AFGHANISTAN NEWS BULLETIN

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AFGHANISTAN NEWS BULLETIN
Afghanistan News 09/08/2011 – Bulletin # 2746
Compiled by the Embassy of Afghanistan in Canada
www.afghanemb-canada.net
email:contact@afghanemb-canada.net
In This Bulletin:
Pentagon chief says threat of another 9/11 is real
NATO says soldier killed Afghan reporter for BBC
US, Afghans still split on long-term bases, troops
U.S. envoy says Pakistan should get behind Afghan peace talks
Saudi prince: U.S. missed chance for Afghan withdrawal
Female Militia Chief Keeps Peace in Helmand District
Extra civilians in Afghanistan cost $2 billion
The new Mullah Omar?
Afghans: Still hoping 'peace and stability come'
Afghanistan journalist's sojourn in 'strange paradise'
[Disclaimer: The content of this news bulletin does not necessarily reflect the view or policy of the
Afghan Government, unless specifically stated as such. The collection of articles and commentaries
from Afghan and international news sources is provided for informational purposes, and accuracy of
the news is the responsibility of the original source.]
Pentagon chief says threat of another 9/11 is real
NEW YORK (AP)-- After a decade of war with al-Qaida the potential for another devastating
terrorist assault "remains very real," Defense Secretary Leon Panetta said Tuesday
following a somber visit to ground zero of the Sept. 11 attacks on the World Trade Center.
The Pentagon chief walked through the National September 11 Memorial park and museum
with Mayor Michael Bloomberg, and afterward told reporters that Americans must remain
vigilant against the threat of another successful al-Qaida attack.
"The potential for that kind of attack remains very real," he said from the 10th floor of 7
World Trade Center, the first completed office tower at the site where hijacked commercial
airliners were flown into the Twin Towers, killing more than 2,700 people.
Bad weather forced Panetta to scratch plans to visit Shanksville, Pa., where hijackers flew
United Flight 93 into the ground, killing all 40 passengers and crew shortly after the
coordinated terrorist attack began in New York.
Noting that many of al-Qaida's top leaders, including Osama bin Laden, have been captured
or killed in recent months, Panetta said the nature of the terrorist threat has evolved to the
point where al-Qaida "nodes" outside of Afghanistan and Pakistan are now the most
dangerous.
"Yemen has risen to the top of the list," he said.
Panetta's New York visit gave him an early glimpse at the memorial, with its majestic 30foot manmade walls of water that hug the sides of one-acre reflecting pools that encompass
the ground where the Twin Towers stood. The water is meant to signify falling tears.
Panetta also took a peek inside the entrance to the museum, which is still under
construction. And he was shown the "Survivor Tree," a non-fruit bearing pear tree that was
rescued from the World Trade Center grounds after the terrorist attacks. It stands amid the
white oaks, near the reflecting pool at the former South Tower.
Dozens of workers scrambled Tuesday morning to put the finishing touches on the
memorial, planting ivy as ground cover around the 225 white oak trees that surround the
reflecting pools.
The Sept. 11 attacks killed nearly 3,000 people, including 184 at the Pentagon. The names of
every person who died in the attacks, including those at the Pentagon and in Shanksville,
are inscribed in bronze panels that edge the reflecting pools at the Twin Towers site.
Panetta's spokesman, Doug Wilson, said the Pentagon chief wanted to visit Shanksville and
New York to highlight the role the military has played over the past decade in preventing
further attacks on the homeland. Accompanying him on his trip Tuesday were five service
members - one each from the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, Air Force and Coast Guard.
The visit also recalled the most memorable event of Panetta's tenure as CIA director: the
May killing of bin Laden.
Panetta will attend 9/11 memorial events at the Pentagon on Sunday.
He was a private citizen on 9/11 but happened to be on Capitol Hill at the time of the
attacks, according to his press secretary, George Little.
Shanksville remains the least publicized of the three 9/11 attack sites. In its final report, the
official 9/11 Commission that investigated the terrorist plot wrote a gripping account of
what happened aboard Flight 93.
The commission determined that the plane, overtaken by four hijackers, slammed into the
ground at 11 seconds past 10:03 EDT, on a path over Pennsylvania toward its intended
target in Washington - either the Capitol or the White House.
It departed from Newark, N.J., bound for San Francisco, at 8:42 a.m. The hijackers took over
the cockpit 46 minutes later. At 9:57 a.m., a passenger revolt began. The cockpit voice
recorder captured sounds of the passenger assault.
"Some family members listening to the recording report that they can hear the voice of a
loved one among the din," the 9/11 Commission report said.
Within minutes, the hijackers apparently determined they were about to be overpowered
and decided to abort their mission and destroy the plane. "The aircraft plowed into an
empty field in Shanksville, Pa., at 580 mph, about 20 minutes' flying time from Washington,
D.C," the report said.
