The Evolving Griot: An ethnographic study of Senegal’s premier Oral Historian
King, Jessie
Academic Director: Diallo, Souleye
Project Advisor: Kouyate, Alphousseyni
Bennington College
Theater, Education
Africa, Senegal, Dakar
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Senegal: National Identity and
The Arts, SIT Study Abroad, Fall 2012
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Acknowledgments:
I want to thank my advisor Alphousseyni Kouyate for his guidance on this project and for
introducing me to his fellow griot friends. Also, I want to give special thanks to djembe
master Mamadou Fall and the dancers at Daniel Sorano for allowing me to observe their
rehearsals. Thank you to everyone at SIT for supporting my work and to thanks to my
host-family for their patience with my developing French.
ISP Topic Codes:
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Table of Contents
Abstract: Pg. 3
Introduction: Pg. 4-6
Methodologies: Pg. 6-11
Results and Analysis: Pg. 11-23
Conclusion: Pg. 23-24
Bibliography: Pg. 25
Appendix: Pg. 26
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Abstract:
At Bennington College I explore the interdisciplinary relationship between
teaching and the theatrical arts. I believe that worldwide; theater and the arts are a means
of both entertainment and of education. Furthermore, teaching is inherently performative
and draws on many elements of oral storytelling. I would like to look at how griots
bridge the link between performer and teacher for their Senegalese audiences. For
centuries, griots have held the esteemed role in Senegalese society of actor, educator,
mediator and keepers of tradition. Through their craft, griots imparts morals and conduct
codes of living on their audiences. I want to find out how their stories continue to inform
listeners and shape Senegalese norms of society.
With the disappearance of Kings and outdated African caste systems, what role do
griots play in modern Senegal? Accordingly, how do griots fare today in a country that no
longer relies on live entertainment for amusement? As westernization poses threats to the
sanctity of the griot’s profession, new mediums will foster their economic and social
survival. Modern day griots must augment their practice to serve two goals: engage
contemporary spectators and make enough capitol to support themselves. My
overarching question is what role do Senegalese griots serve for 21st century audiences?
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Introduction:
“Personnages pittouresque et complexes, a la fois admires et redoutés, les griots
constituent un groupe professionnel endogame situé comme les artisans, auxquels ils sont
rattachés, au bas de l’eéchelle.” (Leymarie 1999)
For the purposes of this paper, I will refer to this member of society, as a “griot.”
The reader should know that this Anglophone term is only one of the many used to label
this historical figure. Many theories exist for the origin of the name “griot.” It is
undeniable that both African and European influences have collaborated in the
construction of this term. As explained by Thomas A. Hale in his work in Griots and
Griottes,
“The most common theory is that Griot comes form the French guiriot, ancestor
of griot, which first appeared in 1637. Other views hold that griot comes form the Wolof
term gawlo, Fulbe gawlo, Mande jelo, jail, Portuguese criado, grito, gritalhao, or the
Portuguese term for Jew, judeu, Spanish guirigay, Catalan guirigaray, Berber and
Jassaniya Arabic iggio, egeum, and Arabic quewal via guewal.” (Hale 1998)
As this work will include interviews and testimonies from griots and non-griots of
various ethnicities, I feel that the use of the English/French term griot is the most
encompassing for my work across ethnic divides. Also, as I wish to make the work of the
griot most accessible for Western audiences, I find this term to be the most suitable.
It is difficult to categorize the work of the griot because their craft varies so
immensely throughout time and between ethnic groups. However, in their height of their
celebrity, griots were known as the musicians, singers, entertainers and geologists of the
king’s court. The various terms mentioned above have an underlying theme in their
description of this figure. The various languages define griots as “wordsmiths and
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masters of words.” Through their epics, griots preserve the memory of kingdoms past
and lay the groundwork for happenings of the future. In dates proceeding the 19th century,
they served as the mouthpiece for African leaders, as kings were not allowed to speak in
public. Similarly, as is forbidden to sing one’s own praises in African society, griots
served to sing their praises for them, highlighting the accomplishments of their patrons.
From this lens, one can observe the power the griot held in their accounts of
history. As African literature remains predominately oral, their narratives serve as an
essential piece in the construct of Senegalese memory. Griots have the power to shape
times gone by and serve as living relics of antiquity.
Griots sat in a specific caste referred to as the géwél in Wolof that allowed them
to perform certain activities considered potentially dangerous or unfit for other members
of society. Such ceremonies include commemorations like circumcision, excision,
funeral preparations and midwifery. While some civilians might deem these activities
daunting, it remains true that such ceremonies are considered illegitimate if they are
performed without the presence of a griot. This further illustrates the continued necessity
of the griot in modern day Senegal. Besides these controversial activities, griots also play
an indisputable role performing at quotidian naming ceremonies, weddings and baptisms.
