Exploring the farm enterprise through a business life cycle Anne MJ Smith Glasgow Caledonian University UK Abstract The purpose of this paper is to investigate the farming enterprise through the lens of business life cycle theory and in conjunction with the future operating environment. In 2013, changes in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) will undoubtedly affect farming business but the extent and nature of changes at this stage in the development of CAP reform is an unknown. Expectations are that there will be economic and social impacts on the family farm with increasing demands on decreasing resources, potentially increasing the economic fragility of some family farms. The farming enterprise has a tendency to exhibit characteristics that are specific to farming and less likely to exist in other sectors. One particular characteristic is the inextricable linkage between business, family and household ownership. This characteristic creates examples where three generations of farming family may live and work on the same farm business. Farming unlike many other sectors is often a multi generational business; there is evidence of farming families existing over 7 generations (Smith, Temple and Edgar, 2008). Furthermore, the very nature of farms being landbased means that they are most likely rurally located sometimes remote resulting in deeply embedded social structures. This land based characteristic means that any mobility of economic activity requires a physical and psychological dissembedding of family and social structures. In steep contrast to this localised habitation the family farm enterprise is increasingly economically sensitive to global commodity prices. These peculiar operating characteristics mean that a farm enterprise is likely to behave differently to other sector based businesses over business life cycles. But to what extent does the family farm exhibit classic patterns of the business life cycle and where does the life cycle for the family farm begin and end? This paper will consider such patterns under the lens of business life cycle theory. A review of business life cycle theory will offer a framework of analysis. Using a case study approach to examine the life cycle of a farm enterprise this paper will discuss the farm venture, the type of transitions through life, growth, maturity and decline, renewal and transformation. The discussion captures issues such as ownership, succession, diversification, policy and education in farming and considers the subsequent implications by examining them in a new way. Keywords Farm Enterprise, agriculture, business life cycles, business growth, sustainability. Corresponding author: Anne Smith, Glasgow Caledonian University, Department of Management, Cowcaddens road, Glasgow Anne.Smith@gcu.ac.uk Introduction The story of farming enterprise is centuries old, borne through necessity and the need to eat to survival. As historians delve into the past they are able to reveal and inform society about the transition from hunters to farming nations and the societal underpinnings that drive change of that nature (Wibberley, 2008). What is clear is that the organisation of farming has been as much a social evolution as an economic evolution. The socio economic view is evidenced over the last two centuries with records revealing changes in landownership and restructuring of wealth (Dickson,1980; Smout, 2002) as well as the economic disruptions such as war, disease, famine and globalisation (Dickson, 1980; Smout 2002). Farming by its very nature is cyclical with transitions into and from climatical seasons. Nonetheless in recent times the seasonal effects have been manipulated and flattened through new technology, biotechnology and globalisation. Farming on this level is a global conversation concerned with food production, energy production and commodity trading (DEFRA 2010). Equally Europe is undergoing reform of the Common Agricultural Policy with key discussions on production, food security, technologies, supply and trade (European Commission, 2010) Africa and Asia are realising their demand by increasing trade with countries such as New Zealand and Australia. ‘According to the latest World Bank analysis, global food demand should grow less rapidly over the next 25 years with weaker population growth. The potential for further increases in food production appear to be substantial. Africa alone has 23% of the world’s agricultural area but produces only 7% of the world’s cereal production.’ DEFRA (2010) While the global business of food production and supply moves forward, the reality for regional family farms is a vast variation in terms of size of farm, methods of farming and types of farming. Although all farming ultimately contributes to the global supply of food these variations are important at local levels. Variation encourages innovation and reflects local geography and local social structures. There are however occasions where local socio economic frameworks are challenged. Weaknesses identified in Scottish agriculture suggest the need ‘to consider measures to improve the viability and competitiveness of some farms, as well as encouraging diversification and innovation, and the development of human capital including collaboration to share resources and add value’, Scottish Government (2010). Data surrounding these trends show that there is the desire to continue farming and that lifestyle choices are a part of the socio economic landscape of agriculture. Evidently, trends, change, transitions and cycles are integral to the farming topography. The purpose of this paper is to discuss and contribute to the rural debate on