From Participant Observation to the Observation of Participation: The Emergence of
Narrative Ethnography
Author(s): Barbara Tedlock
Source: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 47, No. 1 (Spring, 1991), pp. 69-94
Published by: University of New Mexico
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3630581
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OBSERVATION
TOTHE
FROMPARTICIPANT
OBSERVATION
OF PARTICIPATION:
THE
EMERGENCE
OF NARRATIVE
ETHNOGRAPHY1
Barbara
Tedlock
StateUniversity
of NewYorkat Buffalo,
ofAnthropology,
Department
NY14261
Buffalo,
Beginningin the 1970s therehas beena shiftin culturalanthropological
methodology
towardtheobservation
fromparticiant observation
ofparticiation.Duringparticipant
observation
and coolly
ethnographers
attemptto be bothemotionally
engagedparticipants
observers
dispassionate
of thelivesof others.In theobservation
ofparticipation,
ethnogand observetheirownand others'coparticipation
withintheethraphersbothexperience
encounter.
Theshiftfromtheonemethodology
totheotherentailsa representational
nographic
in which,insteadof a choicebetweenwritingan ethnographic
memoir
transformation
centeringon theSelf or a standardmonograph
centeringon theOther,boththeSelf and
Otherarepresented
withina singlenarrative
focusedon thecharacter
together
ethnography,
andprocessof theethnographic
dialogue.
THE MYTHICHISTORY
OF anthropologyis populatedby fourarchetypes:the
the professional
amateurobserver,the armchair
anthropologist,
ethnographer,
and the "gonenative"fieldworker.Eighteenth-and earlynineteenth-century
amateuraccounts-writtenby explorers,travelers,medicaldoctors,colonial
officers,missionaries,andtheidlerich-providedthematerialsforthe armchair
It was not untilafter
ruminationsof late nineteenth-century
anthropologists.
in anynumbers,
the FirstWorldWarthatacademically
trainedethnographers,
fieldwork
and
intensive
constructingethnographicinforbegan undertaking
in
nihilistic
It
was
this
world-which
mation.2
shattered,
gave birthto the Jazz
valuewas placed
with
its
hair
and
bathtub
intellectual
bobbed
gin-that
Age
in
order
to studyandreconstitutea humaneorder
on travelingto distantplaces
out of devastationanddisorder.
In the Frenchtradition,the emphasiswas on team research,usinga docThe Britishandthe Americantraditionsemphasizedinumentaryapproach.3
dividualresearch,using an experientialapproachthat was labelledwith the
There is no doubtbut thatthis peculiar
oxymoron"participant
observation."4
methodologicalstance causes stress, for as BenjaminPaul (1953:441)has
noted, "Participation
impliesemotionalinvolvement;observationrequiresdetachment.It is a strainto try to sympathizewithothersandat the sametime
Thissimultaneously
striveforscientificobjectivity."
empathetic,yet distancing,
to producedatathat
methodology,whichis widelybelievedby ethnographers
somehowreflectthe native'sown pointof view, in time becamethe principal
mode of productionfor anthropologicalknowledge.5
Ever since Malinowski (1922[1961]:25) suggested that an ethnographer's
goal should be "to grasp the native's point of view, his relationto life, to realize
69
70
OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
JOURNAL
his visionof his world,"there has been an expectationthatparticipant
observationwouldlead to "humanunderstanding"
througha fieldworker's
learning
to think,see, feel, andsometimeseven behaveas a native.Sincewe canonly
enter into anotherperson'sworldthroughcommunication,
we dependupon
of
to
create
a
world
shared
andto reach
dialogue
intersubjectivity
ethnographic
an understanding
of the differencesbetweentwo worlds.6In orderto accomit is necessaryto undertakeanengaged
plishthisformof humanunderstanding,
It
this
of
fieldwork.
is
period
experiencethat has become the professional
necessaryinitiation-variouslyreferredto as a pubertyrite,
ethnographer's
ritualordeal,or ritedepassage.7
whohavelearnednot onlythe languagebutalsoappropriate
Ethnographers
behavior(includingnonverbalcommunication
codes) have been transformed,
sometimesquiteradically,by theirfieldworkexperience.In his ethnography,
PokerFaces, DavidHayano(1982:149)reveals thathe becameso immersed
in the subcultureof California
pokerplayersthat "withinseveralyears I had
of
become
one
the
virtually
peopleI wantedto study!"LizaCrihfieldDalby
not only took on the socialrole of a geisha (a charmingerotic entertainer)
duringher fieldworkinJapan,but she also claimsto have becomeone in both
bodyandspirit.8Herassertionthatshe learnedto thinkandbehaveas a geisha
Howimagination.
