Birds of Passage are also Women...
Author(s): Mirjana Morokvasic
Source: International Migration Review, Vol. 18, No. 4, Special Issue: Women in Migration
(Winter, 1984), pp. 886-907
Published by: The Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2546066 .
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Part
Birds
Women..
I:
of
Overview
Passage
are
also
.1
Mirjana Morokvasic
CentreNational de la RechercheScientifique,Paris
The incorporation of migrant women into the labor force in Western indus?
trialized countries has to be seen within the context of post crisis economy,
progressive deindustrialization and dislocation of vertically concentrated, un?
ionized factories and an increase of small production units which locate their
labor through informal networks ? immigrant ethnic enclaves ? where the
"unpaid work of women both as homeworkers and as household workers sub?
sidizes the modern sector" (Pessar, this issue).
Women from the peripheral zones, to whom local production and dissolv?
ing economic sectors did not offer any more opportunities, represent a ready
made labor supply which is, at once, the most vulnerable, the most flexible
and, at least in the beginning, the least demanding work force. They have
been incorporated into sexually segregated labor markets at the lowest stratum
in high technology industries or at the "cheapest" sectors in those industries
which are labor intensive and employ the cheapest labor to remain competi?
tive.
In developing countries, the rapid growth in export manufacturing and in
expert agriculture, based largely on foreign investments, provided poorly paid
and insecure jobs for a new category of wage workers ?very young women.
Only U.S. offshore processing in electronics employs one-half million female
workers (Sassen-Koob, this volume). Industrial employment is for them some?
times their first employment (Hancock, 1983), or, they first enter domestic
service (the most "natural" employment opportunity for young women [Savane, 1980] in the agro-industry in Senegal). Transnational assembly female
1Some ofthediscussionand
mytheoretical
approachdrawson myworkon femalemigration
in Europe and my surveyof Yugoslavwomenin France,Germanyand Sweden,carriedout
in German at Stroemfeld/Roter
between1976and 1979(forthcoming
SternVerlag Frankfurt/
Main). The studywas supportedby a grantfromthe Ford FoundationwhichI am happyto
here.
acknowledge
886
IMR Volume
xviii No. 4
Birds of Passage
are also
Women
887
workers in Southeast Asia are young, high school educated and the industrial
turnover for labor is extremely high due to difficultworking conditions (women
suffered from deteriorated eyesight, dizziness, and headaches) and to recruit?
ing practices of the firms (Hancock, 1983:141-142). In this agro-industry in
Senegal too, conditions of work are extremely strenuous and protective cloth?
ing is often provided to men only.
In Europe, there are about three million women who were born outside
the frontiers of their present country of residence. Their labor participation
rates vary considerably from country to country and from one national group
to the other in the same country. In these countries which had a strict labor
migration policy, their labor participation rates in 1970 were almost double
those of native-born women (as in Austria, Federal Republic of Germany and
Switzerland [Labour Supply and Migration in Europe, 1979:135-136 and p. 273])
and have been decreasing since (Jonung, 1983; Mehrlander, 1980). In France
and Belgium female labor participation has been lower but steadily increasing
in the seventies and eighties (Morokvasic, 1981; Lebon, 1979; Moulier and
Silberman, 1982). The official data, however, usually underestimate the labor
participation of migrant women (Lebon, 1979). While data based on surveys
indicate a much higher proportion of women in the labor force (Leonetti and
Levi, 1970; Morokvasic, 1980; Moulier and Silberman, 1982). There is also
evidence that women who were not in the labor force at the time of survey had
a waged employment previously (majority of women in the New York City
survey of Hispanics, quoted in Pessar in this volume; Brandt, 1977), or have
been prevented from taking up a job through restrictive regulations because
they did not have a work permit (Mehrlander, 1980; Brandt, 1977).
The work native women and migrant women do does not always fit in the
reigning idealogy of work and is poorly assessed by the official data and not
always recognized as an economic activity at all. Throughout the world,
women are employed in domestic services and in other types of services
(Arondo, 1975; Levi, 1975, 1977; Lauran, 1976; Arizpe, 1978; Jelin, 1978;
Hamer, 1981; Young, 1982; Castello, 1984; Ibarra, 1979; Arena, 1983) which
are not always recognized as economic activities. Women involved in petty
trade (Arizpe, 1978; Sudarkasa, 1978), in jobs with high seasonal variations
like agro-industry (Savane, 1980) or garments (Safa, 1981; Shah, 1975; Hoel,
1982), women employed in their own homes assembling garments or electronic
equipment (Allen, 1981), women entering formal wage employment for only
a portion of their life cycle, women involved in prostitution (Pittin, in this
volume; Sudarkasa, 1978) and, of course, female illegal migrants or those
undeclared as workers ?they all can be assessed as being outsidethe labor force.