farming lifecycles using longitudinal data from a UK farm case study. The subsequent aim is to better understand the overall sustainability and development of farm enterprise. This paper will firstly review business life cycle literature with contextualisation from rural enterprise literature. Thereafter a methodology section presents the approach and design of the study. Data from financial trends and narratives on disruptive events and transitions will provide insights and explanations of the case business life cycle informing a discussion on the beginning and end of a farm enterprise and the transitions. Literature Review Blackburn and Kovalainen (2009) suggest that entrepreneurship literature is in its adolescence and that researchers should challenge assumptions. Furthermore they suggest that insights might be achieved through deeper qualitative analysis and explanations ‘why’ involving the exploration of connections between theories and topics. The business growth topic is no different and often explored through lifecycles but less explained are the related contextual peculiarities (Carter, 1998, Carter and Ram, 2002). Over many years business life cycle theory exhibits some very heavily cited work on stages theory (Churchill and Lewis, 1983; Scott and Bruce, 1987; Kazanjian and Drazin, 1990; Gersick,, Lansberg, Desjardins and Dunn, 1999; Lester and Parnell, 2006). Recently, Levie and Lichtenstein (2010) undertook the most extensive review of lifecycle theory to date and identified in total 104 different models. This study reduces the vast body of life cycle stages literature into key classifications and concludes rather dramatically by calling for business life cycle stages theory to be withdrawn from all entrepreneurship education. Levie proposes that what should be taught is a transitional and dynamic states model thus impacting directly on the future research agenda of business growth. A transitional and dynamic states model is an idea that repositions the trajectory for growth and entrepreneurship. The adaption to transitions is a focus on activity and cognitive practices. Perhaps lifecycles stages cannot reflect the dynamic states of entrepreneurship although as non dynamic then perhaps it is better placed to offer a reflective view on growth. A reflective view might provide insight to contextual nuances as Churchill and Lewis (1983) offer a simplified framework of a business lifecycle in which to better understand contextual nuance. The simplification of the lifecycle is the essence of Levie and Liechtenstein (2010) criticism but that same simplification is a useful framework for contextual and reflective understanding. The portfolio entrepreneurship study undertaken by Carter (1998) created a series of works that questioned how we defined the farmer as an entrepreneur and how we classified the farm business. (Carter and Rosa 1998; Carter 2001; Carter and Ram 2002). McElwee (2006, 2008) revisited these definitional issues with a detailed taxonomy critiquing Carters thinking on the entrepreneurial farmer. McElwees (2008) taxonomy focused on the individual, the farmer, earlier work by Carter and Ram (2002) had reassessed this very issue; the unit of measurement and analysis. They concluded that future research into portfolio entrepreneurship research should focus on the individual activities of the entrepreneur however this could be misleading in different contexts. In farming for example the complexity of income streams and asset ownership complicates the view of a unit of analysis. Carter and Ram (2002) concede that such complexity requires cognisance of the individual, the enterprise and the family. Life Cycles in Agricultural Enterprise In the context of the farm enterprise Carter and Ram (2002) note that farm business through history have been pluri active sustaining generations and displaying characteristics of portfolio entrepreneurship. McElwee (2008) develops the idea with a taxonomy that classifies farmers through their core activity either farmer or contractor representing a snapshot rather than a dynamic state (Levie and Liechtenstein 2010). Longitudinal, contextual and reflective studies therefore afford insights that can support snapshots and wider business growth literature. There are several studies offering insights to business creation, operation and death (McElwee and Robson, 2005; Anderson and Vesala, 2006; Robinson, 2008; Smith, McCann and Barlow, 2009). McElwee et al (2006) reveal how in a new diversification venture the farmer struggled with new supply chains, new business processes and ultimately the motivation to be something other than a farmer eventually closing the venture. As a result of this case McElwee et al “006) argue that different types of skills are required in a diversification business compared to those of a core farm business. This key finding supports Carters earlier work (1998) suggesting that different skills are required for different activities and different efforts into activities. This however presents a mono view of activity and individual farmer. In reality, the farming enterprise supports generations of family and a portfolio of enterprise activity. (Carter, 1998; Smith, Temple and Edgar, 2008 and 2009). This reality frames the problem associated with the unit of analysis. As many as seven generations have been evidenced in studies (Smith, Temple and Edgar, 2008) with further studies providing evidence of many diversification activities exhibiting creation and death (Carter, 1998, McElwee, 2008; McElwee and Bosworth, 2010). However to research a life cycle over generations would create problems associated empirical data being subject