In the ancient epics and songs griots perform there are several key themes and
morals that are repeated and infused in the lyrics and musicality of these works. These
morals encourage a particular conduct code and teach audiences about Senegalese values.
Some frequented griot lessons illustrate the dangerous of the jealous wife, the trials of
war and death, revenge, evil enemies and means of spirituality. Griots impose a standard
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of ethical living for their listeners. As they are often the only members of society whose
knowledge dates as far back as ten generations, they are deeply respected and valued.
The narratives they construct continue to impart modern Senegalese with scruples and
consciences they are obligated to adopt and uphold. This reporting of morality is a
venerable pedagogy and method of teaching in Senegalese society.
While Griots are still employed privately by families in Senegal who require their
services for such habitual formalities, the modern day griot struggles economically
without the existence of pre-colonial géers. The ancient griot lived with the king and was
supported financial by his patronage. Today, many griots must have secondary jobs to
make a reasonable profit. Cornelia Panzacchi illustrates this challenge in her journal The
livelihoods of Tradition Griots in Modern Senegal,
“The political and social changes brought about by islamisation, colonial conquest
and later on the westernization and modernization were likely to make the “Master of the
Word” superfluous as the keeper of tradition, and the princely gifts he expected from his
patron, impossible” (Panzacchi 1994)
My advisor Alphousseyni Kouyate explained to me that he created his band
“Dialia” to better market himself for wedding and baptism ceremonies in and around
Dakar. He admitted to me, “I am going to have to adopt my griotism to the evolution of
the times.” (Kouyate 2012) This sentiment will be further explored in this work in the
efforts to understand how the contemporary griot endures in a less accommodating and
non-dynastic society.
Methodologies:
Objectives
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As someone who has devoted my secondary schooling to education and arts
studies, I became interested in griots as figures that overlap the role of teacher and of the
performer. I observe the griot/audience relationship as a parallel of the teacher/student
relationship. I see teaching as an inherent effort to prepare students for the culture they
will someday join and contribute to. Likewise, it is the griot’s duty to teach and remind
their audience of shared societal values and inspire new thinking.
Student and audience member are inextricably combined under the teachings of
the griot. In ceremonies like weddings and baptisms, “students” actively engage in the
lessons a griot lends through participation in the song, dance and festivity of the
performance. I am interested in storytelling and learning through the arts as a means of
teaching because I consider it innovative stray away from traditional “chalkboard style of
teaching” customarily observed in French and Western pedagogies. The Senegalese griot
serves as a paradigm for arts infused teaching practices I respect and admire.
As Senegal continues to be subjected to Western and Islamic influences, I am curious
what morals and ancient themes the griot broadcasts will remain relevant to modern
audiences. The griot acts as a mechanism for the appropriation of knowledge. When the
griot imparts moral teachings, audiences appropriate the lessons into their own value
system. I believe learning oral histories through song and music has the potential to be
translated into the classroom. In my future work, I would like use the pedagogy of
storytelling the griot employs as a classroom educator. I want to share this method of
Senegalese arts education with the Western world to facilitate a different kind of
theatrical and enlightened classroom.
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The second stand of my research I have devoted to the changing role of the griot in
the Senegalese urban context of Dakar. My overarching question for this strand is what
role does the griot serve for 21st century audiences? How have griots augmented their
practice to better serve their spectators while making enough capitol to support
themselves? I have discovered the potentials of modern medias such as a recording
studios and radio stations as means of commercializing the griot. As noted above by my
advisor, I also have found that groups of griots I observed as “bands” or “orchestras”
spanning several ethnic groups can pose as successful innovations. A band of griots can
better combat the competition felt by a singular griot. In my second strand of research I
seek to highlight the adaptations the modern griot has made to facilitate his or her social
and economic endurance.
I am interested in how the young griot culminates oral histories and expertise in
musicology through familial teaching. As I learned through my research, griots in most
instances have no formal or academic training to account for their preparation. For nongriots, access to arts education was limited until the introduction of conservatories and
arts specific schools in the 21st century. The creation of arts schools inspired a change in
dynamic between griots and those of non-griot linage who aspired to be professional
musicians. Access to arts education has increased tensions between griots and non-griot
musicians in intense competition over ownership of the occupation and limited economic
resources. In both of my strands, my guiding questions seek to reveal the complexities
and difficulties that surround this Senegalese character.
