 000 in the 1990s to around 6 million at present. This reality is
a major part of our lives and government must ensure that adequate
measures are in place so that unnecessary pressure is not placed on
people as migrants integrate into society. There should be easy
access to conflict resolution processes, for example, as people
living in close proximity and sharing inadequate resources are bound
to experience times of conflict.
The ACDP recognises the economic value migrants bring to this
country, besides the wonderful diversity, and this should be
encouraged and supported.
Bitter complaints heard by the delegation range from, “they take our
jobs” to “they take our women”. And the fact that foreign nationals
had businesses caused particular irritation. One person told me how
unfair it was that people from Mozambique were being financed by
Graça Machel Mandela – irrational, maybe, but tragically heartfelt.
Skills development, mentorship programmes and entrepreneurial
opportunities are desperately needed, but ultimately people who
succeed will always be those who put in the effort, and not those
who wait for everything to be done for them.
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“South Africa, we are listening! Africa, we are sorry!”
Dr P W A MULDER: Madam Speaker, the hon Bapela says the ANC has
“Africa” in its name and that is correct. Afrikaners named
themselves after Africa and that is also correct. [Laughter.]
The xenophobia attacks have radically changed South Africa. Photos
of foreigners being burnt has shattered the dream of a South Africa
showing the world how people should live in harmony with each other.
Who would, a year ago, have predicted that South African embassies
in Africa and the Bafana Bafana soccer team would need extra
security, and that on our own continent?
The government says it was caught by surprise, but the government
was warned timeously. In the African Peer Review Report government
was seriously warned more than a year ago about xenophobia and
racism in South Africa. Paragraph 956 says xenophobia against other
Africans is currently on the rise and should be nipped in the bud.
To accommodate a few thousand ANC exiles in Africa during the
struggle years is something totally different from allowing 6
million foreigners to compete with poor South Africans for scarce
resources and thinking that it will not create conflict. I don’t
think we can make that comparison that easily.
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The HSRC found that people are angered by foreigners, as “(t)hey
believe migrants are putting strain on already limited resources”.
We need improved border control, a new national migration policy,
and a programme to deal with corruption at Home Affairs and
municipalities, and in the police. Frustration over the pace of
service delivery in general and housing in particular must also be
addressed.
Hierdie probleem is veroorsaak deur die korttermynoplossings van die
regering. Moenie dat ons nou weer dieselfde foute maak nie. Die
huidige ANC-oplossing om deur middel van opvoeding vir SuidAfrikaners te leer hoe om vreemdelinge te hanteer en om die
vreemdelinge in die gemeenskap te herïntegreer, is uiters belangrik,
maar dit is net deel van die oplossing. Dit is nie die hele
oplossing nie. As dit die regering se oplossing vir die probleem is,
voorspel ek dat ons oor ‘n tydperk, en dalk kort voor 2010, weer
uitbarstings kan kry, as ons die probleem net oppervlakkig gaan
aanspreek.
Mevrou, probeer gerus om onwettig, byvoorbeeld in Botswana, in te
kom en kyk of jy daar kan werk kry. Botswana het, soos alle ander
Afrikalande, streng reëls oor wie toegelaat word en wanneer jy
toegelaat word. Die onderliggende rede hiervoor is om jou eie
burgers teen oorstroming en onnodige kompetisie te beskerm. Dis net
logies. Ons kan dit nie ignoreer nie.
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Beter grenskontrole, beter dienslewering en beter behuising is deel
van hierdie oplossing. Anders het ons weer moeilikheid. Ek dank u.
[Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[This problem was caused by the government’s short-term solutions.
Let us not make the same mistakes now. The current ANC solution to
educate South Africans on how to deal with foreigners and to
reintegrate foreigners into the community is extremely important,
but it is only part of the solution. It is not the whole solution.
If this is the government’s solution to the problem, I predict that
over a period, maybe even shortly before 2010, there could be
outbreaks again, if we were to address the problem only
superficially.
Madam, you are welcome to try and gain illegal entry into Botswana
for example, and see whether you can get a job there. Like all other
African countries, Botswana has strict regulations about who is to
be allowed entry, and when you will be allowed such entry. The
underlying reason for this is to protect your own citizens against
unnecessary competition and from being swamped. It is only logical.
We cannot ignore it.
Better border control, better service delivery and better housing
are part of this solution; otherwise there will be trouble again. I
thank you. [Applause.]]
19 JUNE 2008
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Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Speaker, our lovely country has been thrown
into a morass of shame by some people who rose against foreign
nationals last month.