to challenges of recall and hearsay supported only by any recorded data that is likely to be fragmented. Literature therefore tends to contain studies over snapshots of time with insights to agricultural business performance viewed by creation of new income streams, (Carter, 2001; McNally, 2001; Meert et al 2005). The studies of pluriactivity and portfolio entrepreneurship do suggest that a lifecycle can reflect either the individual’s efforts or the total business efforts capturing several generations thus returning to the issue surrounding the unit of analysis. (Carter and Ram 2002; McElwee 2010). Nonetheless, whether it is the entrepreneur as an individual viewed through a lifecycle lens or the business activities/portfolio through the life cycle lens, deeper explanations exist only where interactions with the individual, firm, environment and social economic contexts are considered (Storey 1994; Jack and Anderson, 2002; Smith, Temple and Edgar, 2010). Ideas around what people do and the interactions with the environment that stimulate what they do leads to differences in process and outcomes (Jack and Anderson, 2002; Smith, 2008; McElwee, 2006). The following section will consider the socio economic environment of farming enterprise and some of the key studies that have shaped the understanding of rural enterprise. The external environment The European Union (EU) dynamic might be considered to have been the fuel for diversification; smaller farm units had little financial advantage from the scale now required for viable production (de Wolf, McElwee and Schoorlemmer, 2007). This re-organisation leads to opportunities to start up new ventures as the agri-business value chain and supply chain changes (Carter, 2001). Such findings are supported in economic reports. ‘The value of imports in 2008 was £31.6 billion compared to £13.2 billion for exports, giving a trade gap of £18.4 billion…. From 2007 to 2008 imports increased by 14.2% in real terms and exports increased by 12%, though were lower in real terms than 1995 levels. Since 1995 the UK trade gap in food, feed and drink has more than doubled, reflecting changes in competitiveness and consumer taste. In particular, the impact of BSE, stronger sterling and foot and mouth disease were key factors limiting exports in the period after 1995.’ DEFRA (2010) Change, innovation and regulation mean that a farmer struggling to survive as a producer of the primary economic material has to be sensitive to markets and use their own entrepreneurial ability to create income though whatever means is available; bed and breakfast, haulage, farm contracting, fencing, tourism etc. In the end, bio security threats such as Foot and Mouth that all but devastated parts of the farming community offered many an exit opportunity from the industry; but once again for many of the families the determination to continue farming, even although it meant starting again building their herds and flocks. Statistics showing ‘farm exit’ increases from Smith (2008) support such behaviour but in reality there were greater numbers of ‘farm developments’, suggesting that in fact those that wanted out got out and those that were left invested and scaled up. Perhaps this resilience has been born out of need but there is evidence to suggest it has been developed out of passion (Lobley and Potter, 2004; Harvey, 2004). Further implications from government interventions have been highlighted as negative impacts with arguments that the agri industry is unsustainable and globally damaging. (Blank, 2003; Harvey, 2004). Nonetheless, cycles in agriculture, reorganisation, redefinitions, restructuring and reshaping appears to be a fair assessment of the operating climate (Andelman, 1997;Paquette and Domon, 2003; Johnsen, 2004; Lobely and Potter, 2004; Meert et al 2005; Smith, 2008). The result is that the external environment requires change and adaptation. Farmer interaction is essential and it will affect the shape and activities that form the life cycle of both individual farm and farmer. In summary, there is extensive work on life cycles and particularly stages models. The Levie and Lichtenstein (2010) study provides a step change in the phenomenon of stages and present a dynamic transitions model arguing that entrepreneurial business is over simplified by a stages approach. However, the characteristics presented by farming ventures reveal interesting suggestion around birth and death of ventures with portfolio and pluri activity creating a business life cycle with the individual farmer creating a personal business life cycle (Carter, 1998). This paper contributes to the literature by providing a contextual socio economic understanding of farm enterprise and revisits how to approach farms as a unit of analysis (Carter and Ram, 2002). The following section presents the methodology applied in the study. Methodology The literature suggests that there is a large degree of difficulty in determining when a farm enterprise is born and when it declines and exits (Carter, 1998). It is unclear whether the business can be the unit of analysis, the farmer or the farm (Carter, 1998; Carter 2001; Carter and Ram, 2002). For the purposes of this study the unit of analysis is the ‘farm business’ which is reflected as a partnership between two family members from two generations of pluri activity; this is what exists as the ‘farm business’. The other units of analysis were not chosen for the following reasons; the farm as a unit creates a definitional discussion about ‘a farm’ since so many farms rent land or has rented land and/ or do not undertake any economic activity. The farmer is not adopted as this