suggests the "gonenative"archetypeof the anthropological
memoirabouther fieldwork
ever, since she also publishedan ethnographic
experience,Geisha(1983),she mightmoreaccuratelybe describedas having
"gone native"culturally,but not socially,or, better yet, as havingbecome
bicultural.In other words, while Dalbybecamea geisha in Japanto an imrole andstatus
pressive degree, she didnot totallyabandonher ethnographic
backin the UnitedStates.
The numberof fieldworkerswho have givenup anthropology
altogetherin
orderto jointhe flowof lifeelsewhereis very small.Perhapsthe mostfamous
case of a "gonenative"fieldworker
is thatof GermanscholarCurtUnkel,who
went to Brazilearlyin this centuryto studythe Indiansof the Amazonregion
andnever returned.Althoughhe was adoptedintoa tribalgroupandtook the
Guaraniname Nimuendajti,
a house in the city of Beldm.He
he maintained
also wrote a series of ethnographic
manuscriptsandaskedthe Americananhis workandin obtaining
thropologistRobertLowieforhelpbothin publishing
a researchgrantto continuehis fieldstudies.Anothercandidatefor the "gone
native"awardis FrankHamiltonCushing.Duringhis fouryears of fieldwork
at ZuniPueblo,he was initiatedas a warpriest,buthe nonethelesscontinued
to do fieldworkandpublisheda numberof ethnographic
works-includingan
narrative
of
account
the
fieldwork
early
experience(Cushing1882-83). Eventually,he marrieda whitewomanandleft Zunito settle on the East Coast.A
thirdcandidateis VerrierElwin,an Englishmanwho went to India,married
intoa tribe,becameanIndiancitizen(evena close confidant
of Mahatma
Gandhi
andJawaharlal
Nehru),andwas recognizedas a pioneerIndiananthropologist.
He publisheda series of extraordinarily
detailedethnographies
muchadmired
in bothIndiaandEngland.
For these individuals,fieldworkwas not a rite of passage, or route to an
ETHNOGRAPHY
EMERGENCE
OF NARRATIVE
71
academicunioncard, but ratherthe lived-realityof the fieldexperiencewas
the center of their intellectualandemotionalmissionsas humanbeings.9 As
Elwinexpressedit, "Forme anthropology
didnot mean'field-work':
it meant
my whole life. My methodwas to settle downamongthe people, live with
them, sharetheirlifeas faras anoutsidercouldandgenerallydo severalbooks
together.... This meantthat I didnot dependmerelyon askingquestions,
but knowledgeof the peoplegraduallysankin untilit was partof me"(Elwin
1964:142).
What seems to lie behindthe belief that "goingnative"poses a serious
is the logicalconstruction
of the relationship
between
dangerto the fieldworker
objectivityand subjectivity,between scientistand native, between Self and
is thata subject'sway
Other,as an unbridgeable
opposition.The implication
of knowingis incompatible
with the scientist'sway of knowingand that the
domainof objectivityis the sole propertyof the outsider.Severalfieldworkers
haverejectedthissharpanalytical
distinction
betweenSelfandOther.Bennetta
Jules-Rosette,whojoinedanAfricanchurchinthe processof studyingit, wrote
that"throughcontinuedobservation,I beganto developa repertoireof knowledge andexpectations,or a commonculture,thatwas sharedwithparticipants
and createdin interactionwith them"(Jules-Rosette1975:21).In his introductionto Jules-Rosette'sbook,VictorTurnerobservedthat"toeachlevel of
socialitycorrespondsits ownknowledge,andif one wishes to graspa group's
deepest knowledgeone mustcommunewithits members,speakits Essential
thiscom(inJules-Rosette1975:8).Inphenomenological
We-talk"
terminology,
municativeinteraction,or "we-talk,"
neither
to
the
realm
of
belongs
objectivity
nor to that of subjectivity,but ratherto "humanintersubjectivity."