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Location
I chose to conduct my research in Dakar with the exception of one informal
interview I did in the village of Ethcwar during my village stay in Kedougou. This
interview was conducted before the Independent Study Period to provide contrast to my
anticipated “urban setting” interviews in Dakar. The village setting provides a vastly
different template for studying the challenges and advantages for the modern day griot
that should be reserved for another study. Dakar provides educational institutions,
modern media amenities and unique social dynamics that construct a myriad of concerns
for the urbanite griot. Conducting my research in Dakar also allowed for greater access
to a variety of contacts and literary resources I would have not been able to locate in a
more provincial setting.
Research Methods:
David Silverman’s, A very short, fairly interesting and reasonably cheap book
about Qualitative Research, served as my literary guide for my research tactics for this
project. I refer to Silverman’s definition of ethnography as “highly descriptive writing
about particular groups of people” (Silverman 2007) to explain this project on griots.
Through interviews, observation and participant observation I sought to look attentively
at this particular caste. While griots and musicians are very commonplace in Senegalese
society, I have tried to surface what Silverman calls “seeing the remarkable in the
mundane.” (Silverman 2007) The histories griots sing and music they play is very
commonplace in the Senegalese context. In order to expose the work of the griot, I
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followed Silverman suggestion, “setting aside these habits is the key to the ethnographic
imagination.” (Silverman 2007) My methodologies have followed this line of
attentiveness in the attempt to achieve an inspired qualitative inquiry on this topic.
After gaining sufficient background knowledge about the origin of griots and their
history, I began conducting formal and informal interviews. I interviewed six subjects in
locations in and around the Dakar area. I interviewed three female griottes and two male
griots. The sixth subject was a professor of Wolof and African Studies at the University
of North Carolina who provided me some insight as an expert on Youssou N’Dour. The
seventh subject, whom I referred to previously, I interviewed informally during my stay
at his home in Ethcwar, Kedougou. The two non-griot interviewees were helpful in
constructing my findings on outsider perspectives on griots.
My interview subjects were of various different ethnic groups, including but not
exclusive to, Wolof, Mandingo, Bedick and Serer. My study could have allowed for a
tighter analysis if it had been reserved exclusively for one ethnic group. However, time
limitations did not allow for this specificity. All interviews were recorded by the use of a
mobile recorder and were then transcribed for later use. Consent was either recorded
orally or in more formal interviews, was accounted for by a written contract that can be
found in the appendix of the paper. I was the sole conductor of the seven interviews.
Alphousseyni Kouyate, Mandigo griot and English masters graduate of Universite
Cheikh Anta Diop De Dakar, served as my advisor, main informant and translator for this
project. He translated the interviews of Mandingo griots Fatou Diawara and Tidiane
Diébaté, neither of whom spoke French or Wolof. Translations were made and recorded
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from Mandingo to English after I posed the question to the interviewee and again after
their subsequent answer. Alphousseyni Kouyate’s master thesis for UCAD, The
Function and Status of the “Jali” in the Senegambian area from the 13th to 19th Century
also served as a fundament to my research.
In addition to my interviews, I attended and partook in various ceremonies where
the quotidian work of the griot can be observed. These included three marriages, a
baptism, a sabar and a return from Mecca celebration. These opportunities allowed me to
observe griots and their effects on the audience. I was able to take note of the different
musical styles at work and the griots function in various types of ceremonies. In addition,
I often sang along and danced at these social functions to fully immerse myself in the
ritual. Participant observation was vital in my understanding of the quotidian work of the
griot.
Results and Analysis
Quotidian duties and role of the modern Day griot in Senegal
In Panzacchi’s examination of the contemporary griot, she discerns there are three
categories of people who descend from griot linage.
“Those who have decided to refrain from practicing their hereditary profession
and have taken up some other occupation, those who continue to perform, without
innovation, the tasks and responsibilities handed down to them from their parents and
grandparents in the traditional way, and those who have managed to find or create a new
kind of occupation that seems to fit the traditional griots’ ethos, adapting the art of their
ancestors to modern requirements and possibilities.” (Panzacchi 1994)
I am primarily concerned with the third category of these creative griots that have
found a way to bridge the link between their historic livelihoods and that of the new era.
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Indisputably, despite the effects of modernization, griots continue to serve many
quotidian functions in Dakar. I observed the remarkable lasting quality of the Senegalese
griot as attributed to societal up-holdings about how to treat and favor this important
figure.
