INTRODUCTION
Kinsey (1948, p. 639) said: “The world is not to be divided into sheep and goats. Not all
things are black nor all things white. It is a fundamental of taxonomy that nature rarely
deals with discrete categories. Only the human mind invents categories and tries to force
fact into separated pigeon holes. The living world is a continuum in each and every one
of its aspects. The sooner we learn this concerning human sexual behaviour the sooner
we shall reach a sound understanding of the realities of sex”.
While the notion of bisexuality has been used in the pre-Kinsey era (Stekel, 1922), it was
Kinsey’s research which first created an interest in bisexuality (Kinsey, Pomeroy &
Martin, 1948; Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin & Gebhard, 1953). Despite Kinsey’s support of
the idea of a valid bisexual identity, bisexuality has been denied to a large extent by
society.
Regardless of work by Kinsey and others to conceptualize sexuality as a continuum,
many people view sexual identity as a dichotomous variable, with heterosexuality or
homosexuality as the only choices (Herek, 2002). This dichotomization effectively
expunges all points on the continuum between these two extremes, and has a profound
effect on research on sexual orientation (Eliason, 1997).
Research over the past years has provided us with much information on the correlates of
individuals’ attitudes toward lesbians and gay men (Arndt, 2004; Evans & D’Augelli,
1996; Herek, 1995; Lance, 2002). However, there are a limited amount of studies
outside the United States of America on bisexuality, and few of these that do not rely
heavily on relations established for attitudes towards lesbians and gay men (Herek,
2002). However, according to Bhugra and De Silva (1998, p. 153) research into the
phenomenon of bisexuality needs to be pursued, as “greater knowledge and
understanding of bisexuality will also enhance the overall understanding of human
sexuality, its manifestations and problems”. Furthermore, in a recent study, Mohr, Israel,
and Sedlacek (2001) found the existence of attitudes toward bisexual men and women
that are unique to bisexuality and not explainable or reducible to attitudes toward
lesbians and gay men.
According to Mead (1975, p. 6), “Changing traditional attitudes toward homosexuality is
in itself a mind-expanding experience for most people. But we shall not really succeed
in discarding the straightjacket of our own cultural beliefs about sexual choice if we fail to
come to terms with the well-documented, normal human capacity to love members of
both sexes”.
Stereotypes abound in popular culture, with bisexuals widely perceived as promiscuous,
who cannot have committed relationships or likely to contract sexually transmitted
diseases (Eliason, 2001; Rust, 1995; Spalding & Peplau, 1997). Declaring an open,
unequivocal bisexual identity in either heterosexual or gay and lesbian communities
often results in experiences of discrimination, hostility and invalidation. This “double
discrimination” by heterosexuals and the gay and lesbian communities is seldom
recognized or acknowledged as forces of external oppression, yet this oppression is real
and has many damaging effects on bisexuals (Firestein, 1996). However, the literature
review in this proposal focused for the most part on research conducted in the USA,
thus, caution must be used in generalising the results to the South African population.
The dominance of the homosexual/heterosexual paradigm has led to a paucity of
research on bisexuality. Although the articles on bisexuality in International Journals
have increased, few of the articles discoverable in a search for the terms “bisexual”
report findings specifically pertaining to bisexuals. In most articles based on empirical
research, the authors simply acknowledged that bisexuals were included in their
samples of lesbians and gay men by adding “and bisexual” to their sample descriptions
and keyword lists (e.g. Holtzen, 1994; Ludwig & Brownell, 1999).
The lack of published bisexual related articles in the South African Psychology Journals
is an illustration of this scarcity. A review of the articles published in South African
Psychological Journals revealed no articles pertaining to attitudes toward bisexual men
and women. In view of the abovementioned it appears noteworthy to investigate the
attitudes towards bisexuality in a South African sample.
2
PROBLEM STATEMENT
General survey research on sexuality generally focuses specifically on heterosexuality or
homosexuality. Much of the research data, from respondents with both homosexual and
heterosexual attractions and behaviour, has typically been grouped with data from
individuals with exclusively homosexual attractions and behaviour. Furthermore, most
studies determine sexual orientation by asking the individual whether they are
heterosexual or homosexual, and do not utilize measurements to determine sexual
orientation on a continuum (Fox, 2004). Weinberg and Williams (1974) questioned the
polarization of sexual orientation into heterosexuality and homosexuality, noting that by
defining heterosexuality as the norm, there also has been the tendency to view persons
as either heterosexual or homosexual. This poses the danger of ignoring the great range
and heterogeneity of homosexuals.