They are selfish, insecure people who say the foreign nationals have
taken their wives, their jobs and their money. Saying this indicates
their weaknesses. One wonders how easily such women could have been
taken away. They ignore the fact that they don’t want to work, while
these foreign nationals have ways and means of fending for
themselves and making money.
The UCDP believes that mankind, regardless of stature, status,
educational background, gender or nationality has loved, respected,
served, consulted and tolerated. To a degree we agree with the motto
of the AME Church. They say, “Man, our brother”, indicating that
every person is our brother or sister. We challenge the perpetrators
of these atrocious acts to desist and never, ever engage in them
again and shame us as a nation.
All law-abiding citizens have by now acknowledged and condemned
violence in South Africa and have furthermore expressed different
views on the causes of the violence. Whatever ostensible reasons may
be advanced, we South Africans have to agree unanimously that we
must find one another and trace our follies where we have gone
wrong, confess our iniquities and transgressions, and ask for
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forgiveness, for He is a loving God. He will heal our land. I thank
you.
Mr E RASOOL (Premier of the Western Cape): Speaker, Chairperson of
the NCOP, members, I am quite aware that I am making my debut in
this House, so it’s not for me to enter into any contentious debate
with any speakers before me.
I thought that I should much rather help to add to the report of the
hon Obed Bapela by providing a synopsis of an anatomy of what
happened in the Western Cape on 22 May, 2008, starting off in Knysna
and spreading to Du Noon and later that night to Masiphumelele,
where attacks against foreign nationals occurred. The next day these
incidents and attacks continued to Lwandle and to Khayelitsha.
Out of those direct attacks 5 000 people were displaced, but about
14 000 other foreign nationals were displaced on the basis of a fear
of attacks that had taken place. We need to understand that 19 000
people were displaced, of whom about 5 000 were placed under direct
violent threat by gangs of looters and people driven by other
motivations. At its height in the Western Cape 19 000 people were
displaced, 6 people died and 20 people suffered injuries, including
one of the worst, a policeman who is in ICU because of having been
attacked by someone who threw a brick at his head.
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Having seen what had happened in Gauteng, we know we have been
fairly fortunate in the Western Cape. We were able to place the
province on alert. A safety forum was established by the Provincial
Commissioner of Police, relief NGOs were put on alert, and because a
conference on xenophobia had been convened in that week, ahead of
these attacks, we could intervene immediately and minimise the loss
of life, injuries and fatalities. We could also mobilise relief in
the way that it has been done.
I also want to say more in general appreciation of the police. We
saw in that period that the police were all called off leave, their
shifts were extended from seven hours to twelve hours, they were
placed on alert to move to any part of the province and, together
with Bambanani, they were able to play an admirable role in all of
this.
I think we managed all of this despite many agendas and despite
challenges to co-ordination and disagreements about the details of
the operation and what we had to do. We were able to put together a
three-pronged strategy in the Western Cape that was based, firstly,
on ensuring safety, secondly, on mobilising relief and, thirdly, on
creating the basis for reintegrating foreign nationals back into the
communities from which they had come.
Some of the conditions in the Western Cape allowed us to be fairly
successful. Within 30 hours the violence in the Western Cape was
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quelled, a total of 376 people had been arrested, and even some of
the courts heeded the call not to grant bail to any of the arrested
people in order not to jeopardise any efforts at reintegration.
On humanitarian relief, we had food given by NGOs, but to be honest
in a forum like this, many of the food resources were supplied by
government. Shelter was also given by churches and mosques.
The point of disagreement was simply whether people should be housed
within communities to facilitate reintegration, or should be
isolated in mega camps on beaches. That was a major point of
contention.
I am relieved that the issue is being resolved as, finally, there is
overall agreement, including with the city, to disband Soetwater.
There is agreement that it created unintended consequences, it
created security problems and challenges for us, it compromised the
dignity particularly of women in the camps, and it gave the
impression of secondary trauma as we went on from that point. We now
have agreement to disband Soetwater, as we are attempting to move
Soetwater’s people to other places. We now need to make sure that
reintegration occurs.
Our interaction with the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees indicates very clearly that 95% of foreign nationals,
particularly in the Western Cape, will not be able to go back to
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their countries of origin, or any other country of their choice.
That means that for the foreseeable future they are our guests. That
furthermore means that they cannot for the foreseeable future be in
refugee camps or mega camps or isolated from communities.
We have over 200 people working as mediators in order to facilitate
it. I want to say that at the height of these attacks on foreign
nationals and the fear that it engendered, we had 19 000 displaced
people. The figure this morning was more or less 8 250. What that
means is that over 10 000 people have successfully been reintegrated
into their communities.