I would first like to discuss these up-holdings that have transcended time and
displacement of the old caste system. In my first meeting with my advisor Kouyate, he
explained to me that commonplace Senegalese ceremonies like weddings and baptisms
are not authentic without the presence of a griot. In a discussion with my homestay
family they noted that they while they knew people who employed DJ’s at such functions,
it is not a proper ceremony if a griot is not in attendance. In a return from Mecca
celebration I attended, I observed a Wolof griot praising their patron’s pilgrimage. I was
told afterwards that the pilgrimage is considered incomplete without the recognition and
praising singing of a griot at the end of the voyage. Thomas A Hale illustrates this
sustained appreciation of griot livelihoods.
“Griots often participate in ceremonies that mark major life events… The
particular role varies from society to society and from one kind of griot to another. In
some cases the griot is the master of ceremonies, in others merely one of the participants.
In nearly every situation, however, it is hard to imagine the event going on without some
involvement by these artisans of the word, because they bring people together with their
words.” (Hale 1998)
Similarily, griots are employed based on unwavering relationships between patron
and griot family names. I spoke with a jalimusso1, Fatou Diawara in Pikine who
confirmed this practice. Mrs. Diawara comes from a griot caste known as carankey2 in
Mandingo, translated to mean “knowledge seekers.” She told me that while carankey
1
2
Mandingo term for female griotte
Mandingo term for the griot caste
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men are historically shoe and leather makers, jalimusso’s cook, clean and speak praises
during typical griot rites. They are unconventional griottes in that they are not
performers and do not sing or play any instruments. When I asked her how she was able
to find worked she explained, Mandingo family names like Manne, Sane and Faty3 are
obliged to employ her due to century old contracts. She went on to say that in exchange
for the preparation of traditional dishes like ceeb u jen4 and ceeb u yapp5 she is given
clothes and other gifts of compensation. (Diawara 2012) Mrs. Diawara confirmed that
despite modern threats to griots like herself, familial ties would continue to protect her
purpose.
I believe griots continue to hold a renowned place in Senegalese society do to
their respected role as educators. “In the past, each prince had his own griot who taught
him about life and where his family fit into society.” (Hale 1998) While western-style
schools have assumed the role of academic Senegalese education, griots still employ an
equally important alternative for teaching cultural conceptions. The griots I spoke to
frequently expressed their frustration that little to none Senegalese history or arts
curricula are taught before University level. My advisor Kouyate, an experienced
English professor at a high school, discussed the irony that his students are taught French
literature and history; irrelevant to the Senegalese history and culture his students are
actually involved with. As a result of French colonialism and western influence, young
Senegalese citizens are left with a gap in their education regarding their own antiquities.
I believe griots are left with the responsibility to increase national solidarity on this level.
3
Mandingo family last names
Traditional Senegalese dish, from Wolof to English: Rice with Fish
5
Traditional Senegalese dish, from Wolof to English: Rice with Meat
4
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They do this by teaching their Senegalese audiences about their personal ancestry and
appropriating age-old morals to present day scenarios.
“In spite of westernization, traditional music is still a living feature of everyday
life, in Dakar as well as in the countryside. Modern Senegalese music is, however, trying
to take over, claiming to be the heir of music’s ancestral function not only as
entertainment but also as education. Often the song will contain a message: a political
critique.” (Panzacchi 1994)
In an interview with Mandingo griot Tidiane Diébaté, he spoke about the
messages he conveys when he is playing and singing with his Kora6. He believes that
much of the conflict he observes between Senegalese peoples is due to a lack of
compassion and sense of closeness. He elaborated that he likes to mediate and inform his
audiences about these issues by singing about the Mandingo maxims, badenyaa and
fadenyaa. “Badenyaa in Mandingo culture means to be brothers and sisters, a sense of
unity…not to be Fadenyaa, which means enemies…this is a regular problem in
contemporary society… As a griot you can use this moral value to speak about that in a
composition.” (Diébaté 2012) Diébaté takes advantage of his command as a griot to
engage his listeners in a lesson of solidarity.
I have previously stated that griots often comment on jealous wives and the
dangers posed by enemies. One particular Mandingo epic explores these sentiments in a
dramatic retelling of the king’s murder. A transformation occurred as Kouyate sang the
epic for me. Through Kouyate’s wordsmith and artistry, I became a pupil to his jali7
teachings. This narrative was translated from Mandingo to English by Kouyate, which I
later paraphrased and detailed.
6
7
Traditional griot string instrument
Mandingo term for male griot
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A King has three wives and in Mandingo society, often the third wife is the one you love
the most. On day in the Malian empire, the enemies of the King approached the third wife
with a plan to kill her husband. In exchange for the secrets of the King, they promised to
reward the wife with many riches. Finally, she accepted.