lifecycle study captures trading accounts which have been shaped by the activities and interactions of two farmers over two generations. In conclusion this means the legal structure capturing the economic activity and trading account is the adopted unit of analysis; the partnership that forms the ‘farm business’. The implications of this decision highlight the challenges of contextualising business life cycles. The time boundaries for this case are from 1952 to current when the farmer now 76, purchased the farm and where he still retains ownership and business interests in partnership with his son. The case study is a UK farm based in the west coast of Scotland with a 100 beef suckler herd. The farm business operates as an equal partnership. The methodology is based on identification of key events in the case study as well as key events in the wider economic landscape of farming. Events were based on the respondent’s recall of events (Cope, 2005). Although some of the details can be supported through farm accounts, others remain anecdotal. Clearly, from case work there are limitations to what might be learned in the wider sense however, depth of understanding is achievable through phenomenological approaches in entrepreneurship research; signal and alert and inform further research (Yin, 1994; Perren and Ram, 2004; Cope, 2005). In order to better understand the case, audited accounts were retrieved. The accounts available were from 1963 through to and including 2007. The analysis of financial data was undertaken by identifying the total turnover figure from each year and the total net profit before tax of each year. Thereafter the data was transformed using excel into a line graph. The line graph was not adjusted for inflation as patterns were being used for analysis and not the actual figures. A table was prepared and the respondent was encouraged to separate ‘on farm’ events from the more economic and ‘external’ events such as European policy reform. The classification of events in the table was based on McElwee and Bosworth’s (2010) typology of farm diversification. Finally, the researcher undertook secondary research of various published reports (European Commission, 2010; DEFRA, 2010; Scottish Government, 2010) in order to identify dates of widely reported external economic events. The final process in analysis was to consider the narratives of events with the peaks and troughs contained on the line graphs from the financial data resulting in a financial and textual lifecycle pattern that may reveal causal effects. In summary a case analysis has been undertaken using a UK farm and specifically the unit of analysis and discussion is the life cycle of the ‘farm business, in this instance a partnership. This is an important definition for any further comparable studies or studies using larger sample sizes (Carter, 1998). The following section presents the key findings and the subsequent discussion will concentrate on the patterns and key events. Essentially the following section provides a contextual view of life cycle theory and transitions (Churchill and Lewis,1983 ; Levie and Liechtenstein, 2010). Findings and Discussion The purpose of this paper is to investigate the farming enterprise through the lens of business life cycle theory. Two data sets are combined to present the farm business lifecycle; the financial trends and key events derived from interviews. The financial trends are presented showing turnover and profit from 1963 to 2007. The trends reveal peaks which are discussed in conjunction with the key events. The key events include external and environmental events as well as changes to farm activity. The key events attempt to provide a socio economic explanation of ‘how’ and ‘why’ by viewing the interactions between farmer, environment and family (Gersick et al 1999; Carter and Ram, 2002). Figure 1 Case Financial Trends The turnover trend shows a gradual increase from birth of the farm business through a growth period with a dramatic decline in 2007. There are three notable peaks in turnover; Peak 1 1976 – 1979, Peak 2 1990 – 1992, Peak 3 2002 – 2003. Profit trends are stable until late eighties and early nineties when they show more erratic behaviour. These patterns might be explained through the interaction and creation of new activity or diversification (Robinson, 2008; Smith et al 2009, McElwee et al 2006; McElwee, 2008 Carter, 1998, Carter and Ram2002). This idea will be investigated in the following section. An ever increasing gap between turnover and profit begins at around the same time suggesting that diversification presents a different operating cost base and might be less predictable than operating the core farm business (DEFRA 2010). Such conditions require a different skill set from that of a farm business with no diversification (McElwee, 2008). However it is the context of events that can provide deeper insight; the following section discusses key events and their socio economic impact on the farm business life cycle. Table 1 Case Events Year 1957-59 1960-69 1970-79 Property Development None reported None reported Case Events: on farm and external New /change New/change of Business agri- Activity Business None commenced reported None None reported reported Off Farm Employment None reported None reported Land sold for housing None reported None reported None reported None reported Dairy stopped None reported Fencing Business 1990-99 None reported Sawdust business bought None reported Fencing Business 2000-09 Land retainer fee for land bank with property developer Sawdust haulage activity withdrawn Two new cow sheds built Silage worker 1980-89 External Events Modernisation