NATO says soldier killed Afghan reporter for BBC
KABUL, Afghanistan (AP) 8 Sep 2011-- A NATO soldier killed an Afghan reporter for the BBC
in July because he mistook him for an insurgent, the NATO-led force in Afghanistan said
Thursday .
NATO said an investigation showed the soldier thought reporter Ahmed Omed Khpulwak,
25, was wearing a suicide bomb vest and was about to detonate it. The shooting took place
in Tarin Kot, the capital of southern Uruzgan province, on July 28 during a militant attack
targeting the Afghan government and its allies.
The top U.S. commander in Afghanistan, Lt. Gen. John R. Allen, ordered the investigation.
The report found the soldier involved in the shooting "complied with the laws of armed
conflict and rules of engagement and acted reasonably under the circumstances."
The BBC said the report had ended "a period of uncertainty" about Khpulwak's death and it
would be studying the findings.
"Ahmed Omed's death further highlights the great dangers facing journalists who put their
lives on the line to provide vital news from around the world," said Peter Horrocks, director
of BBC Global News. "It is essential that journalists are given the best possible protection
whilst reporting in dangerous situations so that the world can hear their stories."
Twenty-three journalists have been killed in Afghanistan since 1992, according to the
Committee to Protect Journalists, making it the 10th most dangerous country for journalists.
US, Afghans still split on long-term bases, troops
WASHINGTON (AP) 08 Sep 2011-- Senior U.S. and Afghan officials are holding two days of
talks in Washington to continue work on an agreement that would govern relations
between the countries after U.S. forces pull out. The two sides remain split over terms for
U.S. use of bases in Afghanistan after 2014.
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton and Afghanistan's national security adviser meet
Thursday, and lower-level officials are gathering at the White House and State Department.
The aim is to produce a strategic partnership document that will lay out the scope and scale
of long-term cooperation. The State Department says the framework will reaffirm shared
values and a commitment to a stable, independent Afghanistan that is not a haven for
extremists.
U.S. envoy says Pakistan should get behind Afghan peace talks
USA TODAY, By Jim Michaels, 07/09/2011-Pakistan is reluctant to allow senior Taliban
leaders to travel to Afghanistan for reconciliation talks, raising concerns that Pakistan is not
helping enough to resolve the conflict.
"Those who are willing to talk should be given the opportunity," Ryan Crocker, the U.S.
ambassador to Afghanistan, told USA TODAY in a phone interview. "Those who are
determined to fight should have actions taken against them that should prevent them from
doing so."
Afghan officials have been meeting with Taliban representatives to find a political solution
to the conflict. The United States has said that it supports the Afghan initiative but that it is
too early to report progress in the talks.
"You can't kill your way out of an insurgency," Crocker said. "There's got to be a political
settlement at some point."
Analysts say Pakistan is attempting to play both sides in the conflict, hedging its bets in the
event the Taliban remains after the United States leaves the region. The United States plans
to withdraw its forces by the end of 2014.
"The Pakistanis still see the Taliban as their best leverage in Afghanistan," said Lisa Curtis,
an analyst at the Heritage Foundation, a think tank. "They're on the fence right now."
Elements of the Pakistani government, such as its intelligence services, backed the Taliban
takeover of Afghanistan in 1996. Afghan President Hamid Karzai has accused the Pakistanis
of aiding the Taliban insurgency today. Several militant groups in Pakistan provide weapons
and fighters to the Taliban.
The U.S.-Pakistani relationship worsened after the United States launched a raid into
Pakistan that killed Osama bin Laden. The Pakistanis were not told of the plan before the
raid.
Crocker acknowledged Pakistan may be concerned that the United States may abandon the
region, leaving Pakistan with a need to have a relationship with the Taliban. He said
facilitating peace talks with the Taliban is "in their interests as well as Afghanistan's."
"It's not like they're not cooperating at all," Crocker said of Pakistan.
Defense Secretary Leon Panetta said Pakistan's recent arrest of a senior al-Qaeda leader and
two associates in Quetta indicates cooperation.
"I think that's a good sign," Panetta said.
The Pakistani Embassy in Washington did not immediately respond to a request for
comment.
Afghanistan's government says it will negotiate with Taliban leaders willing to put down
their arms and back the constitution, including respect for women's rights.
Though talks at the national level have not led to a breakthrough, the Afghan government is
increasing efforts to reintegrate insurgent fighters into their home villages.
About 2,400 fighters have completed a reintegration program that provides jobs, training
and security to former insurgents, according to the coalition command in Afghanistan. An
additional 3,000 are waiting to go through the program. Crocker is hopeful these local
efforts will weaken the insurgency.
"It's kind of hard to make an insurgency if your gun-toting insurgents have gone into
another line of work," Crocker said. "It would certainly diminish the significance of the fat
cats who sit in (Pakistan's) Quetta or North Waziristan."