The fact that in the recent past rapidly growing export-oriented electronic
industries in Asian countries have been employing young women between the
ages of 15 and 24 (roughly) may be informative about high turnover and con-
888
International
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Review
stant rejuvenation of the work force. But, of course it does not say what these
women do after that age. Knowing the high unemployment rate of men, it is
difficult to imagine that these young women, once they get married, simply
disappear from the labor force.
Women always work. They are not in and out of economic activity, but at
various stages of their life cycle they are either paid for their work or not and
their work is either recognized as economic activity or not. Women can do
work, for instance sewing clothes, on a formal basis, in the factory, and be
paid a "woman's wage"; or, defined legally as a dependent of a male head of
household, she can do the same work intermittently, following the seasonal
requirement in the production and be paid for it, but be declared as house?
wife; she can also sew clothes for her own family without pay at all. It is the
same work. First it is considered as economic activity and paid, in the second
case it is paid but does not count as economic activity being "off the books",
and in the third case it is neither paid nor recognized as economic activity.
The fact that women's work is often either an extension of women's domestic
roles ?or is seen as such ?or that it is accomplished on domestic premises
points to the crucial question of the interrelationship between women's exploi?
tation within the household and their exploitation in the economic system
(Michel, 1978; Delphy, 1970).
Whether migrant women in the Philippines produce barbie dolls for the
Western markets, or whether they produce watches in Singapore; whether
they are domestics in Dakar or Mexico City, whether they sew high quality
garments for high income and middle class women in the sweat shops of Lon?
don, Paris or New York, or jeans in Manila; work in the fisheries in Senegal,
or clean German, Swedish and British hospitals and public toilets, their role
in wage employment is usually not considered as their primary role, neither
by them nor by their employers. Their role, or role-to-be, of housewife-mother
"justifies" their consideration as subsidiary workers and the level of their wages
as complementary wages only. "Women tend to be segregated into particular
occupations which are carefully delimited by an ideology linking their activity
to their gender, with the vast majority, therefore, working in occupations de?
fined as having some structural resemblance to their family role ..." (Moser
and Young, 1981:57).
In Europe, the labor migration system has been, until the immigration
halt of 1974, sustained by policies which tended to limit immigration to single
workers only, avoiding thereby the costs attached to maintenance of all other
persons related to these workers that were not themselves in waged employ?
ment. Women who joined these migration streams from the beginning were
confronted with the dominant Western ideology where a breadwinner is a man
and a woman a dependent. Female migrants have been assigned to this status
of dependent (Granotier, 1971, 1979), whether this dependency was real or not.
Birds of Passage
are also
Women
889
This ideology of male support has not only shaped their social, legal and eco?
nomic position in the immigration countries, but it has been usually assumed
to apply even more so to their societies of origin, irrespective of the fact that
it was more often than not perfectly inadequate. In Germany, for instance,
where the ideal of a Hausfrau (or, to borrow Moser's and Young's terminology
(1981:56) the "housewifization" of German women) has been particularly
strong, Turkish women ?and by means of abusive generalization all migrant
women ?whose labor participation, by the way, has been higher than that of
German women (Reprasentativuntersuchung
73, Labour Supply and Migration in
Europe, 1979; Mehrlander, 1980), were often labelled as victims of their "tra?
dition", of Islam, or of male-chauvinist attitudes of their husbands who do not
allow them to go out to work.2 The poorly paid, unstable work these women
do, appears then as nothing but a "blessing of the modern societies to the
Third World women" (Morokvasic, 1983b) and, as we shall see below, as a
means out of theiroppressive traditions. Thereby, the cause of restricted access
to formal employment has been attributed to women's own cultural heritage
and oppression. This has often shaped the narrow job supply for immigrant
women (Saifullah-Khan,
1979; Pramar, 1982) and limited their access to oc?
in
which
terms of content nor in terms of work premises
neither
cupations
disturbed the supposedly cultural prescriptions of acceptable work. Their
background is then used as means to exploit them both by native and by
immigrant entrepreneurs. "The work that Asian women are doing (or not
doing) at any point in time can, for example, be used by employers as an
explanation of "ethnic" preference or competence and so to justify excluding
Asian women from other work. When the women then interpret this exclusion
as an immutable feature of the environment, limitations on the seeking of
other work are reinforced" (Saifullah-Khan, 1979:117).