This speaks of enormous goodwill and balanced behaviour by South
Africans, and Masiphumelele led the way. [Applause.] Apologising,
collecting the stolen goods by going door-to-door and getting them
back, and helping to re-erect the shops and the houses of foreign
nationals: That speaks to the true spirit of South Africans. For
every one person who attacked a foreign national, there were tens of
thousands of other people who poured their hearts out. That is the
silver lining that must not be lost in the dark cloud of what is
South Africa today.
It is also important that we understand that we need to drive a
massive campaign that creates welcoming and safe conditions for
people. In that regard I think that the campaign that the hon Bapela
spoke about, “We are all Africans”, is something that we embrace
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very heartily, not only for our xenophobic province, but for our
general perceptions in the Western Cape.
I am happy that I’ve had this opportunity to share some of these
thoughts with you, and I look forward to embracing the report by the
hon Bapela. Thank you very much.
Ms S RAJBALLY: Thank you, Madam Speaker. The recent spread of
xenophobic attacks throughout the country has been absolutely
horrific and barbarous. This abominable behaviour has shocked many
of us and we have questioned where this has possibly stemmed from.
In view of the report, the MF is pleased that the task team, led by
our hon Bapela, has looked into the situation. For us it has
certainly been an eye-opener regarding the type of South Africans we
have among ourselves.
Government has been working endlessly on policies and legislation to
take South Africa and the South African lifestyle to the heights of
democracy. What we have failed in is socialising our people into
democracy and its values and purpose. While it has certainly been
rosy visualising our dream for South Africa, our people have fast
forgotten our past, and have become isolated from humanitarianism
and brotherhood. It was our brothers and sisters of Africa and
countries around the world that became an asylum to so many of our
comrades. Have we really forgotten this so soon?
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However, I praise all the volunteers and donors that lent a hand to
all the victims displaced by xenophobic attacks.
The MF, however, feels that we need to further investigate the road
travelled and who the culprits were who were responsible for these
attacks around the country. Our hon President built and maintained
great relations around the continent and abroad. We need to salvage
these relations and work hard to recreate South African confidence
and international trust. This will certainly impact on the 2010 Fifa
Soccer World Cup tournament and, I fear, on the international market
that we are expecting.
We need to continue with our oversight in this matter and hopefully
reach consensus with the public about this in reintegrating
displaced families into the communities. The MF conveys its
heartfelt thanks to the task team for work well done. I thank you,
Madam Chair. [Applause.]
Mr M T LIKOTSI:
Thank you, Madam Speaker.
Re le mokgatlo wa African People’s Convention, re leboha ha
Palamente ya rona e ile ya ntsha mokgupi wa Palamente wa mekgatlo
yohle e Palamenteng ho ya shebana le bothata ba ditwantshano tsa
maAfrika a rona le baahi mane Alexandra, Thembisa, Germiston, Reiger
Park le Ramaphosaville. Re ellellwa hore merusu ena e ile ya namela
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dibakeng tse kang Mamelodi, Atteridgeville, Soshanguve le MotseKapa.
Mokgatlo wa APC o rata ho leboha ha setjhaba se amehang se ile sa
utlwa kgweletso ya hore “Marumo fatshe, bana ba thesele, ntwa ha se
tharollo. ’O ka nketsang’ ha e ahe motse, motse ke wa morapedi.”
Batho bana ba maAfrika ha se bona ba re nketseng naha le moruo wa
yona. Ha e seke ya tshaba lehala ya mathela moratheng.
APC e re phephi, lefu ke ngwetsi ya malapa ohle. Re lakaletsa bohle
ba lemetseng nameng le moyeng pholo le bophelo bo botle.
(Translation of Sesotho paragraphs follows.)
[As the African People’s Convention, we are pleased that our
Parliament sent a delegation of parliamentarians of all political
parties that are in Parliament to go and address the problem of
violence perpetrated against fellow Africans by locals in Alexandra,
Thembisa, Germiston, Reiger Park and Ramaphosaville. We are aware
that this violence also spread to areas such as Mamelodi,
Atteridgeville, Soshanguve and Cape Town.
The APC would like to thank the affected communities for heeding the
call to “lay down arms”, because war is not the solution. Being
arrogant is not the right attitude, we have to be humble. These
fellow Africans are not the ones who took our land and our wealth.
Let us not direct our anger at the innocent people.
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The APC would like to send its condolences to those who were
affected, because misfortune befalls us all. We wish all those who
suffered both emotional and physical harm a speedy recovery and good
health.]