It is this
realmthat distinguishesthe humansciences from the naturalsciences as a
fieldof investigation.10
There was a time whenassuminga participatory
stance, suchas takingon
an apprenticeship
role, was criticizeddue to the beliefthatit mightsomehow
interferewith the objectivityof the description(Coy 1989:108).The enculturationthat accompaniesany intensivefieldworkexperiencemightalso be
critiquedfor the same reason, but this has not alwaysbeen the case. Solon
Kimballportrayedhis own involvementin the Irishworldas so intensethat,
withoutanyformalinstructionin spectralsightings,he saw a well-knownlocal
apparition.Describinghis experience,he suggestedthat"thetime mayhave
arrivedwhen we are readyto undertakesystematicobservationsof the processes of inductionand involvementin anotherculture"(Kimball1972:192).
The time has indeedcome. There are now severaldetailedethnographic
reports of intensiveenculturation,
includingsuccessfulformalandinformalapprenticeships(Chernoff1980; Cooper1980;B. Tedlock1982;Johnson1984;
Coy 1989).
detailsof the fieldwork
Nevertheless,the publicrevelationof participatory
experienceis stillconsideredembarrassingly
unprofessional
by some ethnographers.It is as thoughfieldworkwere supposedto give us two totallyindependentthings:reportablesignificantknowledgeandunreportable
mysticism
and highadventure.If we were to be so foolishas to make the mistakeof
72
OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
JOURNAL
combiningthese elements, it wouldsomehowseriouslydiscreditour entire
"As
this contradiction:
endeavor.PaulRabinow(1977:10)nicelysummarized
we
that
students
are
told
graduate
'anthropology
equalsexperience';you are
not an anthropologist
untilyou havethe experienceof doingit. But whenone
is not
returnsfromthe fieldthe oppositeimmediatelyapplies:anthropology
the experienceswhichmadeyou an initiate,but only the objectivedatayou
have broughtback."
In the past, the most commonway out of this doublebindwas either to
publishthe fieldworkexperienceas a novel or else to suppressthe actual
events that took place duringthe research,togetherwith all referenceto
andthe ethnographic
the ethnographer
subjects.
including
specificindividuals,
When the novelisticpath was taken, some ethnographerswere carefulto
distancethemselvesfromthe work by usinga pseudonym.MargaretField
publishedher memoirof doingethnographyamongthe Ga of West Africa,
novStormyDawn (1947),underthe nameMarkFreshfield.LauraBohannan
in WestAfricaunderthe
elized her experiencesas a neophyteethnographer
nameElenoreSmithBowen.HerbookReturntoLaughter(1954)was a highly
successfulpublishing
venture,withmorethan350,000
acclaimed,commercially
copies printedas of this writing.PhilipDruckerpublishedhis Mexicanethnographicnovel, TropicalFrontier(1969),underthe namePaulRecord.This
to publishtheirfieldexpeuse of pseudonymsenabledthese ethnographers
riencesandkeep this activitytotallyseparate,even secret, fromtheirprofesfeltthatpublishing
sion.Thisdistancing
moveindicates,I believe,thatindividuals
a personalfieldworkaccountwouldsomehowdamagetheir reputationsor
credibilityas professionalethnographers."Later in life perhaps,as Laura
Bohannandid, they couldrevealtheirpseudonymsto the professionandtake
creditfor theirliteraryoutput.
The second andmore commonway of dealingwithfieldexperienceswas
datafrom
simplynot to mentionthem,butinsteadto abstractthe meaningful
the objectsof studyand to removeall traces of the observer.The resultof
this strategyis that,as StephenTyler(1987:92)recentlynoted,"ethnography
is a genre thatdiscreditsor discouragesnarrative,subjectivity,confessional,
or anyoneelse's expepersonalanecdote,or accountsof the ethnographers'
rience."Thissuppressionof firsthandexperiencein ethnographic
monographs
has been describedby GeorgeDevereux,in FromAnxietyto Methodin the
defensemechanismproducing
BehavioralSciences(1967:97),as a professional
"scientific(?) 'results'whichsmellof the morgueandare almostirrelevantin
terms of livingreality."12
is botha productanda process, ourlives as ethnogBecauseethnography
raphersare embeddedwithinfield experiencein such a way that all of our
interactions involve choices, and thus, "there is a moral dimension-made
explicit or not-in all anthropologicalwriting"(Herdt 1988:185). Whatwe see
or fail to see, reporting a particularmisunderstandingor embarrassment, or
ignoringit, all involve choices. We also make a choice when we edit ourselves
out of our finalwritten ethnographicproduct. This is so no matter how narrow
OFNARRATIVE
ETHNOGRAPHY
EMERGENCE
73
the focus or scientificityof our researchdesign. That a personalaccountof
fieldworkis always an option, regardlessof our chosen topic or research
methodology,is demonstratedin DennisWerner's(1984) beautifullycrafted
In this workhe combinesa livelypersonal
Amazonian
narrativeethnography.