In these types of jobs, women's mobility is even more restricted than in the
formal type of employment, they are less legally protected or not protected at
all and wages are extremely low (it has been reported that a woman may earn
for a day's work the equivalent of the legal hourly wage (Buck, 1980). Besides,
the patriarchal relations of the family are extended to work relations (Anthias,
1983). In the elaborate system of subcontracting, manufacturers in formally
established organized firms contract work out to ethnic entrepreneurs, usually
men, who then employ women of the same or other ethnic origins either as
homeworkers, or on the premises of hastily established, volatile firms. Their
wives may work without pay at all as part of their domestic duty, as I have
2Suzanne Paine was
rightin pointingout thata highmajorityofwomenwhoenteredemploy?
in Turkey,beforetheir
mentin Germanywerealreadyin non-agricultural
waged employment
immigration
(1974:71).
890
International
Migration
Review
observed in our ongoing study of immigrant garment workers in Paris.3 The
? is
quasi limited to
only upward mobility in this sector ?self employment
men because they "naturally" can expect their female kin and other women to
work for them while women can expect to command only women.4 Exploita?
tion of immigrant women by their countrymen is now, as it has been in the
history of migration, one of the few ways for immigrant men to accumulate
capital (cf. Hirata, 1979, on Chinese prostitution).
Advantages of the migrant labor system for capital have been extensively
discussed in the literature from different theoretical perspectives (Castles arid
1975; Nikolinakos, 1974; Castells, 1975; Piore,
Kosack, 1973; Meillassoux,
1981, among others). On one hand, capital realizes extensive savings in costs
of reproduction and maintenance of the work force; on the other, it can simply
ignore the achievements of the workers' movement with respect to working
conditions, working hours and wages (Castells, 1975:13). For example, while
the number of daily working hours in garment production in France was al?
ready regulated in 1892 and a limit of 10 hours a day imposed for the work of
women in the Parisian ateliersin 1904 (Guilbert and Isambert-Jamati, 1956),
almost a century later immigrant women in Parisian sweatshops work 14 to 16
hours a day ?sometimes more ?six or seven days a week, to catch up for all
the time in the year they are laid off without pay (Morokvasic, 1980). They
carry the burden of fluctuating demand, changing fashion and related season?
ally in production. Cheap female migrant labor is the cornerstone of the sur?
vival or revival of the 19th century sweating system in the metropoles of the
advanced industrial states like New York, Paris and London (Shah, 1975;
1981; Hoel, 1982; Coyle, 1982;
Buck, 1980; Anthias, 1983; Sassen-Koob,
Shah, 1975; Maw, 1975). Piece rates, unlawful violations of minimum wage or
unpaid wages are more a rule than an exception. But this has enabled this
labor intensive industry, characterized otherwise by drastic declines of em?
ployment in the industrialized countries like France, Britain and the U.S., to
keep a considerable portion of its domestic production at home, in the vicinity
of markets and fashion design centers while turning to off-shore processing for
more standardized mass-production.
With female migrants, yet another component has been introduced in the
migrant labor system so that it becomes even more attractive to the capitalist
sectors than the employment of male workers. First, they enter traditionally
female sectors. There, their wages have always been low because of the infe3WithPhilzacklea,Universityof Birminghamand Rud.olph,TechnicalUniversity,
Berlin:A
Labour in Garmentindustries
ofFrance,UnitedKingdomand
comparativestudyofimmigrant
FederalRepublicofGermany.
in Australia(Evans in thisissue)includes,
entrepreneurs
4Highpercentageoffemaleimmigrant
withtheirhusbands.
also womenin familybusinesswheretheyare in partnership
however,
Birds of Passage
are also
Women
891
riority status assigned to women in the society and because their wage has
never been considered to be the primary wage in the family5 although they
still bear the brunt of the ideology of racism and the insecure political and
legal status, as all migrants do.6 It is the articulation between the processes of
gender discrimination, racial discrimination of migrant workers and class ex?
ploitation as working class (Parmar, 1982; Philzacklea, 1983; Morokvasic,
1980; Anthias, 1983) that makes their position particularly vulnerable. An
example could perhaps best illustrate this articulation and how it limits possi?