Although substantial and valuable research has been conducted on the attitudes that
individuals have toward gay men and lesbians and on homophobia, there is very little
research on the attitudes that individuals have toward bisexuals (Herek, 2002).
According to Herek (2002), bisexual men and women are becoming increasingly visible,
and therefore attitudes toward them will continue to evolve. Esses, Haddock and Zanna
(1993, p. 138) maintain that an attitude toward a social group can be viewed as a
“favourable or unfavourable overall evaluation of a social group, with an unfavourable
evaluation being labelled prejudice”.
As such attitudes develop, the expressions of
prejudice, intolerance, and antagonism against bisexuals may increase.
Knowledge of the socio-political context that bisexual people face becomes an important
prerequisite to effective counselling with this population (Queen, 1996). According to
Firestein (1996) many individuals who seek counselling are struggling with issues of
bisexuality in their emotional and sexual lives. It becomes important to health workers to
effectively and ethically serve client’s who are exploring issues of sexual orientation with
a working knowledge of bisexuality to enhance their understandings of the gay, lesbian,
and heterosexual experience. Cochran (2001, p. 941) purports that it would be
“unconscionable for psychology as a profession to ignore the possibility of differences
associated with sexual orientation in both mental health morbidity and treatment
experience”.
3
AIM AND JUSTIFICATION OF STUDY WITH REFERENCE TO RELEVANT AND
RECENT LITERATURE
It is proposed that a study be done on attitudes toward bisexual men and women, as
well as the relationship between attitudes and respondents sexual orientation.
In many contemporary Western societies, particularly those influenced during the 19th
and 20th centuries by European concepts of gender and sexuality, bisexuality is defined
as a combination of sexual attractions to or sexual contacts with both men and women.
According to Firestein (1996, p. xx) “bisexuality is the capacity to love and sexually
desire both same and other-gendered individuals”. Bisexuality has existed as a concept
and descriptive term in the psychological literature since the process of psychosexual
development was first conceptualized. For example, bisexuality has been used as a
theoretical construct to explain aspects of evolutionary theory, psychopathology,
masculinity and femininity, psychosexual development, and homosexuality (Rust, 2002).
The concept of bisexuality first appeared in psychoanalytic theory as a way of explaining
the development of homosexuality in terms of evolutionary theory (Ellis, 1942; Freud,
1962).
Psychoanalytic theorists believed that the human species evolved from a
primitive hermaphroditic state to the gender-differentiated physical form of today. Freud
(1962) found the theory of bisexuality helpful in accounting for homosexuality, which he
saw as an indication of arrested psychosexual development. Furthermore, evidence
from historical and cross-cultural research clearly indicates that bisexuality has existed
throughout history in diverse cultures around the world (Fox, 1996).
The 1973 American Psychiatric Association’s decision to remove homosexuality as a
diagnostic category signalled a move away from the illness model and toward a more
affirmative approach to homosexuality. In line with this, Klein (1978, 1993) and Wolff
(1979) challenged the traditional psychiatric position that sexual relationships with both
men and women are an indication of immaturity and psychopathology. According to
Wolff (1979, p. 45): “We certainly are bisexual creatures, and this innate disposition is
reinforced by the indelible memory of childhood attachments, which know no limitation of
sex”. Klein (1978) maintained that bisexuality is as normal an outcome of the
developmental process as is heterosexuality or homosexuality and that awareness and
4
expression of both heterosexual and homosexual attractions can enhance the
individual’s experience of intimacy and personal fulfilment. However, the dichotomous
model of sexual orientation remained and supported the belief that bisexuals were
psychologically maladjusted. In fact, researchers (Bode, 1976; Galland, 1975) found
that self-identified bisexuals were characterized by high self-esteem, self-confidence,
autonomy, positive self-concepts independent of social norms, assertiveness and
cognitive flexibility. Just as research has confirmed that homosexuality is not associated
with psychopathology, research has revealed no indication of psychopathology or
psychological maladjustment in bisexual men and women (Masters & Johnson, 1979;
Nurius, 1983; Weinberg & Williams, 1974).