General restructuring of land ownership Oil prices rises Bold Changes in farming methods BSE 2003 CAP reform 2001Foot and Mouth Increased energy requirements Table 1 contains analysed events extracted from interviews with both farmers. The events have been organised using McElwee and Bosworth's (2010) classifications of diversification and presented over a six decade time period. The three notable peaks in turnover mentioned previously can be pinpointed around particular events Peak 1 1976 – 1979, might be explained by an income generated from sale of land. Peak 2 1990 – 1992, might be explained as a new business is purchased and Peak 3 2002 – 2003 might be explained by the additional contracting work with silage and a retainer payment from a property developer. Furthermore, the troughs encountered post 2005, reflect the exit from a diversification activity. From this analysis the effects of change in diversification activity clearly disrupts predictability of the life cycle. Further investigations during the interview reveal that the reason the sawdust diversification was withdrawn was attributed to changes in market forces and increasing costs. Increased farm exits (Smith, 2008), and reduced numbers of dairy farms (DEFRA, 2010) meant that overall demand in the industry fell, it should also noted that new technologies and products replaced the function that sawdust performed. Evidently diversification activity is sensitive to economic factors just like any other business. Finally, the market that received the sawdust i.e. the other farmers was not only declining through exits but also through migration and changes in local social structures (Jack and Anderson, 2002). External events appear to have less of an impact on the business and perhaps are less disruptive; even with BSE and the ceasing of beef imports the fragility of the business appears more related to diversification activities. Traditional farming activities, it appears, are arguably more predictable, probably due the effects of European regulation. Predictable operating environments are good for small business and farm managers and disruptive environments are perhaps a better environment for the more entrepreneurial farmer. Thus skill sets and the entrepreneurial capability for opportunity recognition become a requirement for today’s farmer. An emerging pattern is that the farm business life cycle is probably rather predictable in terms of the highly regulated core business activity such as beef and dairy production. CAP reform in 2013 is unlikely to force a highly disruptive change upon European farmers but rather create a need for a transition and change (European Commission, 2010). The transition and change is linked to the operating environment affecting the wider farm business activities and this is where many of the entrepreneurial, issues reside. The agribusiness life cycle clearly has a portfolio of income involving core business income and other activity income. Other activity income is well classified by McElwee and Bosworth (2010) however the socio economic effects, the educational and family interactions are much less understood (Jack and Anderson, 2002; Smith , Temple and Edgar 2009). This forms the environment in which transition takes place. Levie and Liechtenstein (2010) argue for dynamic states which, holds true from this a micro farm business perspective. Knowing that reform is ahead in 2013 and appreciating through contextual studies the interaction and effects of activity then navigating transitions and so dynamic states are essential to sustainable farm businesses. Where Churchhill and Lewis (1983) provide a simple model able to support a reflective view of life cycles in this case, a transition states model is required for future farm business. Essentially dynamic states and transition is a process for the requirement to better understand how to match assets and capability with market needs and demand (Ardichvili, Cardozo, & Ray, 2003; Smith, 2008; Levie and Liechtenstein, 2010). This is the challenge of the socially embedded farmer (Jack and Anderson 2002; Smith, Temple and Edgar, 2009) Conclusion Blackburn, R. Kovalainen, A. (2009) urge researchers to be aware of what is contribution and that clearly there are extensive limitations and implications of chosen methodologies and research designs. Contextual studies obviously contribute a contextual result which, from a single case study provides extensively rich data but arguably not an extensively wide contribution. The case study presented is unique in terms of reported findings but the patterns and events provide insights to support exiting literature and shape a new way to look at farm business growth and sustainability. Future research of agri business should consider transitions and dynamic states. The growing body of evidence on skill sets and farmer education is an important element of transition however combining education with business opportunity is more challenging especially when farmers are deeply embedded in social cultures and structures (Carter 1998; Jack and Anderson, 2002; McElwee, 2008; Smith, Temple and Edgar, 2009) Future research should consider further the unit of analysis in agri business research as interactions and generations need to be part of the analysis (Carter 1998; Gersick et al 1999; Carter and Ram, 2002). Finally, legal structures of farm enterprise appears under researched and contributions in terms of good practice may assist farms through transitions; the succession issues, issues of asset ownership and separation of farm from household are all worth investigation. 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