Saudi prince: U.S. missed chance for Afghan withdrawal
WASHINGTON (Reuters) Wed, Sep 7 2011- The United States should have used the killing of
Osama bin Laden to declare victory and quickly withdraw from Afghanistan and now faces
an increasingly nationalist uprising in the country, a senior Saudi prince said on
Wednesday.
Prince Turki al-Faisal, a former Saudi intelligence chief and ambassador to Britain and the
United States, said the Obama administration had not been given enough credit for
removing the al Qaeda leader, who was shot dead by U.S. special forces in Pakistan on May
1.
"The killing of bin Laden has not gotten the accolades that it deserves, not just throughout
the world but even in this country," al-Faisal said at a conference on terrorism held by the
Center for Strategic and International Studies think tank.
"Killing bin Laden would have been the perfect moment when your president can say we've
done it ... this is the timetable that we've set for withdrawal of troops and goodbye and good
luck. But it hasn't happened that way."
As Saudi intelligence chief, al-Faisal monitored bin Laden in the 1980s seeking to support
his efforts to fight the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan but said he had no contact with him
in the years leading up to the September 11, 2001, attacks on the United States.
U.S. President Barack Obama has pledged to press ahead with the decade-long conflict in
Afghanistan under a timetable that would see 10,000 U.S. troops withdrawn by the end of
the year and another 23,000 by the end of next summer.
The remaining 66,000 U.S. troops would be slowly withdrawn until a final transition to
Afghan security control in 2014.
Some Republicans and Democrats in Congress have voiced hopes for a speedier withdrawal
at a time when annual U.S. budget deficits have hit $1.4 trillion, and the $14.3 trillion U.S.
national debt is leading to demands to sharply cut government spending.
'PERFECT MOMENT'
Al-Faisal said Obama should have used bin Laden's death to announce an immediate
military withdrawal.
"I don't mean withdrawing your embassy, your economic aid or your other support, but
having troops on the ground in Afghanistan has never succeeded," he said.
"I'm afraid America will come to a time -- whether it is next year or the year after or the
year after -- when it will inevitably have to withdraw, and this would have been the perfect
moment to leave with a victory and not to go on and sort of continue in this endless
(conflict)."
Al-Faisal, who over his career has had extensive contacts with a range of Afghan political
factions, said it was clear the conflict no longer just involved the Islamist Taliban and its
supporters in Pashtun tribal areas.
"The Afghan people will not accept foreign troops ... They are going to fight them," he said.
"It's not just Pashtuns who are fighting back against Americans, now it is gaining a
nationwide complexion."
Asked if U.S. efforts to move toward political talks with the Taliban led by Mullah Omar
would bear fruit, al-Faisal said the time for that may have already passed.
"I think now frankly Mullah Omar is extraneous," al-Faisal said. "All the information that we
see is that he is probably somewhere in Pakistan, not even in Afghanistan, and it is
becoming more of a nationalist resistance movement to the presence of foreign troops. So
Mullah Omar will be one of many ... who are conducting the resistance."
Female Militia Chief Keeps Peace in Helmand District
Veteran fighter has years of experience leading men into combat, besides being a mother of
nine.
IWPR, By Gol Ahmad Ehsan, 7 Sep 11-It is obvious how much respect Abedo, a paramilitary
commander in Afghanistan's southern Helmand region, commands. Walking through the
bazaar in Marja district, laughing and joking, the diminutive figure is greeted by tradesmen
and shopkeepers, some of whom step forward to kiss the commander's hands.
What makes 70-year-old Abedo an exceptional warrior by Afghan standards is that she is a
woman. She set aside the traditional roles assigned to women in Pashtun society, and
pursued a long career as a muhajedin fighter.
Dressed in male attire and with a yellow Helmand cap on her head, she now controls
security in her home areas, leading a force of 30 paramilitaries.
The mother of nine recalled how her military career began shortly after the Soviet invasion
of Afghanistan in 1979. She fought side by side with her mujahedin husband until he was
killed in battle eight years later.
"My husband was martyred during the early years of jihad and although it was difficult for
me, I continued fighting," she said.
After his death, she changed from female clothing and dressed like an Afghan man, and went
on to command a 200-strong band of mujahedin. Although she escaped serious injury, she
says she killed and wounded many enemies.
"There were many battles at that time and we would fight for several days without
stopping," she said. "My men would be martyred and many enemies would also be killed.
Those are the demands of war."
She says the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 was the high point in her life.
"When the Russians left Afghanistan, I couldn't sit still, I was so happy," she said. Laughing
at the memory, Abedo said, "Being a leader and commander was enjoyable, especially when
I gave orders to my mujahedin and they obeyed me. We'd attack the enemy and I would feel
I was greatly honoured."
Feeling that right had been done, she laid down her arms and tried to build a normal life
with her four sons and five daughters.