accountof his lifein the field,a richportraitof Mekranoti
culture,anda precise
descriptionof the variousquantitative
approacheshe usedduringhis research.
RogerSanjek(1990:254)classifiedWerner'stext as amongthe "mostethnorichof the personalaccounts... writtenby one whoadmits,'While
graphically
I was stillin graduateschool,a fellowstudentoncecomplained
thatevery time
I openedmy mouthnumberscameout.'"GilbertHerdt(1988:186)pointsout
thatare totallyremovedfroma discussionof fieldwork,
thatin ethnographies
"the author'sfield tacticsandexperiencecan remaininvisible,"leavingonly
accounts."
"impersonalized-no--depersonalized
An early exceptionto the impersonalstyle in anthropological
writingwas
A
Weavers
Woman:
and
Chanters,
StoryofNavajo
Spider
publishedby Gladys
Reichardin 1934. In this engagingrenderingof her fieldworkexperience,
Reichardnarrates-in the firstperson,activevoice, presenttense-four separatefieldtripsto Arizona.Her re-creationof her experiencesandfeelingsis
full of precise descriptionsof the detailsof everydaylife, includingher own
unspokenthoughtsandreactionsto events she sharedwithher Navajofamily.
In a painfulvignette,we see her strugglingto remainwithinthe boundsof the
undergoesa gruellingeight-day
Navajoworldwhenher adoptivegrandmother
traditionalcuringceremony,thoughshe has what Reichardbelieves to be
pneumonia."Mysympathyhas runthe gamutfromthe weakest sort of pity
to bitternessat notfindingthe doctor,"she writes,"fromgrimfatalismat being
compelledto fetch the Chanterto the most abjectfutilityat watchingMaria
Antoniashampooingher hairin that wind. It now flaresinto feverishanger
whichdies downin despairas I see her rest once moredisturbed,when she
is forcedby the tenets of the cureto sit upwhilethe Chanterblowsmedicinepine leaves floatingon water---onher side where the pain tormentsher"
(Reichard1934:252-53).The overallplotlineof this accountfollowsthatof a
novel of education;thus, in the last chapter,entitled"Degreein Weaving,"
endsup teachingher own
Reichardportraysherselfas a studentwhoironically
instructorthe diamondtwilltechnique.
MichelLeirispublished
hisAfricandiary,L'Afrique
The Frenchethnographer
In
Woman
additionto documenting
in
the
same
year
appeared.
Spider
fant6me,
the two-yearDakar-Djibouti
expeditionto the Dogonof Sangaandthe Ethiopiansof Gondar,togetherwiththe activitiesof variousAfricansubjects,Leiris
revealedthe strainedrelationshipsbetween the Europeanmembersof the
researchteam and the unethicalmuseum-collecting
proceduresof the expedition.These revelationswere to be the causeof hiseventualpermanentbreak
with his colleague Marcel Griaule. He also disclosed the invasion of his own
dream life by images arising directly from his fieldwork:"Suddenly,the smell
of the herbs I've had scattered around my room enters my nostrils. Half
dreaming. I have the sensation of a kindof swirling(as if reddeningand turning
74
OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
JOURNAL
of trance)andI let out
my headI were doingthe gourridancecharacteristic
a scream.ThistimeI'mreallypossessed"(Leiris1934:358;Englishtranslation
by Clifford1986:44).13
Inhisintroduction
to TheNuer(1940),the Britishanthropologist
E.E. EvansPritchard
includeda seven-pagefirst-personconfessional
accountof the terrible
livingconditionsandinformantdifficultieshe experiencedduringfieldworkin
the Sudan.In sharpcontrast,the remainderof the book,writtenin an omniscient third-person
authoritative
voice, describeshighlyabstract,nonempirical
entities, such as lineageand age-set systems, and the idealizedactionsof
commondenominator
people:the Nuerdo this, the Nuerdo that. Duringthis
samedecade,OliverLaFarge,theAmericananthropologist
andPulitzerPrizeSantaEulalia:
winningnovelist,publisheda complexnarrativeethnography,
TheReligionof a Cuchumatdn
are porIndianTown(1947).In it, individuals
trayedandactualevents are describedin detail.Liberallysprinkledwith engagingfirst-personnarrativevignettes,the text climaxeswith a narrativeof
stolen idolsandthe placementof a deathcurse uponLa Fargeandhis party.