Yoshino (2000) argues that the invisibility of bisexuality relative to homosexuality does
not reflect the incidences of those orientations in the population. According to Yoshino
(2000) each of the major sexuality studies demonstrates that the number of bisexuals is
greater than or comparable to the number of homosexuals. In the Kinsey et al. studies
(1948, 1953), we see a remarkable consistency of results, in which the percentage of
bisexuals is one and a half times the percentage of homosexuals for both men and
women. Masters and Johnson (1979) also found that the incidence of bisexuality was
greater than or comparable to the incidence of homosexuality. Janus and Janus (1993)
reported a one-to-one ratio of bisexuals to homosexuals for both men and women.
Wellings, Wadsworth and Johnson (1994), and Laumann, Gagnon, Michael and
Michaels (1994) also found bisexuals to exist in numbers greater than or comparable to
the number of homosexuals. Although such demographic information cannot be directly
translated to the South African context they do give some indication of the prevalence of
bisexuality.
The abovementioned suggests that bisexual invisibility is not a reflection of the fact that
there are fewer bisexuals than homosexuals in the population, but is rather a product of
social erasure. Yoshino (2000) explains the erasure of bisexuality by positing that both
self-identified heterosexuals and self-identified homosexuals have overlapping interests
in the erasure of bisexuality that includes - the stabilization of exclusive sexual
orientation categories, the retention of sex as an important diacritical axis, and the
protection of norms of monogamy.
5
According to Ochs (1996) bisexuality makes homosexual and heterosexual individuals
uncomfortable.
The discomfort and the behavioural measures used to protect the
security of their position within the existing hierarchy in response to these threats may be
called biphobia. Many people wish that bisexuals would just go away, or at least not talk
about it, because the very existence of bisexuality is seen as a threat to the social order
(Ochs, 1996). The conceivability of bisexuality as a combination of hetero- and
homosexuality, and the simultaneous inconceivability of such a combination, underlie
contemporary attitudes toward bisexuality, these attitudes reflect the paradox of their
roots.
Foremost among these negative attitudes is the belief that bisexuality does not exist
(Ochs, 1996). Bisexual men and women are often assumed to be lesbians or gay men
who are denying their true sexuality either because they are going through a transitional
phase of coming out, because they are afraid to face their own and others’ homophobia,
or because they are unwilling to shoulder the burden of being a member of an
oppressed minority (Esterberg, 1997). Furthermore, individuals who engage in same-sex
activity are often believed to be heterosexuals who are merely experimenting.
Regardless of whether there are individuals for whom bisexual behaviour would
appropriately be called experimental or transitional, these invalidating beliefs (Rust,
1995) are a cultural phenomenon which function to preserve the belief that bisexuality
cannot exist by reconciling the fact that some people are attracted to both men and
women with the construction of heterosexuality and homosexuality as the only two true
forms of sexuality (Armstrong, 1995).
Bisexuals have either been rendered none existing or paradoxically made visible through
misconceptions and stereotypes and therefore, are all that most people know as working
definitions of bisexuality.
Such misconceptions are prejudices based on the most
marginal and confused understanding of bisexuality. Unfortunately, systematic research
to document individual’s views about bisexuals is lacking. The best available information
comes from bisexual men and women (Weinberg, Williams & Pryor, 1994). Several of
the contributors to collected works of writings by bisexuals discuss the isolation,
confusion, fear, shame and denial that they experienced on discovering their attraction
to people of the “wrong” sex (Aranow, 1991; Bryant, 1991; Ochs, 1992; Young, 1992).
6
As a result of negative attitudes, Shuster (1991, p. 267) states that bisexuals frequently
experience themselves as existing in two different worlds, and not fully fitting in either –
“a feeling of political and personal homelessness”.
The negative attitudes towards
bisexuals are internalized by bisexuals, compromising their health and psychological
well-being (Ochs, 1996).
Prejudices and misconceptions toward bisexuals include: firstly, bisexuals are seen as
rejecting sexual monogamy.