"I waged jihad to satisfy God," Abedo said. "I didn't pursue jihad as some others did, to
obtain positions and property in this world. Those who misuse the name of jihad took
advantage of it to loot and steal from people. Their efforts have been futile - they will
receive nothing in the next world."
After years living in relative peace, Abedo was moved to take up arms once more when her
business was threatened by conflict between the government forces of post-2001
Afghanistan and their Taleban opponents.
"The police would tell me not to sell to the Taleban, and the Taleban would tell me not to
sell to the police," she said. "Finally, the Taleban torched my shop."
Refusing to be cowed, she called up ten young men from her village, formed them into a
paramilitary unit, and was contracted by the government to maintain stability in the area.
"I will fight against anyone who wants to disrupt the security of my village and district," she
said.
Her stance naturally soured relations with local Taleban leaders, so she now takes
precautions to avoid ambush - varying her movements, visiting the district centre only
occasionally to attend council meetings, and living away from her own home.
Local officials are impressed with their ally.
"Besides being a very brave woman, Abedo has a very sound understanding of the tactics of
war," Baz Gol, who is in overall command of pro-government militias operating in Marja
district. "In addition, the people very much support her. She works with us to in ensuring
security and we are happy with her achievements."
Abedo insists she has always prized her independence, so although she currently works
with the Kabul government, she has no political or factional alliances.
"During the jihad, weapons and ammunitions were brought in from Pakistan independently,
in my name, and I would give them to the mujahedin here. I was independent then and I am
now," she added.
Her record and current position means that Abedo is held in high esteem by members of her
tribe and village.
"Abedo is a brave, unique and gracious woman," said Nek Mohammad, a resident of Marja.
"She should be counted as a hero of Afghan history. "During the jihad era, we witnessed
some male mujahedin commanders signing deals with the Russians to stop fighting. Abedo
fought bravely until the last moment, when the Russians left the country."
Mohammad Sadeq, a resident of Lashkar Gah, recalled Abedo's influence in the mujahedin
war against the Soviets.
"I wanted to go to Marja district, but the mujahedin were in control of the area. There were
checkpoints everywhere," he said. "I knew Abedo and got a signed and stamped letter from
her ordering the mujahedin not to touch me. I went on my journey with some trepidation,
and when the mujahedin stopped me and started interrogating me, I showed them the
letter. They said they would have killed me if I hadn't had the letter, because I had come
from the town and looked like a spy to them - but no one could ignore Abedo's orders."
Abedo said her militia members are registered and trained by the authorities, receiving 110
US dollars a month, and abiding strictly by official rules of engagement.
One of her men, Mirza, said, "Abedo is a woman who knows more than many men. If we face
a problem, we act on to her advice and perform well because of it."
Asked what she would do if her soldiers misbehaved, Abedo said, "I don't allow my militia to
do that. I don't even want children complaining about them."
Familiar with a wide range of weapons, she said her long experience gave her an edge over
many others, even in the Afghan security forces.
"Modern-day youngsters in the police and army don't have experience, and it's easy for
them to get killed in combat because they don't know how to fight," she said dismissively.
She has even greater contempt for cowardice, saying, "Those who are afraid of war cause
others to be defeated. And liars, too, are marked for defeat. I hate them both."
Extra civilians in Afghanistan cost $2 billion
WASHINGTON (AP) 8 Sep 2011 -- It cost nearly $2 billion over the last two years to send
hundreds of extra U.S. civilians to Afghanistan to help with development projects, the
economy and training Afghan government officials, a new report said Thursday.
Figuring out future costs will be a challenge amid U.S. budget uncertainties and because it's
not known exactly how many civilians will be needed in Afghanistan as troops drawn down,
the report said. It was done jointly by offices of the State Department inspector general and
the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction.
Civilians from the departments of State, Agriculture, Justice and other agencies increased to
1,040 in June from 320 in early 2009, the report said. The boost was a key element in efforts
to improve the Afghans' ability to govern themselves.
"State and other agencies are likely to experience increased costs related to an expanded
civilian presence in Afghanistan, and State faces significant challenges in planning to
address these costs," the report said.
It said the military's withdrawal will likely lead to more costs for the State Department as it
assumes some key security activities now done by troops and opens new consulates.
The new Mullah Omar?
Foreign Policy, By Omar Samad, Wednesday, September 7, 2011-In a lengthy message on
the occasion of the Eid al-Fitr holiday released last week under Mullah Mohammad Omar's
name, the fugitive Taliban leader used a mix of "jihad-light" bravado and toned-down
political rhetoric to express his group's position on key issues, as part of a push to influence
public opinion that has garnered a variety of reactions from different Western and South
Asian quarters.