ble options for these women: after the 1974 halt on further labor immigration,
the Western European receiving countries imposed either a complete ban or
waiting periods for entry into the labor market for the spouses who joined
migrants already in these countries. This regulation concerned non-EEC cit?
izens, mostly women. In the absence of legal employment opportunities, these
women turned to illegal employment mostly in restaurants, domestic service
and garments. For employers, there are obvious advantages in resorting to
this kind of labor: tax violation, flexibility and non-application of labor legis?
lation. These women are therefore the most exploited and the most vulnerable
workers.As immigrants,their status is extremely insecure and they can stay in
the country only under certain conditions: either as wage earners themselves
or dependent on a wage earner. Legally, these women are defined as "depen?
dents" and their stay is linked to the legal status of the migrant husband. This
means that, when the dependency link no more exists (in case of divorce,
separation, for instance) or the husband's legal status changes, women may
no longer be allowed to stay in the country (Munscher, 1979b; Brouwer and
Priester, 1983). There have been reports about numbers of women who had
to face the impossible dilemma: either accept the sexist oppression and viol?
ence in the household and keep the rights to remain in the country or escape
the oppressive
conditions but be deported {FrankfurterRundschau 3.3.1983,
20.2.1984).
CHANGES
What, then, are the effects of the migration of women on sex roles and family
patterns, on their status as women-migrant-workers and on their awareness
5Notevenwhenit is theonlywage, as it happensnow in manyThirdWorldcountrieswhere
intoindustrialproductionwhilemen remainedunem?
womenweremore rapidlyincorporated
ployed(Safa, 1981).
6One ofthemostblatantexamplesofbothracismand sexismand impactof absurdgenerali?
testsdone on Asian womenas
zationsaboutAsianwomenon thepolicymeasureswerevirginity
a screeningdevicefortheirentryas "fiancees"to the UnitedKingdom.They werecarriedout
are alwaysvirginsbeforethey
undertheassumptionthatAsianwomenfromIndian subcontinent
getmarriedand thatit is notin theircultureto engagein sexual activitybeforemarriage(The
Guardian,Nov. 79; Pramar,1982:245).
892
International
Migration
Review
about their status? These and similar questions have been asked in a number
of studies, in fact in most of those that have dealt with the migration of women
(a focus which has sometimes been underestimated [Whiteford, 1978:23]).
Frequently, the observed impact of the changes is limited to the sphere of
gender relations.
The "now and here" approach that characterizes a number of studies im?
plies also that migration is a move from a more oppressive (Andriopoulos,
1974; Levi, 1975, 1977) to a less oppressive environment, from traditional to
modern, and that the access to waged work contributes to access to a less
oppressed status. So, migration "is a liberating process and results in a modi?
cum of sexual equality, causing the rural cognitive modes about woman's place
to no longer be operative" (Whiteford, 1978), and it is a "rejection, conscious
or unconscious of traditional female roles" (Schwartz-Seller, 1981:21). Simi?
larly, for Buechler migration can be associated with unintended or latent pos?
itive changes in domestic relations (1976:67) if it involves women in productive
tasks and communal space. The improvement at the level of gender ?within
the taken for granted "general improvement resulting from migration" ? was
formulated by Patterson (1965:266) and later, in reference to autonomous mi?
gration of women from West Indies to Britain, reformulated in less general
terms by Foner (1978:83). Hoffman-Nowotny (1977) also argued that migrant
women experienced an absolute improvement in status and their position in
the family would be strengthened. Borris (1973) and Kosack (1976) estimated
that access to a certain economic independence through waged work provided
women with more strength to fight for emancipation from their subjugated
traditional roles. In my earlier analyses, I also argued that waged work and
economic independence can be for Yugoslav women a solid ground for ques?
tioning their subordination (1974). Later research led me to more nuanced
conclusions when I took into account the interrelationships between woman's
role in the household and at work. I shall discuss them below. Kosack (1976:374)
and Leonetti and Levi (1979), taking Western women as a reference, argue
that the immigrant women would also experience a conflict between the
professional and family roles "like all other women" and take the stand that
the conflict would be the basis for change.
The interpretation of changes towards more egalitarian relationships as a
result of westernization (Oppong, 1974) and the tradition-modernity-theory
that has sustained much of these findings have been widely criticized (Sudar?
kasa, 1978; Andezian and Streiff, 1981). Sudarkasa, for instance, shows that
the life styles otherwise traditional couples adopt reflect the new demands of
existence in a new social environment of the cities and are not an attempt to
copy a western model (1978:188).