Bisexuals are viewed as promiscuous individuals who
desire concurrent relationships with both men and women and who pursue several
sexual relationships at the same time. Secondly, bisexuals are seen as particularly likely
to contract sexually transmitted diseases through unsafe sexual practices and to spread
these diseases to their heterosexual partners. Many researchers adopted the public
perception of bisexuals as a bridge for the transmission of HIV to the heterosexual
population. Thirdly, bisexuals are seen as likely to deceive a partner about their other
romantic affairs, and unlikely to make a lasting commitment. Fourthly, bisexuals are
seen as sexually talented lovers who enjoy an active sex life and who are highly
knowledgeable and open-minded about sexuality and having expert knowledge about
sex or as using special sexual techniques because of their experience with both men
and women. Finally, because bisexuals are believed to reject the cultural ideal of
monogamous and committed relationships, bisexual’s romantic relationships may be
seen as generally poor in quality, lower in love, satisfaction, and intimacy, and higher in
conflict than the relationships of heterosexuals (Eliason, 1997; Eliason, 2001; Eliason &
Rahein, 1996; Rust, 1993; Rust, 1995; Spalding & Peplau, 1997; Weinberg et al., 1994).
Research findings suggest that on average bisexual men have their first same-gender
sexual experience in their middle teens, while bisexual women have their first samegender sexual experience in their early 20’s (Firestein, 1996). Furthermore, findings
propose that on average bisexual women have their first sexual relationships with men in
their middle teens, somewhat earlier than bisexual men who have their first sexual
experiences and relationships with women. The findings from several studies indicate
that on average bisexual men and women first self-identify as bisexual in their early and
middle 20’s. Bisexual women and men typically first disclose their sexual orientation to
another person in their early 20’s, at about the same time that they first self-identify as
7
bisexual (Fox, 1996, Weinberg, et al. 1994). Research findings also suggest that
bisexual women experience their first homosexual attractions and behaviour after their
first heterosexual attractions and behaviour, and it is also more common for women to
adopt a bisexual identity sooner after their first homosexual attractions than bisexual
men. In contrast, a greater proportion of bisexual men experience their first homosexual
attraction and behaviour before or at about the same age as their heterosexual
behaviour (Weinberg, et al., 1994).
In view of the above, Klein (1990) states that university years are a common time when
individuals begin to come out, whether as bisexual or as gay or lesbian. Theorists have
attempted to model coming out as a bisexual man or woman, by adding bisexual identity
to existing models of lesbian and gay identity development. There are a number of
reasons bisexuals might not fit these models. Many bisexuals come out twice, once as
lesbian and gay in a heterosexual community and then again as bisexual in a lesbian
and gay community when they revalidate their attractions to the other sex (Schwartz &
Blumstein, 1998). Bisexual men and women that come out first as lesbian or gay, and
learned to rely on the lesbian/gay community for support in the face of homophobia, also
face rejection from lesbians and gay men when coming out as bisexual in this
community (McLean, 2001). According to Rust (1999) bisexuals are psychological and
socially threatening to lesbians and gay men because they blurred the distinction
between straight and lesbian/gay, thus undermining the basis for lesbian and gay
identities and quasi-ethnic lesbian and gay political movements. Newly self-identified
bisexuals have a more difficult time finding a supportive community of people like
themselves compared to the highly organized and visible lesbian and gay community.
The coming out experience is often very stressful for people, it can be doubly so for
bisexuals, who often meet with resistance from both the homosexual and heterosexual
worlds, as well as with their own internalized cultural values, which rarely see bisexuality
as a valid option (Rust, 2001; Williams, 1999).
Chickering and Reisser’s (1993) theory of seven developmental vectors represents the
most current, inclusive and widely used theory of student psychosocial development.
The vectors include the developmental tasks of developing competence, managing
emotions, moving through autonomy toward interdependence, developing mature
8
interpersonal relations, establishing identity, developing purpose and developing
integrity. A close examination of these vectors reveals theoretical assumptions that put
bisexual students at considerable disadvantage in terms of achieving successful
resolution of developmental tasks. According to Fassinger (1995) one might ask how an
individual can possibly establish a secure identity in the face of marginalization,
invisibility and societal censure. Moreover, one might expect that developing purpose –
clarifying vocational, avocational and lifestyle plans and goals – is very likely to be
ignored or stalled in the face of more pressing identity concerns related to safety,
acceptance and belonging. Finally, one might ask how the process of developing a
personally relevant set of beliefs and values by which to live – such as integrity – is
influenced by invisibility and stigmatization of lifestyle.