Yet despite the hype among AfPak watchers, the message is more a reflection of an
emerging dual-track strategy that promotes Omar as a credible interlocutor while masking
his flaws, and is directly tied to the NATO decision to end its military engagement in
Afghanistan by the end of 2014.
The new narrative, most certainly inspired by the various covert layers of mentoring
(including non-Afghan) enjoyed by Mullah Omar's Quetta Shura, not only provides insight
into Mullah Omar's public-relations strategy, but also aims to deflect attention from Taliban
weaknesses, all while trying to bolster the group's possible future negotiating position. One
specific objective is to force a full U.S. disengagement from Afghanistan by disrupting the
establishment of a limited multi-year U.S. military presence in Afghanistan after the current
2104 drawdown date -- a subject of the "strategic partnership" talks now underway
between Kabul and Washington.
By claiming that "the Afghan nation is not ready to accept establishment of American
permanent bases," Mullah Omar conveyed a key demand at a crucial time when several
regional countries, including Pakistan, Iran and Russia, have publicly expressed varying
degrees of skepticism about the U.S.-Afghan talks (with China preferring to express its
concerns through diplomatic channels).
Afghan diplomats believe that if and when the two sides reach an agreement on "strategic
partnership," the deal would limit the use of Afghan bases by the United States to counterterrorism support, and would call for international funding of Afghan security and
development priorities, so avoiding the impression of American power projection in the
region.
Afghan president Hamid Karzai, feeling the heat from different quarters, insists that the
agreement should "serve Afghanistan's national interests," while a close advisor to
President Hamid Karzai said publicly last week that most Afghans support an enduring U.S.
military presence in the country, but warned that "some in the Afghan Government are
trying to sabotage it."
Acknowledging, but not owning, secret talks (reportedly broken up by insider leaks by
Afghan officials unhappy with being kept in the dark) held between American emissaries
and the Taliban reported to have taken place earlier this year under German and Qatari
auspices, Mullah Omar stressed that the meetings solely addressed the release of prisoners.
He rejected the notion of "comprehensive negotiations," unless his group's agenda is taken
into account. Omar also called for the immediate and full withdrawal of U.S. and NATO
forces from Afghanistan as a pre-condition for a settlement. The American side,
unsurprisingly, promptly dismissed the pre-condition of withdrawal for peace talks.
As a sign of the shifting winds, Mullah Omar carefully avoided giving any overt sign of
association with al-Qaeda and transnational jihadism in his Eid message. As a possible sign
of growing rifts developing between pragmatists and dogmatists within the Taliban
conglomerate, he also informed his followers that "the jihadic chiefs nominated by us in all
parts of the country are your Sharia-based leaders," and gives an explicit order, "you should
obey them." This is an indication that regional Taliban emissaries appointed by the Quetta
Shura are facing insubordination challenges on the ground.
This may also be an attempt to give the impression that he is distancing his faction from the
more lethal Haqqani network, known to have strong ties to al-Qaeda and openly operating
from bases in Pakistan's tribal regions in Waziristan. Yet Omar fails to explain how he
intends to rein in the various international jihadist outfits based in Pakistan and active
across Afghanistan, given the outfits' 15-year links with his organization and the
fragmented nature of the insurgency.
While Mullah Omar's message calls on ground forces to extend their sphere of influence to
new areas (the central highlands being a new target for instability), it also provides a
glimpse of the internal schisms and compliance challenges felt by the Pakistan-based
leadership of the Taliban. Cracks are appearing in the façade of Taliban unity as more
runaway militias, some led by foreign fighters, are resorting to assassinations, extortion and
civilian abuse. Compliance with the orders and rules of conduct set by the "Leader of the
Faithful" Mullah Omar appears to be weakening across the country. Local people in a village
in Helmand province recently beat to death two Taliban fighters in reprisal for the killing of
an innocent local elder. This type of reaction by desperate civilians is likely to increase over
time.
For most Afghans though, the biggest concern remains Taliban ties to Pakistan's InterServices Intelligence Directorate (ISI), long accused of interference in Afghan affairs
through different proxies. It is difficult to imagine a change in the widespread Afghan
mistrust towards Pakistan's ruling apparatus as long as the ISI continues to provide
sanctuary and logistical support to militants, and exercise command-and-control authority
through rogue elements over key militant networks.
It is also inconceivable that terms such as "change in the status quo" and "gunboat
diplomacy" both used in Mullah Omar's Eid message, and unheard of from a former village
mullah, would come from his personal lexicon (especially considering that Omar was born
in a landlocked country!), pointing to his continued mentoring by non-Afghans.
Pakistani author Ahmed Rashid has called the Eid message a "forward-looking political
message," while British special representative to Afghanistan and Pakistan Mark Sedwill
tweeted that the letter marks a "a shift of tone"; but for most Afghans, angered by domestic
inertia and tired of unabated violence (Taliban and affiliated networks are alleged to be
responsible for approximately 80% of all civilian deaths, according to the United Nations),
actions speak louder than words.