When the King returned to his wife she asked him to remove his protective amulet he
wore around his waist when he went to shower. She claimed the water is not good for
them and he should take them off when he bathes. At first the King refused because he
knew this could make him vulnerable in the face of evil enemies. The wife pleaded with
him everyday and finally he told her that when it is his turn with her tomorrow night he
would remove his protection before he entered the bath. The wife consulted the enemies
and told them her husband would be unprotected from their weapons at sundown the
following night.
The next evening the enemies arrived at the King’s house and the wife hide them inside a
pot where they waited for their chance to strike. As the King stepped into the bath
without his protective belt, the enemies emerged from the pot and killed him. As the
enemies turned to leave they scorned the wife for betraying her husband. They told her
they must kill her too so she would not betray another man in the future. They shot the
third wife and left the palace in a state of ruin.
In this epic one can observe the drama a griot employs in teaching the histories of
his ancestors. I observed a lot of affective practices in Kouyate’s retelling of this legend.
For one, he creates an arch to both shape the story and engage his listeners. Kouyate’s
also utilizes suspense to create a compelling plot line. His storytelling transports the
listener to ancient era of Africa. Through his persuasive performance, he asks his
audience to appropriate these morals to their own time. Kouyate went on to explain that
it is believed the origin of conflicts between African kingdoms often derives from a
jealous wife. “The moral of this epic speaks about the dangers of taking on more than one
wife and the importance of pleasing your wives differently but treating them equally.”
(Kouyate 2012) Working as wordsmith, musician and actor, Kouyate educates his
listeners on Senegalese truisms.
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The transmittances of moral imperatives are also readily observed at marriage
ceremonies. At a wedding reception I attended with my sister in Almadies8 I watched as
band of griots playing western instruments like an electric guitar and drum kit performed
for the bride to be. As it was a Wolof wedding, the four male griots sung epics
exclusively in Wolof. When I asked my sister to translate the lyrics, she told me the
epics described how the new bride was expected to serve her husband and be a good wife
to him. They chanted and celebrated the duties of the Wolof wife in the home and asked
this new bride be held accountable to the same responsibilities of her predecessors. While
the music style and instruments veered away from a traditional sound, the moral
imperatives the artists communicated reflect an age-old Senegalese attitude. The role of
the Senegalese wife remains defined in current times because it is described and
reiterated by griots in such social events.
While griots inarguable preserve traditional attitudes, modern day griots often
unearth new issues that surround Senegalese culture. Kouyate explained that he often
preaches the importance of protecting oneself against maladies like cholera and malaria.
Similarly Bedick villager Mark Kieta expressed that griots in his region of Senegal sing
against female excision rituals9. (Kieta 2012) In 1999, this practice that was outlawed
Senegal but continues to be practiced discreetly. While griots serve as vestiges of
antiquity, it is also their duty to present controversial issues that challenge such outdated
customs. In this section I have tried to present how the role of the griot remains
8
A upscale neighborhood in North Dakar
Rituals that involve partial or total removal of the external female genitalia, or other
injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons
9
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imperative in Senegalese communities. Positioned as societal educators, griots evoke the
past and set a stage for the future.
Challenges faced by contemporary griots
While I argue that griots hold a place of permanent importance in Senegalese
culture: economic recessions, lack of patronage and competition between griots and
musicians have created many hardships for this modern bard. Many griots that I spoke to
rendered the decline of the griot as a direct effect of French colonialism.
“The most fundamental of the changes wrought in the lives of griots during the process
of colonization was in the ways kings and the nobly born could no longer be relied upon
as a source of wealth.” (Panzacchi 1994)
Colonization dismantled a caste system that griots depended on for economic and
social success. As dictated by President Senghor, modern Senegal reorganized itself as a
socialist democracy that favors a liberal class structure, free from the exclusivity of the
old hierarchy. As an effect of this caste obliteration, griots were forced to find patronage
from marabouts10 and non-noble families to make a sustainable profit. Without the
patronage of the noble class, the significance of the griot was vastly altered. Mark Kieta
stated his outlook on the modernized griot. Simply he said, “Aujourd’hui, Il est moins
important.” (Kieta 2012)
At the return from Mecca celebration I attended, I spoke with guest, Penda Seck
who seconded this opinion of the griot’s diminishing value. Penda explained that she
was born into a Wolof griot family but was not a practicing griotte herself. Penda
clarified that her grandmother had been a practicing musician and griotte, but since that
10
Local Islamic leaders and spiritual leaders
18
generation, the family craft had died. She elaborated that it is too difficult to make a
decent salary just on the profession of the griot alone. Accordingly, as a means of
economic survival, her father had found work in commerce and Penda spoke towards her
own aspirations to go into business. (P. Seck 2012 )
Penda also noted that traditional griotism has become much less important for
Senegalese communities that in once was. In effect, she explained, people are reluctant
to spend their already pressed cash on monetary gifts for the griots at marriages and other
events. (P. Seck 2012 )Penda presents an interesting co-constructed theory for why griots
struggle to make a living today. If griots are no longer held to their old esteem, people
are less likely to endorse them. Likewise, if modern patrons cannot support griots, their
livelihoods will continue to weaken.