The above described trend towards more egalitarian relationships has not
been confirmed in a number of studies. Block (1976) and Alund (1978) in her
Birds
of Passage
are also
Women
893
study among Yugoslav women in Sweden (1978) observed strengthening of
traditional roles. Brouwer and Priester (1983) analyzed men's control over
Turkish rural women within the spheres of gender, identity, marriage and
work, both in the Turkish context of origin and in the Netherlands. They
conclude that the maintenance of a separate men's and women's sphere in the
Dutch context led to an increase in male control over women's freedom of
movement, not to a reduction of control. Denich (1976) in reference to rural
urban migration in Yugoslavia also questioned the assumption that the tradi?
tional sex role allocation would necessarily be challenged in the urban context,
and Rubbo (1975) argued that for women a move from peasant to proletariat
is disadvantageous because they loose their independence (cf. also Connell in
this issue).
The most commonly adopted view shared also by the authors in the pres?
ent volume is, however, that migration and incorporation of women in waged
employment bring both gains and losses: they may enhance women's exploi?
tation but in the same time, women can gain independence, respect and per?
haps awareness that their condition is not fated and that it can be changed. A
number of authors have pointed to changes in family structure as a result of
migration of women (Safa, 1981) and to increasing divorce rates (Connell in
this issue; Abadan-Unat,
1977; Morokvasic, 1976). Savane (1980) argues that
family destructuring among migrant women in Dakar led to conflicts and to
psychological traumatisms because women whose social status was related to
their reproductive role had the impression that they no longer play that role
adequately. Hamer (1981) also pointed to negative effects of migration on
household stability, but offset by some benefits which are purely economic.
Selection of the marriage partner can also be affected by migration. Contrary
to most findings about destabilizing effects of migration on the family unit,
Trager in this issue suggests that migration of young women and their subse?
quent assistance to the family is a strategy which in the long run helps main?
tain the family as a unit.
Sassen-Koob (in this volume) puts emphasis on another important dimen?
sion of the incorporation of women in the industrial workforce in developing
economies ?destruction of traditional work structures and reduced survival
opportunities in the areas of origin.
Anthias argues that despite some progressive effectsof migration on women
such as growth of economic independence and decline of the arranged mar?
riage and dowry, there are indications that women's subordination to male
authority remains great (1983:91). Likewise Abadan-Unat (1977), Ley (1979,
1981) and Krasberg (1979) pointed to more egalitarian relationships in the
family as a result of migration, but also warned about negative effects and
in Abadan-Unat's words. Emancipa?
new burdens or, "pseudoemancipation",
tion is for Abadan-Unat directly related to modernization and criteria which
894
International
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define this process are: decline of the extended family patterns, adoption of
the nuclear family, fragmentation of the family structure, access to paid work,
influence of the media, decline of religious practices, increasing adoption of
egalitarian values for girls and boys and adoption of consumption behavior.
Alund (1978) also observed adoption of new consumption patterns among im?
migrant women in Sweden.
It has also been argued that changes observed in immigration countries
are a step in an ongoing process of change and has to be understood in the
light of experience and change in the country/area of origin. (Engelbrektsson,
1977; Morokvasic, 1980). Change i? therefore a result of interaction between
past and present influences and not something attributable to the new milieu
only, seen systematically as a determinant, and in relation to women as a lieu
of liberation and openness. The analysis of birth control practices for instance
(Morokvasic 1981) provides evidence that for Yugoslav migrant women the
modern and supposedly liberating ways of birth control were not the most
privileged ones: there is even a reluctance to use them because they are seen
as a source of a new type of subjection.
To highlight other related changes which take place in the migration pro?
cess some authors have looked beyond gender and gender relations in the
household. Pessar's analysis in this issue focuses on the interdependence of the
household and workplace for Dominican immigrant women in the USA. Al?
though a new pattern of domestic authority emerges among immigrant cou?
ples with more egalitarian divisions of labor and control of domestic resources,
women's new experience as wage workers does not challenge their deeply
rooted identities as wives and mothers: it has only helped women redefine
them in a more satisfying manner. On the other hand, their middle class iden?
tity and frame of reference were not conducive to collective struggles for im?
provement of working conditions. Pessar argues that only the forseeable con?
flict and contradictions between the established family ideology of the middle
class and the future lack of opportunities for their children "may transform the
identities of these women as tied to the fate of the larger working class".