As a result of the abovementioned, many individuals who come out as bisexual continue
to switch back and forth between gay/lesbian, heterosexual and bisexual identities (Rust,
1992, 1996).
Therefore, bisexual identity once achieved is often not consistently
maintained and cannot be appropriately understood as the static end stage of a
developmental process of self-discovery. Weinberg et al., (1994) suggested a stage
sequential model of bisexual identity development based on research with bisexuals.
Their model begins with initial confusion, followed by finding and adopting the bisexual
identity, followed by continued uncertainty due to the lack of social validation for bisexual
identity.
Paradigmatic shifts in scientific theory and research occur when information becomes
available which challenges a discipline’s fundamental assumptions and for which the
current disciplinary matrix cannot account (Kuhn, 1970). Firestein (1996, p. 266) asserts
that a “paradigm shift is underway in the social sciences’ view of sexual orientation due
to an increasing recognition of the bisexual experience”. That is, the traditional model of
sexual orientation was often a dichotomous one that denied or obscured bisexuality, in
the new paradigm, sexuality and sexual orientation will be conceptualized as
multidimensional fluid and continuous in nature”.
9
In conclusion, writers have noted invisibility in public and academic spheres and the
concomitant negative impact this marginalization has on the lives of bisexual women and
men (Firestein, 1996; Ochs, 1996).
According to D’Emilio (1992) the expansion of
scholarly production is a vital piece of any strategy for equality. Information, education,
and ideas are powerful levers for social change, and as we have more information, we
will be increasingly empowered to act in the world.
In view of the fragmentary state of knowledge in the abovementioned area, the aim of
the research is to investigate attitudes toward bisexual men and women. Based on the
literature review, the researcher has formulated the following hypotheses:
1. There are negative attitudes toward bisexual men and women.
2. Men and women have different attitudes toward bisexual men and women.
3. Men and women in different race groups have different attitudes toward bisexual men
and women.
4. Individuals whom reported knowing a bisexual man or women have more
positive attitudes toward bisexual men and women.
5. There is a relationship between participant’s sexual orientation and their
attitudes toward bisexual men and women.
6. Individuals on the more extreme poles of the sexual orientation continuum
will be more negative towards bisexuals.
10
METHODOLOGICAL ORIENTATION AND RESEARCH METHOD
The Social Identity Theory underlies the proposed study. Tajfel and Turner (1979, p.
255) defines social identity as that part of an individual's self-concept which derives from
his knowledge of his membership in a social group (or groups) together with the value
and emotional significance attached to that membership. The assumption is made that,
however rich and complex may be the individuals' view of themselves in relation to their
surrounding world, some aspect of that view are contributed by the membership of
certain social groups or categories. Some of these memberships are more salient than
others; and some may vary in salience in time as a function of a variety of social
situations".
Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Turner, 1975) explains the incidence of
bias as a two-step process that includes both cognitive and motivational factors. First,
the perceiver must cognitively divide the social world into at least two distinguishable
social categories that separate the self from others ("us" versus "them"). Second, the
desire for positive self-esteem, derived in part from the social categories to which
individuals belong, motivates people to view the in-group as superior to the out-group.
Social Identity Theory therefore, utilizes the human propensity to categorize individuals
into groups and then offers a logical rationale for the development and maintenance of
inter-group bias.
Self-administered questionnaires are a commonly used method of eliciting information
on sensitive topics in surveys. Self-administered questionnaires have been widely used
in studies of sexual behaviour and improve reporting of sensitive information by
increasing privacy and reducing social desirability effects associated with interviewer
administration (Smith, 1992; Tourangeau & Smith, 1996).
In order to ascertain the attitudes towards bisexual men and women respondents will
complete a questionnaire. The questionnaire will contain questions about demographic
variables (age, gender, race, and contact with bisexuals); the Attitude Regarding
Bisexuality Scale (Mohr & Rochlen, 1999) and The Klein Sexual Orientation Grid
(Klein,1993).