The government should declare all informal settlements in our
country disaster risk areas, as contemplated in Chapter 1 of the
Disaster Management Act, Act 57 of 2002, with the definition of
“disaster”. Just as with nodal areas, government is bound to channel
resources where they are most needed. In my observation, the attacks
took place in areas affected by poverty, most notably informal
settlements.
We want to state that there are no “foreign nationals” amongst
Africans and, if it is government policy to name them that, then it
must be revisited. They must be called “Africans from our
neighbouring countries”. This will act as an antidote to xenophobia.
Government should put processes and systems in place to register
these Africans on the country’s registers. They must be accorded all
the privileges in international protocols that we are signatories
to.
The APC is a Pan-Africanist organisation; we regard Africa as one
continent but subdivided by the colonialists and the imperialists
through the Berlin Act during the scramble for Africa in the 19th
century. We regard you Africans as our brothers and sisters. You are
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more than welcome in our country. Please take stock of yourselves
and become good residents in our country. We are a peaceful nation,
as you might have noticed. We are patient, but our patience has a
limit — do not overstretch it.
APC e qetela ka hore mathata a mangata ao re tobaneng le ona naheng
ena, empa a hloka mamello. Ha e lale makwala re none. Re a leboha.
[The APC concludes by saying that there are a lot of problems that
we are faced with in this country, but we need to be patient. Let
peace reign supreme. We thank you.]
Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Speaker, in the two minutes allocated to me,
let me remark that what happened in our country and was called
xenophobia has been condemned by an overwhelming majority of our
people. It is inexcusable, and it must not be allowed to rear its
ugly head again.
Moreover, it must not be dealt with superficially. We must be
careful not to deal with the symptoms of the disease, instead of the
disease itself. Therefore, thorough investigation and research must
be done into why this barbaric thing happened.
It is reported that a third of the people who were killed were South
Africans. If this was because of poverty, why was it the poor who
were targeted, and not those perceived to be rich?
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Not long ago Africans of the African continent were united against
colonialism and apartheid. Their countries made a rich Pan-African
contribution to the liberation of South Africa. They were then
appreciated and loved. Why would South Africans now exchange this
appreciation for acid hatred? We must really know through thorough
investigation the cause of this political imbecility.
Africans cannot be foreigners in Africa — Africans have a common
destiny. We are sailing on the same ship — if it sails across the
waters, we shall all be safe; if it sinks, we shall all perish. When
we were enslaved or colonised, the authors of these inhuman acts
never asked whether we were Nigerians, Zimbabweans, Azanians or
South Africans. They inflicted their atrocities on every African,
even in Jamaica or in America.
Let us also avoid discrimination against the citizens of this
country with regard to housing, employment and other areas. The
citizens of this country and those from the rest of Africa derive
their rights from the Constitution of this country, and not from the
membership of any political party. Long live Africa! Forward to the
giant, monolithic state of Africa. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr K P MOTLANTHE: Madam Speaker, hon members, allow me to add my
voice to those who have commended the task team for a job well done.
I would like to commence by dealing with this big word,
“xenophobia”, and also give content to it by sharing with the House
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my experience of how people who are compelled to live in fetid,
squalid lean-to shacks can be ignited into responses to their
challenges which defy the very meaning of the word “humanity”.
A few years ago – three years ago, to be precise – in the same
township of Alexandra, people living in lean-to shacks along the
banks of the Jukskei River had to be moved because those banks are
made of ash and in the rainy season the ground simply collapsed.
Because this was regarded as a disaster by the provincial government
of Gauteng, those people were then moved to an area outside
Dobsonville, Soweto – between Dobsonville and the Randfontein Estate
Gold Mine.
The people of Dobsonville, who themselves reside in an informal
settlement made up of lean-to shacks, demonstrated against these new
arrivals, described them as outsiders, and regarded them as a threat
to the limited possibilities of accessing better housing.
So when we use this word “xenophobia”, we should also be mindful of
the fact that people who live in informal settlements eke out a
precarious living. In certain cases “living” simply means “not
dying”. It has no other meaning, no other value beyond that.
If you add to that what hon Minister Trevor Manuel said yesterday
about the impact of inflation on the poorest of the poor, it means
that a year ago someone who tended the garden of those who had the
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means, and was therefore able to feed a family with R200 earned over
a month, can no longer do so. This means the buying power of the
limited means that they have is depressed to such levels that they
can no longer survive.
Therefore, if there is anybody in the community who possesses even a
TV set which is in a state of disrepair, such a person can be
identified as a legitimate target.