In my own work I have analyzed the interrelationship between the discrim?
ination related to gender, class and immigrant status (Morokvasic, 1980 and
forthcoming, 1985). The oppression as a migrant/or a foreigner is the most
sharply felt and tends to "neutralize" the other two, to mask the exploitation
by (for instance) a male compatriot employer, or push women to take their
husband's stand whatever their own position in relation to him. This aware?
ness, however, hardly ever leads to collective action (Yugoslavs do not take
part in actions against restrictive laws which directly concern them). A strong
interrelationship between working class status and gender was observed: paid
work may enable women to assert their economic independence vis a vis men,
but this creates dependency on work and blocks possible reaction to oppressive
Birds of Passage
are also
Women
895
working conditions. Besides, the role women play in the household is not put
in question because the working experience is often unrewarding and does not
represent a sufficiently attractive alternative to social recognition. Therefore,
performance in household tasks remains the only possible source for such rec?
ognition. Usually women may also accept the status quo in the household rela?
tions because home may be the only place where they still feel some security
in a xenophobic society and/or harassed by sexist entrepreneurs of the same
nationality. Solidarity with the husband is also emphasized by the originally
joint migration project, as Pessar also observed.
There is some evidence in research that migrant women can find strength
and power in the oppressive conditions that characterize their daily lives. The
intensification of gender and racial subordination through wage labor may
produce over time a liberating potential (Wilson, 1978; Philzacklea, 1982).
Pramar (1982) points to the active role of women in fighting their oppression.
"Asian women have a tradition of struggle where they have used and converted
their so called 'weaknesses' into strengths and developed gender and culturally
specific forms of resistances" (1982:264). Mirdal in this issue points to a de?
preciation of Turkish women's position in Denmark because the "roles they
have been socialized to fulfill completely are no longer needed under new
conditions". Unprepared to face new requirements; often in stress, they are
however, a group "with resources and strength, determined to solve their prob?
lems". Pittin, also in the present volume, argues that Hausa women, "while
projecting a self image as victims of fate and circumstances, capitalize on male
ideology in pursuit of their own objectives and priorities which may not be
achievable within the confines of marriage and rural society".
It is probably illusory to make any generalizations based on these findings
in differentparts of the world. They can only be interpreted within the specific
socioeconomic and cultural context in which the changes are observed. The
review of material suggests, however, that these changes can be related to the
following set of factors: first, women's role in production and her social status
in the area of origin; second, possibilities of employment in the receiving areas
for women but also for men; and, third, migration patterns and reasons women
engage in them.
Women are known to have played an important role in maintaining the
subsistence agriculture (Meillassoux, 1975; Savane, 1980; Connell, in this is?
sue). Their status could be autonomous and prestigious due to their role, or
in spite of their considerable role in production they may have little power and
their status is not necessarily defined by their performance in production
1977).
(Meillassoux, 1975; Hamer, 1981; Abadan-Unat,
The impact of waged employment on women can be determined by the
possibilities of employment for men (Safa, 1981:423). When these are lacking,
drastic changes in family structure can occur with increasing numbers of
896
International
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female headed households. The type of employment women have access to
can encourage or jeopardize their consciousness raising: Young (1982) notes
young Mexican girls in domestic service in the city: "The bulk of these young
for this
female migrants are both poor and immature, lacking any skill ...
some
terms
of
have
had
in
their
they
employment (domestic service)
training
role in their own family and of their predisposition to accept a social position
of inferiority. As part of the naturally constituted order of things, they also
accept that women must serve their naturally ordained superiors" (1982:173).
The experience of work can be unrewarding as mentioned above in reference
to Yugoslav migrant women and does not represent a sufficiently attractive
alternative to social recognition. Besides, women may not dispose freely of the
revenue of their work (Wilson,
MIGRA
WOMEN
TION
TAKE
1978; Morokvasic,
PA TTERNS
PART
AND
IN
1980).
REASONS
THEM
Women may join the moves for marriage purpose (Dasgupta, 1982) or to fol?
low the husbands (Andezian and Streiff, 1981; Les femmesimmigrees
parlent, 1979;
Wilson, 1978). This can, however, also be or become an economic migration
as a strategy to achieve an economic target together with the husband (Mo?
rokvasic, 1980; Pessar, in this issue). Sudarkasa (1978) observed that the mi?
gration of women to towns is not a labor migration, but if women want to
have an independent income they have to rely on self employment and petty
trade.
Emigration of young girls in Latin America, in Philippines and in South
Pacific can be part of a household's strategy for survival (Arizpel, 1981; Jelin,
1978; Young, 1982; Safa, 1981). Trager and Connell in t)ie present volume
point out that they are seen as a particularly reliable source of remittances.
