I skyggen af et folkedrab I skyggen af et folkedrab Tidsskrift for internationale studier D IIS - K ø b enhav n - 20 0 4 DEN NY VERDEN 2004:2 Rwanda ti år efter 1 Ghosts of Rwanda General Roméo Dallaire Øverstkommanderende for FN’s fredsbevarende styrker i Rwanda 1993-1994 I tiden op til folkemordet advarede General Roméo Dallaire gang på gang hovedkontoret i New York om en lurende katastrofe i Rwanda og opfordrede til at gribe ind, men forgæves. I stedet måtte han frustreret se sin styrke reduceret til 270 mand, hvilket i sidste ende forhindrede UNAMIR i at stoppe massedrabene. I årene efter folkemordet kæmpede Dallaire med enorm skyldfølelse og depressioner. Den dag i dag føler han stadig både professionelt og moralsk ansvar for den mislykkedes operation i Rwanda. I 2004 vendte han for første gang siden folkemordet tilbage til Rwanda. No cavalry coming over the hill The Americans categorically [said], “No, there’s no way there’s going to be a cease fire, so let’s pull everybody out and get out of that quagmire and then see what happens afterwards.” [This] was a significant shift: Forget any idea that somebody’s going to come and help you Dallaire, or that your forces were going to actually do something positive. That scenario brought an enormous gloom. I remember [a phone call from] Maurice Baril [Dallaire’s superior in the UN headquarter]. [She] said, “Tell Dallaire that there is no cavalry coming over the hill. None.” DEN NY VERDEN 2004:2 Polfoto 14 Vidner til folkemord Some people say an intervention would have been useless because they were all dead. They weren’t all dead. They were still being killed and slaughtered by the thousands and thousands. And so that became a point of contention. And the argument was ridiculous. It’s just like the argument around the term “genocide.” I mean it’s a useless argument. Human beings are being killed in the thousands, it could be in the hundreds of thousands. You don’t need the term “genocide” to decide to help other human beings. That whole exercise of numbers became a great perversion, because ultimately you don’t need four thousand bodies to say that we’ve got a real problem. And the proof of that is that how many people died in that market in Sarajevo? Sixty? The whole damn world got really concerned, and the western world mobilized everybody they could to respond to that. … It was just an absolute perverse exercise of developed nations using excuses of sovereignty and nationalism and involvement and self-interest, to argue the way around one of the most fundamental premises: Are these people human? Do you have a capability? Then why aren’t you doing something? Why is it that the black Africans sitting there being slaughtered by the thousands get nothing? Why is it when a bunch of white Europeans get slaughtered in Yugoslavia you can’t put enough capability in there? Rwanda will never ever leave me. It’s in the pores of my body. My soul is in those hills, my spirit is with the spirits of all those people who were slaughtered and killed that I know of, and many that I didn’t know. … Fifty to sixty thousand people walking in the rain and the mud to escape being killed, and seeing a person there beside the road dying. We saw lots of them dying. And lots of those eyes still haunt me, angry eyes or innocent eyes, no laughing eyes. But the worst eyes that haunt me are the eyes of those people who were totally bewildered. They’re looking at me with my blue beret and they’re saying, “What in the hell happened? We were moving towards peace. You were there as the guarantor of the mandate. How come I’m dying here?” Those eyes dominated and they’re absolutely right. How come I failed? How come my mission failed? Republished with permission of FRONTLINE. This material was originally published on FRONTLINE’s April 2004 web site for its report “Ghosts of Rwanda.” www.pbs.org/frontline/shows/ghosts DEN NY VERDEN 2004:2 There were more people killed, injured, internally displaced and refugeed in less than a hundred days in Rwanda than the whole of the Yugoslavian six or seven years of problems. I couldn’t keep nor reinforce my small force, even feed it, and they were pouring tens of thousands of troops into Yugoslavia and billions of dollars of aid, and they’re still doing it… 15 Ghosts of Rwanda Kofi Annan Ansvarlig for FN’s fredsbevarende operationer i 1994 Som den øverste civile chef for FN’s fredsbevarende operationer i 1994, bærer Kofi Annan en del af ansvaret for den mislykkedes indsats i Rwanda. Annan gav bl.a. ikke informationer videre til FN medlemslande om den kritiske situation i landet og har efterfølgende indrømmet, at han skulle have reageret på advarslerne fra FN-missionen i Rwanda. Annan er i dag FN’s generalsekretær og arbejder bl.a. med nye standarder for humanitær intervention. Responsibility to protect [Rwanda] was a very painful and traumatic experience, for me personally, and I think, in some way, for the United Nations. It’s not something that you forget. It’s an experience that becomes part of you, and part of your whole experience as a human being. DEN NY VERDEN 2004:2 I would say the moment for me, which was extremely difficult to comprehend and to accept, was when it was clear to everybody how dangerous the situation is - the killings that were going on and were about to happen, and we couldn’t get the troops. We couldn’t get the governments to move. We approached about 80 governments, trying to get offers of troops, and they wouldn’t give them to us. For me, that was the most incomprehensible. … Shouldn’t the fact that the killing was taking place and we knew [that] we were sending planes to remove others to safety - [Shouldn’t that] have moved us to act? That insensitivity to the human condition and the plight of others. Perhaps this was the one thing that shook me more than anything else. 16 Without [political will], there is very little you can do. But that does not mean that those of us in the Secretariat do not have a role, because we need to be able to press governments to do as much as we can. Ten years on - I really wish I could have found a way, some way of getting more help to them. I could have found a way of convincing the member states that we need to send in a larger force. [But] there were counterforces. Yes, there were