At a Sabar I attended in Guinew Rails, Pikine, I observed interesting economic
predicament between patron and griot. At one point during the Sabar a drummer
emerged and began singing name praises of the birthday girl in attendance. At the end of
the party he demanded xaalis11, from the girl. He clarified that because he had performed
a song of praise for her she needed to compensation him. Unbeknown to this practice,
the girl was very confused and refused to pay him. This illustrates another challenge to
the contemporary griot. In order for the griot to survive financially, it is imperative his
audience knows of the customs of compensation that support his services. Even with
modern adaptations of artistry and practice, griots still rely of long-standing systems of
patron payment for their fiscal endurance.
11
Wolof word for money
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Historically, griots made up a distinct group of individuals who by family lineage
were allowed to play traditional Senegalese songs and instruments. With the
dismembering of the caste system and renewed interest in traditional music, this
birthright is no longer reserved just for the griot class strata. Through my research I
frequented upon impassioned tensions between griots and non-griot musicians.
Musicians seek to play traditional music for either business or self-fulfilling endeavors,
upsetting a delicate rapport between griot and non-griot. Professor Amadou Fall spoke to
this change, “Yes it was not the case before, whoever was interested in music had to be a
griot…but now music has become a business like any other.” (Fall 2012)
Many non-griots who seek to pursue a career in the music business attend L’ecole
Nationale des Beaux-Arts in Dakar to hone their skills in traditional playing of
instruments like the kora, hallaam, balafon and djembe. Additionally, students can train
in western world instruments like the piano and guitar at the conservatory. Griot Tidiane
Diébaté expressed his resistance to the opportunities such arts conservatories provide.
“Today there is conflict, because there are people who do not have griot family names
who go to the art school to learn any instrument and are now able to make a profit from
what they have learned…art schools are not created for the benefit of the Griots but of
non-Griots.” (Diébaté 2012) Diébaté continued to illustrate how he believes non-griot
performers infringe on his own birthrights. “Jalia the art of the Jali...is it a profession…it
belongs to a specific category of people in Mandinko society…(he goes on to list many
griot family names) these are griots by birth…anybody who comes to try to integrate into
this category of people, you have come to try your luck…you may even lose your way.”
(Diébaté 2012)
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Some people that I spoke to argued that despite competition non-griot performers
presents to the art, there is something inherently different between a trained musician and
a griot that has been born into the profession. Debor Seck, griotte dancer at the La
Lingueré Ballet National12 said that there is an observable difference between the spirits
of a non-griot dancer versus a performer like her. She attributed the difference to her
birthright as a griot, “It’s in my blood, from my family.” (Seck 2012) While this sense of
pride should be acknowledged, revolutions to the music profession in Senegal will
continue to force griots and non-griots to cooperate. Amadou Fall described this
prediction, “I think soon people will not differentiate between griots and non-griot and
that is the evolution, the roles will change as we head towards a multi-cultural
profession.” (Fall 2012)
Modern Mediums for Tradition
Despite threats to the craft, advancements in media and technology in Senegal
serve as powerful vehicles in preserving the role of the griot. Professional arts venues
and modern medias also help to spread the work of the griot for a wider audience. The
Theatre National Daniel Sorano is one venue in Dakar that is dedicated to guarding
elements of traditional griotism. I spoke with members of La Lingueré Ballet National,
who explained that despite their ethnic divides and varied talents; the ensemble actively
employs griot dancers, singers and musicians to perform traditional works for the public.
Debor Seck said that the director of the company discovered her when she was a young
12
Official resident dance company of the Theatre National Daniel Sorano
21
griotte in Koalack13. She described her gratitude in the opportunity and financial support
performing with the company had allowed her.
Professional troops of griots do more than sustain the craft. I noticed a change in
the griots role in this performance setting. Rather than perform as a singular entity, griots
of different ethnic group share the stage, creating a collage of griot practices. This poses
another solution for the struggling griot. Griots of variant ethnic groups can join forces to
create a collective of their work. Kouyate’s band, Dialia as mentioned earlier, is made up
of griots from different origins and communities. When I asked about these relations my
advisor responded, “There is no conflict because we griots don’t come from the same
back-round and most of the time do not even play the same instruments and the patrons
are never the same.” (Kouyate 2012) With this removal of competition, a new means of
survival for the griot is assumed through ensemble work that unites griots through their
shared traditions.