Migration of Turkish women sent by their families to facilitate the subsequent
emigration of the husband (Borris, 1973; Abadan-Unat, 1977) are also part of
the similar strategies and cannot be always interpreted as an independent
move.
There are also more independent migration patterns of women like women
traders in Africa (Sudarkasa, 1978; Gilbert and Gugler, 1982), young Hausa
women (Pittin, in this issue), emigration of certain categories of women who
seem to be more migratory than others (barren, widowed, separated, di?
vorced) and those who, as single, have limited access to resources in the local
area and are obliged to leave (Young, 1982; Arizpe, 1981). There are of course
a number of other categories of women which, mostly but not exclusively for
economic reasons engage in migration (Pinto, 1981; Thadani and Todaro,
1978; Morokvasic,
1983b).
Birds of Passage
are also
Women
897
This distinction between migration for marriage purposes and autono?
mous female migration has frequently lead to the assumption that there is no
need to explain it: in the first case women are just passive "followers", in the
other, since the economic reasons predominate (Pinto, 1981) it was assumed
as Thadani and Todaro perceptively pointed out "that patterns of female mi?
gration are likely to mirror those of male migration, that is, that the potential
differences between male and female migration are not likely to be of theoret?
ical or empirical significance (1978:4).
There have been, however, a number of contributions to our understand?
ing of female specific migration. Boserup (1970) argued that women were more
likely to migrate if their function in local economy was not seen as essential;
she also pointed to the opportunities of employment in the city and the con?
straints on the mobility of women locally. Thadani and Todaro (1978) pro?
posed a model for studying emigration of "unattached females" in the Third
World with the following key variables: rural/urban income differentials, both
in informal and in formal sectors, marriage prospects (including mobility
marriage and prescriptive marriage) and sex role constraints. Smith, Khoo
and Fawcett in this volume point to other important factors such as education
and the specific strategies of industrial growth in the reception areas. Arizpe
(1980) and Young (1982) have analyzed the rural to urban migration of young
women. Young discussed the creation of relative surplus population in the
rural areas as a result of monetarization of the local economy and the destruc?
tion of domestic manufacturing. Young girls and single women were "selected
out" for migration (1982:149) because they did not have any viable alternative
in the village while on the contrary, they could get employment as domestics
in the cities.
There is also evidence about the impact of social constraints or lack of
them on sex selectivity patterns. Bourdieu (1962) showed how different refer?
ence systems literally prepare girls in the villages of Beam, France, to emi?
grate to town, but function as discouraging mechanisms for boys and men.
Thus, he argues, the achievement of a perhaps similar target or pursuit of the
same motive through migration can be either socially valued and stimulated
or, on the contrary, unrecognized and discouraged. Social constraints act fre?
quently in the other direction: geographic mobility can be socially acceptable
only for men but be repressed for a vast majority of women. Connell, in this
volume, notes that women are sometimes not expected to migrate or can be
occasionally prevented from migrating and Pittin argues that for young Hausa
women, in a society of seclusion and strict social control, migration may be a
tantamount to prostitution. Nevertheless, under specific circumstances these
constraints can change (for instance under the impact of economic need) or
may not even apply to some categories of women, already marginalized in
that same society. Hirata (1979) argued that Chinese prostitutes constituted a
898
International
Migration
Review
small but significant part in the predominantly male Chinese immigration to
California in the 19th century: while the Chinese patriarchy prohibited the
emigration of decent women and the American society was hostile to family
immigration from the Far East, they did not forbid the emigration and im?
migration of prostitutes. There is also some evidence that in contemporary
male dominated migration patterns from Maghreb to France, beside the so?
cially acceptable migration of women who follow or join their husbands, there
is also an autonomous migration of women already marginalized in their own
society as widows, repudiated or separated (Andezian and Streiff, 1981:94).
In other words, in the context where there are constraints on the mobility of
women, some women who have been marginalized out of an acceptable (for a
woman) and recognized status in a given society, may even be under social
pressure to leave.