I’m saying this because if we were to go to the same areas where
people were attacked under the pretext of being foreigners or
strangers, and suggest to them that Tinashe Nengomasha who plays
soccer for Kaizer Chiefs should be repatriated to Zimbabwe with
immediate effect, they would turn on you and kill you for suggesting
that.
What does this tell us? It tells us that human beings are never and
can never be fully defined by one element. So, the same people who
would regard Oliver Mthukuzi as an icon and who would be prepared to
live in his back yard, are able to attack others with the hope that
they can gain something that will bring relief to their desperate
situation.
I want to plead that we should look at this issue in that context,
so that as we say the “yesizwe” [national] xenophobic attacks, we
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also understand that this is not a permanent feature. It is a
seasonal occurrence.
This is not just the experience of South Africa. Other countries go
through similar ups and downs as well. I recall that in the former
Democratic Republic of Germany in the olden days of the divide,
there was a time when the economy was doing so well that at airports
and public places fruit was even laid out for any traveller to
collect in a little paper bag, so that he or she could take some of
the fruit as provisions on the long journey. But when the downswing
in the economy happened, they all of a sudden had skinheads, people
who were attacking others of Polish origin and so on. However, in
the early rosy days 60% of the workforce had been made up of Polish
nationals! We will have similar ups and downs in our country.
The point is: What does this tell us? What is the meaning of these
attacks and what should our response be? The task team has made a
number of recommendations which we as the ANC endorse. However, I
think, correctly speaking, we should also be saying that in the long
term as a country, as a nation, as a people, we should make sure
that no human beings are compelled to live in those fetid lean-to
structures. [Applause.]
Earlier this year I had the privilege of having a discussion with
the Chief Justice and the Deputy Chief Justice of the Constitutional
Court. In the course of our discussion, they put the question to me
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of why people do not seem to appreciate and understand the
importance of the independence of the judiciary. I responded by
throwing a question to them. I said to them that my feedback, as I
interact with our people, is that they fail to understand why, once
people break the law, the courts find in their favour.
In cities such as Johannesburg there are many derelict buildings
which are in a bad state. The branding system is nonexistent. They
are actually not just a health hazard, but disasters waiting to
happen. And people occupy them — they squat. They occupy those
buildings without authorisation, without permission, in the same way
as people occupy land which is not serviced and squat on that land.
The courts, without fail, find in favour of those people. Even when
the city council says, “This building is dangerous to your own
safety; get out of the building so that we can renovate it,” a
lawyer goes to court and the court says, “You can’t move those
people unless you provide them with accommodation of a similar or
better standard.”
So I threw this question back to the Chief Justice, and he promised
me that he would write an educational piece in two instalments to
explain the basis of such judgments in relation to the Bill of
Rights. This is because I said to him that our people say: “No,
look, these people break the law.” That’s the first thing, and the
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law enforcement units and the by-laws kick in and they are then
asked to leave, but the courts always protect them.
So what this whole experience tells us is that there is a
convergence of factors which underlie the eruption of this kind of
violence, and that as a country we should take steps to address
these underlying factors.
We must also strive to ensure that we inculcate in our people an
understanding and acceptance of the concept of the rule of law because if we don’t do that, the general environment of lawlessness
encourages people to take advantage of the weaker.
As Parliament, as Members of this Parliament, I think we have a dual
responsibility: We have a responsibility to play the oversight role,
but we are also public representatives. We must be the eyes and ears
of this institution. As we go out to do our work, we must ensure
that we listen, and listen very carefully, to what our people have
to say when they raise their concerns, because they not only raise
concerns but also provide workable suggestions as to how these
problems can be attended to.
I think we should live up to this responsibility. In that way we
will be able to address the need for the prestige that our country
enjoys internationally and ensure this blemish is well understood by
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our neighbours, our friends and those who regard South Africa as a
beacon of hope. That’s our collective responsibility.
Therefore, regarding our national responsibility, I think the
attacks were tragic enough not to be used for purposes of pointscoring, but we should truly try to respond in the spirit and manner
in which diverse communities responded to this tragedy. We as an
institution should not use this tragedy as an electioneering tool,
but we should attend to these challenges as people who are sincerely
concerned and who seek to find solutions to the problems. That is
because, if we engage in grandstanding and apportioning blame, in a
manner which does not address the core challenges, we are doing a
disservice to those who sent us to this Parliament.
And, I think, with these words, on behalf of the ANC I also add my
voice to those commending the task team, and I hope that we will all
play our role in ensuring that this never ever happens again in
South Africa. Thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
The Speaker of the National Assembly adjourned the Joint Sitting at
15:26.