In my interviews, the use of radio and recording studios were often mentioned as
modern mechanisms for endorsing the griot profession. These medias further transform
the role of the griot. Tidiane Diébaté described what he believes the work of the
contemporary griot is, “The create their own pieces…they compose pieces but these
pieces are not for them but are for the audience in the society…they compose it for
people in the society…And today’s griot can go to the studio in Dakar…they can put
their songs on the CD and sell it to make a profit.” (Diébaté 2012) Kouyate also
explained how he utilizes modern medias, “Through the modernization now, King’s have
disappeared and the time has come for radio stations…and in order for people to be
13
A region in central Senegal
22
famous…If I am a griot and I am invited in a radio station or a TV station I am going to
compose a song for you and everybody is going to hear about your name…so of course
even today griots are very influential.” (Kouyate 2012)
One of Senegal’s most celebration figures and international superstar, Youssou
N’Dour is one griot that has transformed the art. Amadou Fall, who is writing a
biography on this exclaimed musician, informed me on his accomplishments. He
explained, “He can be seen as a representative of the complexities of Senegalese
culture…his mother is a griot but his father is not and those are of the two main
components of Senegalese society.” Youssou N’Dour was born in the small town of
Medina, Senegal and performed at typical griot ceremonies for years before rising up in
the music scene. When I asked Fall what he believes accounts for N’Dour’s international
fame he replied, “Youssou N’Dour is called the King of Mbalaxx and Mbalaxx is a beat
that he popularized and made into a musical genre…He exported that genre into Europe
and the United States and made it become a landmark of Senegal’s music.” He continued,
“The reason he is considered an icon of Senegalese music is his role in promoting that
music all of the world.” (Fall 2012) However, some griots like my advisor Kouyate feel
that Youssou N’Dour represents only the Wolof ethnic group. He argues there is a need
for artists of other ethnic groups to rise to such celebrity to better signify Senegal’s
diverse population. (Kouyate 2012)
Fall also credits Youssou N’Dour with removing a stigmatized perspective of the
griot and popularizing the traditional music genre. “No one wanted his son or daughter to
be a musician because being a musician was a synonym of being an alcoholic and getting
into bad things…but with Youssou N’Dour the public started to see someone who
23
succeeded…he set a different stage musicians and did something great for the griots.”
(Fall 2012) Panzacchi alludes to N’Dour accomplishments in this aspect.
“Whereas parents consider it a social blemish to be a griot and in consequence have
turned to another occupation and another way of life, their children tend instead to
romanticize the profession of griot, associating it, on one hand, with an unalienated
authentic pre-colonial Africa and, on the other, with relatively easy access to a promising
career as a musicians. Since in the last ten years some West African musicians have
attained international fame, and are known to earn large sums, the music profession has
become attractive to many young people and potentially more acceptable to parents.”
(Panzacchi 1994)
Accordingly, N’Dour has also inspired some Senegalese youth to transform their
griot heritage into new musical genres like hip-hop and rap. In an article titled,
Senegalese Youth Give Storytelling a New Spin, published by the Washington Post,
young griot brothers Bye Maguete Sarr and Dibril Sarr were profiled for their work
blending traditional griot epics with hip hop beats. They credited their inspiration to
Youssou N’Dour influence; “Many artists attribute the rise of the hip-hop griot to
Youssou N'Dour, one of Senegal's best-known artists. A few years ago, N'Dour
announced that his mother was a griot and that African music was open to
reinterpretation by all. Youths in Dakar who roundly idolize the Senegalese singer took
his comments as permission to blend hip-hop with oral storytelling, according to
Senegalese music journalists.” (Wax 2006) Artists like Youssou N’Dour will continue
inspire musicians and griots alike to preserve and expand upon this revered Senegalese
art.
Conclusion:
Ultimately, I found varying degrees of livelihoods and modes of success for the modern
day griot. Inarguably the lessons they impart will pass on through generations, shaping
24
and transforming Senegalese culture. Modern means of technology will foster their
survival while shifts in social dynamics will continue to make the griot’s old significance
and aptitude precarious. I conclude with Amadou Fall’s prediction, Senegalese music
will flourish under the promotion of both griots and non-griots. Tensions between these
groups will only hinder the approaching change to the system. It is necessary for griots
and non-griots to work together to protect and advance this historic craft. Finally I argue
the continued appreciation of griots is due to their unique successes as teachers and
performers of Senegalese civilization. I believe this respect and significance of the griot
will not waver in the near future.