Despite attempts at selling his strategy to Afghan and Western audiences, and contrary to
previous Taliban pronouncements calling for the re-establishment of the Islamic Emirate,
the Taliban leader admitted for the first time in his message that his group does not seek to
"monopolize power." Instead, he calls for the establishment of a "real" Islamic government
based on Islamic interests, going as far as accepting a role for other ethnic groups -- a novel
idea shunned during the regime's power-grab in 1996.
For Mullah Omar's vision of an Islamic government to become reality, though, either the
current Afghan Constitution (which guarantees basic human and democratic rights) would
have to be scrapped, or the current system modified through top-down Taliban-style
implementation of shariah. However, such concepts do not seem acceptable to most
poverty-stricken Afghans and a devout but forward-looking population, the majority of
whom, including women, are under 30 years of age. And such radical social re-engineering
could further weaken the Afghan government's hold on power, paving the way for further
civil strife.
Public opinion polls taken in the country since 2005 show that support for the Taliban and
their style of governance garners no more than 10 percent approval at the most. This is why
the Taliban and the networks that support them are opting for a more moderate tone. Some
analysts view this change as progress, but it may not amount to much in the long term, as
long as the use of violence against not only foreign forces but also Afghans is justified as
"jihad."
Finally, in an era of mass protests against dictatorships in various parts of the Islamic world,
and Twitter and Facebook generational activism, Mullah Omar seems uneasy about his
group's oppressive reputation. He uses a misplaced anti-colonial narrative to target
dissatisfied Afghans and skeptical Muslim masses to change existing perceptions of the
Taliban, and solicits financial and moral support for his increasingly less popular fight.
Fully aware that his association with al-Qaeda is now seen as a liability, Omar blames the
U.S. and NATO presence as the main cause of conflict in Afghanistan. However, he fails to
appreciate the non-violent nature of most mass protests in the Muslim world and also fails
to mention that prior to the September 11 terrorist attacks, his forces and those of allied
foreign jihadists, including al-Qaeda, were actively promoting warfare, mass murder and
oppression in Afghanistan, long before Western forces appeared on the scene.
While trying to stay a step ahead of his political adversaries, the Taliban leader and his
resourceful mentors are trying to enter the world of realpolitik, by boasting about their
military-political prowess on one hand, and showing a pragmatic face on the other.
Perceptions of the Taliban may differ across the various time-zones of the world, but in wartorn Afghanistan, realities inked on the pages of history have a powerful voice of their own.
Given the Afghan experiences of the last three decades, it will take a lot more than just an
adjustment in tone and rhetoric on the part of Mullah Omar to move the so-called
reconciliation process forward, and end the current round of conflict in Afghanistan.
Omar Samad is the former ambassador of Afghanistan to France (2009-2011) and Canada
(2004-2009) and former spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2001-2004).
Afghans: Still hoping 'peace and stability come'
NBC News, By Atia Abawi, 07/09/2011-Outside the walls of Kabul University, students,
professors and passersby go about their day in the capital of Afghanistan. Many are
unaware that in a few days it will be the 10th anniversary of one of America's darkest days.
There is no question that the Sept. 11 attacks changed America and the world. Perhaps no
one saw more change than the millions of Afghans who lived under the oppressive Taliban
regime that hosted the al-Qaida leaders responsible for the horrific attacks - and as a result
have been subjected to 10 years of war.
NBC News' producer Akbar Shinwari, photojournalist Tony Zumbado and I spoke to a
variety of Afghans on the dusty but paved road outside Kabul University to get their
perspective on how life has changed - for better or worse - since the attacks of 9/11 and the
U.S. invasion of Afghanistan. ‘The Russians did more work for the country' First we spotted
a young man wearing a black suit waiting for his ride.
Naweed Omar, a 23-year-old psychology student at the university, told us that many
Afghans were very excited when America and the NATO coalition came to help -they
thought their lives would finally improve.
But after 10 years that excitement has turned to hopelessness and resentment.
"If we compare America's arrival to the arrival of the Russians, the Russians did more work
for the country," Omar said comparing the building and infrastructure the Soviets provided
Afghanistan in the 1980s to what Afghanistan has seen since 2001.
"Just look at it, Russia was one country that did so much work and now you have 40
countries who have done nothing," he added. Ziarmal Safi, a 25-year-old English literature
student, agreed that the international community could have done more in the last decade,
but he also believes that the Afghans still need outside help.
"Afghans, they do not have the capacity to take [on] the security or to ensure the security all
over in Afghanistan," he said, "I don't want America to leave, but I want America to
concentrate a little bit more."
Safi said that the Americans have spent lots of money in Afghanistan but that his own
government and the American government have squandered that money by not
implementing a system of accountability.