governments who were pleading for everybody to withdraw, to pull everybody out. I wish I had been able to galvanize … the member states to act, or at least to get them to have a genuine debate, open genuine debate as to whether they should go or not. But, of course, that is also difficult when the council meets behind closed doors and only comes to the public to Vidner til folkemord Polfoto vote. So the positions they take, the arguments that are made are not known to the public. When [I am] faced with the question, whether I think that we can avoid the Rwandas of tomorrow, and that if we were to be confronted with a new Rwanda, is the world ready to do it? Will the world move in to stop it? And my answer is, I really don’t know. I wish I can say yes, but I am not convinced that we will see the kind of political will and the action required to stop it. [Therefore] I would want to send a message to societies around the world, societies on the verge of conflict. They need to find a way of dialoguing with each other and avoid situations where they turn on each other and begin to kill each other, whether with guns or with machetes. Because the world may not come to their aid. Republished with permission of FRONTLINE. This material was originally published on FRONTLINE’s April 2004 web site for its report “Ghosts of Rwanda.” www.pbs.org/frontline/shows/ghosts DEN NY VERDEN 2004:2 [An experience like Rwanda] makes you more determined to speak out, to press, to try and see if you can work with others to put in systems that will, if not shame the governments, at least allow the organization to move a bit more. This is one of the reasons why I have been pressing this whole idea of the responsibility to protect quicker deployment of U.N. forces, using our standby arrangements better [and] getting other governments to sign on to participate in peacekeeping operations. 17 Ghosts of Rwanda Philippe Gaillard Ledede i 1993-1994 Det Internationale Røde Kors’ delegation i Rwanda I 12 måneder ledede Gaillard Røde Kors’ arbejde i Rwanda. Da konflikten var på sit højeste og alle andre organisationer forlod landet, forblev Røde Kors i Rwanda som den eneste humanitære hjælpeorganisation. Selvom mere end 50 Røde Kors medarbejdere blev dræbt under folkemordet, overvejede Gaillard aldrig at trække sig ud af landet, og det lykkedes organisationen at redde mellem 60.000 og 70.000 Rwandanesere. I dag leder Gaillard Røde Kors’ delegation i Lima, Peru. Speaking Out DEN NY VERDEN 2004:2 From the very beginning, we started to go out with our ambulances, both the Rwandan Red Cross and the ICRC, evacuating wounded people, [people] “not finished off.” On the 14th of April 1994, volunteers of the Rwandan Red Cross told me that their ambulance had been stopped. They had six “not finished off” Tutsi people in the ambulance who were taken out by the militia and just killed on the side of the road. The volunteers were completely shocked. How do you deal with this kind of information? I decided to call my headquarters in Geneva. My counterpart in Geneva asked me, “Do you think we could make it public?” And then you think twice, because if you make it public, then people might kill you. But we decided to do it and the following day, it was everywhere: on BBC, Reuters, Radio France Internationale. And then we had a promise that the Red Cross ambulances would be respected. So these six people didn’t die for nothing. Because of their deaths, hundreds of other people could be saved. 18 I remember a couple of phone calls from BBC London [always] asking me the same question, “What’s your estimation of the number of people killed?” and I told them at least 250,000. One week later they called again and asked me, “What’s your estimation today?” So I told them, “You can double it. Five hundred thousand people have been killed.” One week later they made a last call and I answered, “Listen, after half a million, sir, I stopped counting.” I had to speak, to be outspoken, in such a context. When you’re seeing it every day in the streets, in your hospital, on the roads …If you don’t at least speak out clearly, you are participating in the genocide. It’s a responsibility to speak out. It did not change anything, and it …[did not] move the international community. If my organization, which is usually not outspoken would have told me, “Please Philippe, don’t talk so much,” I would have left the organization. You cannot be silent. And they never Vidner til folkemord Foto: ICRC/Claude Glunz told me to shut up. I had a lot of support. We were on the phone with Geneva every day. Just in terms of human resources, for instance … we asked for more support, because we needed surgeons, nurses, this kind of very specialised staff, and they arrived within days. I’m not affected any more by horrors. Horrors are meaningless, nonsense. But beautiful things are miracles. This is our job, to find beauty, create beauty in the very core of horror. We have been able, after the genocide, to reunite thousands of children with their families. And this is to create beauty within the horror. I will never in my life go back to Rwanda. Not at all because this would remind me of awful things. I don’t want to meet again with people we have saved, because it’s too strong. It’s unbearable. It’s too beautiful. Republished with permission of FRONTLINE. This material was originally published on FRONTLINE’s April 2004 web site for its report “Ghosts of Rwanda.” www.pbs.org/frontline/shows/ghosts DEN NY VERDEN 2004:2 Tens of thousands of people would have been killed without our presence there, and this helps. I’m ashamed to say that, but it’s somehow a satisfaction that Dallaire could not have, unfortunately. I think this is the reason why he is still deeply wounded while my scars are OK. I don’t feel guilty. I never felt guilty. Dallaire felt guilty all the time. He should not feel guilty. He did what he could; he could not do much. He was abandoned by his own organization. The so-called “international community” in New York, decided not to give a shit about what was happening in Rwanda. From the very beginning of the genocide the U.N. was logistically and politically a phantom. They didn’t make any difference, because they decided not to do anything. 19 20 DEN NY VERDEN 2004:2 Ghosts of Rwanda