“Together with the society in which they live and which they are a part, griots have found
new meanings for old customs, and new functions for old skills…Today’s gewel are not a
downtrodden marginal group but have managed to keep their former central role alive in
modern society.” (Panzacchi 1994)
25
Bibliography:
Secondary Sources:
Kouyate, Alphousseyni. 2011. The Function and Status of the “Jali” in the Senegambian
area from the 13th to 19th Century. Master. Diss. Universite Cheikh Anta Diop De Dakar.
Hale. A Thomas. Griots and Griottes. Indiananapolis: Indiana University Press, 1998.
Leymarie, Isabelle. Les griots Wolof du Sénégal. Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 1999
McLaughlin, Fiona. “Islam and Popular Music in Senegal: The Emergence of a 'New
Tradition.” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 67, No. 4 (1997),
pp. 560-581. November 21, 2012. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1161108 .
Panzacchi, Cornelia. “The Livelihoods of Traditional Griots in Modern Senegal.” Africa:
Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 64, No. 2 (1994): pp. 190-210.
November 5, 2012. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1160979 .
Silverman, David. A very short, fairly interesting and reasonably cheap book about
qualitative research, Thousand Oaks: SAGE, 2007.
Wax, Emily. “Shunning Griot Customs, Senegalese Youth Give Storytelling a New
Spin.” Washington Post (Washington D.C) October 17, 2006. November 6 2012.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2006/10/26/AR2006102601812.n
tml
Interviews:
Diawara, Fatou, Interview by author. Digital Recording. Tally Bu Bess, Pikine, Dakar,
November 16, 2012.
Diébaté, Tidiame, Interview by author. Digital Recording. Tally Bu Bess, Pikine, Dakar,
November 7, 2012.
Fall, Amadou, Interview by author. Digital Recording. West Africa Research Center,
Fann, Dakar, November 20, 2012.
Kieta, Mark, Interview by author, Digital Recording. Etchwar, Kedougou, Tambacounda,
October 22, 2012.
Kouyate, Alphousseyni, Interview by author, Digital Recording. Tally Bu Bess, Pikine,
Dakar, October 12 and November 7, 2012.
Seck, Debor, Interview by author, Notes. Daniel Sorano National Theatre, Centre Ville,
Dakar, November 27, 2012.
Seck, Penda, Interview by author Notes. West Foire, Dakar, November 14, 2012.
26
Appendix:
Formulaire d’Adhésion
Intitulé du Projet : The Evolving Griot: An ethnographic study of Senegal’s premier
Oral Historian
Introduction au projet :
J’étudie les Griots du Sénégal et leur rôle dans la société moderne. Je m’intéresse à la
moral et à l’éthique que les griots incarnent dans leur prestation. Aujourd’hui, sans les
rois et empereur de la vieille société Africaine, Je crois que le rôle du Griot s’oriente vers
la recherche de faire l’argent. Je voudrais savoir comment les Griots survivent dans la
société contemporaine. Je voudrais aussi parler avec les Griots et les gens qui connais le
monde des Griots.
Introduction au projet : Je m’appelle Jessie King et Je suis une étudiante de SIT. On
peut me contacter par email, jking@bennington.edu ou portable : 771370680.
Base de données : Je voudrais avoir une connaissance fondamentale de l’art du Griot. Je
voudrais partager le métier des Griots aux états unis. Avec ma modeste participation,
J’espère pouvoir protéger cette profession pour les générations futures.
Procédure : Je vais faire une petite interview avec les participants en plus de mes
observations des activities des Griots. Par cela, J’irai à des mariages et autres cérémonies
traditionnelles et aussi à des spectacles de danse de « sabar. »
Risques encourus et avantages pour les participant : Je vais protéger mes participants
et Je tiendrai compte de leurs avis et de leurs besoins. Les participants ne subiront aucun
dégât physique ou moral. Ils peuvent répondre à mes questions seulement s’Ils le
désirent.
Confidentialité : Les informations que J’aurai seront personnelles et confidentielles.
Elles seront supprimées à la fin de mes recherches. En plus, Les participants qui le désire
seront sous-couvert des l’anonymat.
Caractère volontaire : La participation est volontaire, vous avez la liberté de participer
ou non sans pour autant en subir les conséquences.
Contact et questions : Pour toutes questions ou préoccupations, veuillez contacter le
chercheur, (Jessie King) aussi bien que la SIT SA, Villa # 11 Point E, Dakar tel. 33-8640542. E-mail : sit@orange.sn
Déclaration d’adhésion :
Lu et approuvé
Signature de participant :
Date :
Signature du chercheur :
Date :
27