"They're supporting [the] Afghan government and [the] Afghan people. They give them
money, but they don't ask them where did they spent all this money."
Women's rights have changed - for the better But money and security hasn't been the only
issue. Human rights and women's rights were in the forefront when the war began, but
those issues have been almost forgotten as the focus has turned to talks of Taliban
reconciliation and international withdrawal.
Many Afghan women have stories of banishment and humiliation before 2001. During the
Taliban regime, women were restricted from working, receiving an education or even
leaving their house without being escorted by a male relative.
"When the Taliban were here we always say it was really the dark, dark condition here.
Even the people of Afghanistan couldn't believe that they are human," Yalda Mojadidi, a 23year-old psychology student at Kabul University, told me.
Mojadidi said that with the arrival of the Americans and the international community, much
has changed in her life and the lives of women throughout the country - she was finally
allowed to go to school again.
"[There] is lots of changes for us," she said in English, "Especially for women. They can go to
university, college, school, anywhere and they can work as well."
Edrees Bahadur, a 21-year-old economics major, agreed with Yalda. He said that Sept. 11
changed Afghanistan for the better by bringing attention to the country's dire situation.
"America with its alliance came to Afghanistan and Afghanistan [gained] an independent
government - so that caused Afghanistan to improve and to strengthen their capacities," he
said.
But Bahadur and Mojadidi warn that their country still needs the help of the international
community.
"My hope for Afghanistan is that peace and stability [will] come," Mojadidi said. "The
foreigners should not go from Afghanistan, they should stay here. If they go back, I think
that the situation [of] 10 years before - it will come again."
Some still long for the good old days But there are still some who welcomed the days of the
Taliban and a strict Islamic government.
Those people - usually men - tell stories of not worrying about air assaults and criminal
gangs in the Taliban days.
"During the Taliban time, if you had a sack full of money on your back and you put that on
the road and left it there, nobody would touch it - nobody had the courage to touch it," 40year-old teacher Haji Shadeem of Paktika province told us.
Shadeem believes his country has spiraled out of control.
"Everyone [now] has worries that they will be killed on any day. They are waiting for their
death. And we don't know from which side," he said, fearing both the insurgency and NATO
forces.
Afghanistan journalist's sojourn in 'strange paradise'
Emal Haidary left the 'interesting hell' of Afghanistan to visit the U.S. In Los Angeles, he
found that the world's richest nation has its share of problems, but also the freedoms envied
by others.
Los Angeles Times, By Emal Haidary, September 7, 2011-I come from a country that has
been at war for as long as I've been alive, but I had never touched a gun until I came to Los
Angeles.
As a 30-year-old Afghan, I'd seen plenty of guns: the Soviet soldiers with their AK-47s, the
nervous American kids pointing their weapons at you, ready to shoot, thinking everyone
around them is a bomber.
But here in Los Angeles, visiting on a five-month journalism fellowship, I was the one doing
the shooting. For fun!
America, I discovered, is a land of freedom. Sometimes, freedom without limits.
One night, I went with a bunch of friends to an L.A. shooting range to celebrate a birthday. I
thought it was cool. In America you can have birthdays in gun clubs.
I didn't know it would be so simple: You give your ID - did they worry at all about my
foreign-sounding name? - and thumbprint. You choose your target. It can be a basic bull'seye, or a silhouette of a man or woman. You can even use a picture of someone you don't
like.
Then you're handed a firearm, shown how to use it, and given a small arsenal.
When I was picking my weapon, the man at the counter first suggested a revolver that I
rejected because it looked too small for me.
He said he had another choice for me: a semiautomatic silver Beretta that looked bigger and
better. He said it was easy enough for a novice. I got the loading and firing down pretty
quickly.
I shot about 50 rounds, mostly right on target.
Just two booths away on my right, someone was firing a large-caliber gun that sounded like
a grenade going off each time it was fired. I thought that if I could have so much fun firing a
small gun, firing a bigger one would be even better.
But even as I felt the rush, I couldn't help thinking that I'd grown up seeing America
disarming nations to protect itself. Now it felt like America was arming itself for the same
reason.
*
Before I got my U.S. visa, I kept my travel plans secret from my family for months. But a
week before my departure, I decided to announce that I was going to United States, and my
mother begged me to change my mind.
"My son, don't go to America," she said. "It is very far."
"Why not, Mom? I have been to several countries before, what worries you this time?" I
asked.
"Because you are from Afghanistan, you can get in trouble, they have military here, and they
are in war here."
But I was never in trouble here, and no, it is not all about the military and war here either.
The truth is, though, I was reluctant. I didn't think it was a great time to be a visiting Afghan
in America because Sept. 11 was sort of rooted in my country. But when I came here, I found
that most Americans desperately want their troops out of Afghanistan.
They don't want their sons and daughters to be killed in my country anymore.