There is also evidence about other non-economic factors that have a sex
selective impact and have been more frequently mentioned as cause of emi?
gration for women than for men: transgressing the limits of sometimes rigidly
defined sex-role behavior (like having out of wedlock children, for instance)
even in a society with little restriction on the mobility of women (Morokvasic,
1980); marital discord and physical violence (Morokvasic, 1980; Bujera, 1980);
unhappy and broken marriages (Little, 1973); impossibility of divorce so that
migration becomes a substitute (Rose, 1969:5); discrimination against specific
groups of women, and the weak and insecure status of others (Pinto, 1981;
Gugler, 1968:467); disadvantages in terms of property rights (Abadan-Unat,
1977); and little opportunities for women (Young, 1982:170) in spite of their
considerable role in production (Hamer, 1981:194). These factors, often tightly
related to lack of economic opportunities suggest the subordinate position of
women and the oppressive and discriminatory nature of the emigration soci?
eties. Jackson (in this volume) in her analysis of women's participation in em?
igration from Ireland emphasizes this point: "For women it was more than a
mere flight from poverty. It was an escape from an increasingly patriarchal
society whose asymmetrical development as a colony generated insufficient
social space for women even as wife and mother".
Women's necessity or willingness to flee such conditions have been varia?
bly labeled as personal, minor, emotional, familial or individual, drawing on
the stereotypical view assigned to women, while men are described more on a
false dichotomy of private-public, individual-society. That is, the emigration
of women would be more due to individual, private, family reasons, while
male migration would be a result of external, public, economic reasons.7 It
7Asechoedin thisstatement
"The objectiveconsiderations
of a husbandare counterbalanced
bythesubjectiveattitudeofthewifeas faras migrationdecisionis concerned"(Kubat and Hoffman-Nowotny,
1981:345).
Birds of Passage
are also
Women
899
has been argued elsewhere that these reasons cannot be called individual (Mo?
rokvasic, 1983b). Sexist oppression and subordination experienced by women
in different parts of the world are not an individual matter, nor a matter of
specific personal relationships that concern some individuals exceptionally.
Neither is women's escape from it.
The interrelationship between these non-economic factors and the eco?
nomic ones will determine who will be the women who engage in the migra?
tory movements and what will be the meaning of migratory experience for
them, how they will incorporate, adapt new values and behavior, or totally
reject them, seeking refuge but often strength, in the old patterns.
...
BUT
THE
MALE
BIAS
PERSISTS
Introducing their book about migrant men in Europe, Berger and Mohr wrote
in 1975: "Among the migrant workers in Europe there are probably two mil?
lion women. Some work in factories, many work in domestic service. To write
of their experience adequately would require a book itself. We hope this will
be done. Ours is limited to the experience of the male migrant worker." Its
publication coincided with the arousal of interest in migrant women and an
increasing awareness of the male bias in migration research. Acknowledge?
ment that female migrants have been neglected by research and policy makers
or that they have been represented in a stereotypical manner as "passive de?
pendents", while migration has been treated as a phenomenon involving males
only, has become part of a conventional wisdom in the field, a way to intro?
duce a piece of research aiming to make a contribution in redressing the im?
balance. Now, we have at our disposal a considerable amount of studies, a
variety, though still not always adequate, of statistical evidence and other
sources of conventional and less conventional nature, in particular on internal
movements, but also on women in international migrations. It has become
increasingly clear that migration of women, and migration in general, cannot
be analyzed within the framework which focuses on young male adults re?
sponding to formal employment opportunities. Rather than "discovering" that
female migration is an understudied phenomenon, it is more important to
stress that the already existing literature has had little impact on policy mak?
ing, on mass media presentation of migrant women, but also on the main
body of migration literature, where male bias has continued to persist into the
late seventies and eighties in spite of the growing evidence of women's over?
whelming participation in migratory movements.8 Many questions of rele8Forexamplein Granotier,1979;Munoz, Oliveiraand Stern,1982;Adepoju, 1982,and even
in Piore'shighlysuggestiveand innovativeapproach,whichotherwise
aims to covera numberof
? includingthosewitha significant
ofwomen,? migrant
worker
patterns
participation
migratory
a maleworker.
is essentially
900
International
Migration
Review
vance to the theory of migration remained unanswered simply because they
were never asked.
To provide insight into the reasons for this lack of impact, one would have
to discuss the minority status assigned to this issue as a "women's issue" in
migration theory and research, as well as in social science inquiry in general.
This is a matter beyond the scope of this introduction and this volume. I
believe, however, that unawareness about the amount of already accumulated
knowledge has also something to do with difficulties of access to it because of
linguistic, geographic, disciplinary and other barriers, and I hope that the
present international outlook will be a contribution to much needed exchange
of knowledge and experience in the field which has, far too often, remained
confined to national or regional boundaries.
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