11
SCALE 1
ATTITUDE REGARDING BISEXUALITY SCALE (ARBS)
One hindrance to conducting empirical studies of attitudes regarding bisexuality is that
until 1999, there was no valid and reliable measure of attitudes. Mohr & Rochlen (1999)
designed the Attitude Regarding Bisexuality Scale (ARBS). The Attitude Regarding
Bisexuality is designed to assess two dimensions of attitudes toward bisexual men and
women. Tolerance, the first dimension, relates to the degree to which bisexuality is
viewed as an acceptable, morally tolerable sexual orientation.
Stability, the second
dimension, relates to the degree to which bisexuality is viewed as a legitimate, stable
sexual orientation.
The Social Identity Theory that underlies the research offers a
plausible explanation for the readiness with which humans are inclined to embrace
negative attitudes and stereotypes of the out-group (bisexuals).
The results of the current studies offers support for the reliability and validity for the three
versions of the ARBS for use with both lesbian and gay student populations and
heterosexual student populations. High internal consistency estimates were obtained for
subscales of the three versions of the ARBS (ranging from .83 to .91) (Mohr & Rochlen,
1999).
SCALE 2
THE KLEIN SEXUAL ORIENTATION GRID (KSOG)
The dichotomous model of sexual orientation is an over-simplification of sexual
orientation. According to Rust (2000) criticism of research practices paved the way for
other authors to produce alternatives to the dichotomous model of sexuality in the hope
that researcher would adopt these models and produce more theoretically informed
research.
The Klein Sexual Orientation Grid (Klein, 1993) is a system for describing a person’s
Sexual proclivities in a way more detailed and informative than previous models. The
Klein Sexual Orientation Grid was developed to measure a person’s sexual orientation
as a dynamic multi-variable process. Individuals rate themselves on a seven-point scale.
The seven-point continuum takes into account seven distinct variables – sexual
12
attraction, sexual behaviour, sexual fantasies, emotional preference, social preference,
lifestyle and self-identification.
Klein (1993) contended that sexual orientation is not fixed or permanent. Therefore, The
Klein Sexual Orientation Grid recognizes not only the distinction between different
dimensions of sexuality, including the fact that one’s sexual self-identity bears no
necessary relationship to one’s actual sexual experience, but also the fact that one’s
sexuality can change over time. Using The Klein Sexual Orientation Grid, an individual
need not discredit or ignore her or his past sexual experiences if they differ from her on
his current experience, but can describe the variety in his or her sexual history (Rust,
2004).
According to Klein (1993) the concept of sexual orientation as an ongoing dynamic
process is necessary if we are to understand a person’s orientation in its entirety. The
Klein Sexual Orientation Grid is a reliable and valid instrument that can differentiate
sexual orientation by taking into account the meaningful dimension of time as well as
other varied dimensions (Chung & Katayama, 1996).
STATISTICAL ANALYSIS
The following statistical procedures will be conducted:
An exploratory factor analysis for the Attitude Regarding Bisexuality Scale and The Klein
Sexual Orientation Grid (construct validity); reliability of the abovementioned scales
(internal validity); the correlation between the Attitude Regarding Bisexuality Scale and
The Klein Sexual Orientation Grid; scatter plots to investigate the relationship between
the two scales will be conducted as hypothesis 6 predicts a non-linear relationship; an
inter-battery factor analysis or canonical correlation for the Attitude Regarding
Bisexuality Scale and The Klein Sexual Orientation Grid, as well as the relationship
between the subscales of the Klein Sexual Orientation Grid (Bless & Kathuria, 2000).
SAMPLE
The sample (N = 1 000) will consist of postgraduate students in different faculties at a
university in South Africa.
13
PROPOSED STRUCTURE OF STUDY
Chapter 1
Introduction
Chapter 2
A history of bisexuality and cross-cultural studies
Chapter 3
Bisexuality in men and women
Chapter 4
Coming out, sexual identity and bisexuality.
Chapter 5
Stigma and sexual orientation
Chapter 6
Research method
Chapter 7
Results
Chapter 8
Discussion
Chapter 9
Recommendations, limitations and conclusion
14
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