*
I knew I'd need a car in L.A. Although I have a driver's license and have had a car for about
10 years, I was told I had to take at least a one-hour driving course to be ready to rent a car
here.
My appointment was arranged, and on a nice afternoon, I met my instructor. After brief
greetings and some formalities, she asked me to get behind the wheel. She sat beside me,
and while I was getting ready to start the car, I thought it was time to introduce myself to
her. I told her my name and that I was a visiting journalist from Afghanistan.
"Afghanistan is in India, right?" she asked.
"No, it is not in India," I said. And then it took me awhile to explain to her where Afghanistan
really was. But her guess was closer than a lot of friends here, who, after more than a
decade of an American war in my country, think Afghanistan is in the Middle East.
And on the other side, Afghans don't know a lot about America beyond the headlines and
the U.S. military they see on the streets every day. People in some parts of my country still
believe a Marine is a soldier who lives all his life in water, because a Marine is literally
translated in local languages as a "sea soldier."
How can a "sea soldier" survive in a dusty, hot desert?
*
Afghans are grateful for America's contributions to Afghanistan, but we cannot really
remain dependent on a country that struggles with problems itself.
Before leaving my "interesting hell," I thought I was going to this "strange paradise." One
can definitely expect hardships in a hell, but are there problems in paradise too? Yes, of
course there are, but still, it shocked me.
Isn't America supposed to be the richest nation in this world? Then who are these homeless
people on the streets? In Los Angeles, you can't walk down the street without being
approached by people who beg you for your spare change.
But in L.A. I also found the freedom that America is famous for. You can grow a long beard,
or you have fake breasts; you can be as skinny as a stick of macaroni but still go out jogging,
or you can sit in front of the TV all day long and be as round as a barrel - either way, you are
fine, it is Los Angeles.
You don't have to be embarrassed if you drive a big car alone all day, or shave or do your
makeup while driving; after all, that is what everybody does here.
But L.A. is too spread out, and not only the city - the people, hearts and souls are also too
distant.
*
It was a Sunday evening, and as usual I was wandering around the Third Street Promenade
in Santa Monica, near my apartment. It was crowded - some people were having dinner in
the fancy restaurants in the area, some were lining up to get into the movie theater, and
some were gathering around street artists.
There was this man with a mike and amplifier standing in the middle of the promenade with
some anti-Muslim slogans and a fake skeleton wrapped in a white cloth lying in front of him.
One sign in front of him read "The facts about Mohammad and Islam," in which Muslims
were portrayed only as violent people.
Some people were supportive, but many wanted to shut him up. I stood silently and
watched, because I knew what was running around his mind. At this time of economic
stress, a lot of people dump their fears and anxieties, unfortunately, on either Muslims or
Latinos. I'm Muslim and look Latino - I have been spoken to in Spanish in L.A. many times.
But this is a country in which everything is balanced. I was amazed by the number of
mosques and Muslim institutions in Los Angeles. People have the freedom to follow their
God.
*
I was in my apartment, it was late in the evening and I was probably cooking something for
my dinner. (Thank you, America, for teaching me how to cook. I never had to do my own
cooking at home.) CNN was on and the anchor was repeatedly announcing that President
Obama was going to make "an important" announcement.
Finally came the big news: "The United States has conducted an operation that killed Osama
bin Laden."
"Where?" I asked myself. "Where was Bin Laden killed? Where was he hiding? ... Don't let it
be Afghanistan."
Finally, word came that Bin Laden had been killed by U.S. Navy SEALs in a compound in
Abbottabad, Pakistan.
"Thank goodness," I thought.
The TV showed people dancing on the streets in different cities in the United States. I
wanted to go out and see whether the people were dancing on the streets in L.A. too, but got
to talking with a couple of friends back home.
They were excited, and relieved that he wasn't killed in Afghanistan. But almost everyone
agreed that it wasn't going to change anything there.
*
My return home presents many unknowns. U.S. freedoms that are envied by the rest of the
world, such as speaking your mind, can get you killed in Afghanistan.
I still don't know what I can do to change that.
This summer, the funding ran out for a program for developing young journalists that
meant a lot to me. I'd seen the potential in these kids who began calling themselves the
"change makers." They were fearless. They talked of women's rights and the unknown
communities of Afghanistan - some living in caves, some living in mansions. They eagerly
searched for ways to tell the stories no one else touched.
Now I'm not sure what will become of these wonderful, earnest minds, or the muckraking
pieces I thought would help change our country for the better.
No one knows what will happen as the U.S. pulls out of Afghanistan. Will the Taliban run the
country again?
But I still want to pursue what I call "peace journalism" in Afghanistan. Rather than running
from bombing to bombing, writing almost entirely about sadness and destruction, peace
journalism tells about the struggles and triumphs of a place. It tells of history, hope and
happiness.
I can see peace journalism in my mind's eye. I must make it happen.
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