andLa Fargebothplacethemselveswithinthe ethAlthoughEvans-Pritchard
their
frame,
nographic
purposesand the resultingtexts couldnot be more
different.Evans-Pritchard's
serves to distancehimfromthe Nuer,
self-portrait
of
La
the
giving
appearance objectivity; Farge'sself-portraitplaces him far
within
the Mayanworldto revealhis subjectivity.
enough
LaFarge'shumanistic
stancetowardthe portrayal
of the fieldworkencounter
can also be foundin two of AliceMarriott'sbooks, The ValleyBelow (1949)
and GreenerFields (1952). In the firstof these ethnographic
memoirs,which
centers on a sojournin northernNew Mexico,Marriott(1949:239)explains
her writingproblem:"I startedwith the idea of an orderlydescriptionof a
societythatwas blendedof threeelements:Indian,Spanish,andAnglo.I found
thatI couldn'tdescribethe societywithouttellinghowwe [herartistcompanion
Marthaandherself]cameto be partof it. I couldn'tanalyzethe peoplewithout
describingthem, andthe descriptiontook the formof tellingof the impactof
theircharacterson ours."In her secondmemoir,GreenerFields, the chapters
alternatebetween a highlyaccessibleaccountof the historyof anthropology
and anecdotalnarratives,rangingfromthe hilariousto the poignant,of her
manyyears of fieldworkandclose friendshipswith PlainsandSouthwestern
Indians.
In spite of its appeal,first-person,experientialwritingby ethnographers
dealingwith actualpeopleandevents was rareduringthe 1930s, 1940s, and
JeanMalauriedecided
early 1950s. Indeed,the Arcticexplorer-ethnographer
thatthe onlywayto changethe situationwasto promotethisformof expression
activelyamonghis friendsandcolleagues(Balandier1987:1).In 1955 he initiated a documentaryliterary series, TerreHumaine, with the Paris publisher
Plon. The series was specificallydedicated to the publicationof well-written,
firsthand documentary testimony combining "scientific objectivity with a dialectic of personal relationships"(Malaurie1987:10). Over five millioncopies
of the fifty volumes publishedto date have been sold.
ETHNOGRAPHY
EMERGENCE
OFNARRATIVE
75
and
To start the literaryseries, MalaurieencouragedClaudeL&vi-Strauss
(IkviGeorgesBalandierto writeup theirfieldexperiences.TristesTropiques
Strauss 1955, 1961) andAfriqueambigui(Balandier1957, 1966) resulted.
Togetherwithhis ownLes derniersroisde Thuld(Malaurie1956, 1982),these
were the firstfieldworkaccountshe published.Eachof the threevolumeswas
successful,reachinga wide, appreciativeaudience.By now, Malaurie'sbook
has been translatedinto sixteen languages.But the most renownedvolume,
and one that becamean immediatebest-sellerin France,was IAvi-Strauss's
of a traveler'stale, personalfeelwithits oddjuxtaposition
TristesTropiques,
abstract
models.Althoughpopulartoday,
and
observation,
ings, ethnographic
it wasvirtuallyignoredwhenit wasfirsttranslatedintoEnglishin 1961.Perhaps
the English-speaking
academicworldwas not yet comfortablewith a firstof fieldwork,or perhapswe were simplynot ready
narrative
account
person
for whatSusanSontag(1966)called"theanthropologist
as hero."
At almostthe same time TristesTropiques
cameout, GeorgesCondominas
(1957) publishedhis Vietnamesefield notebookswith Mercurede France,
underthe titleof Nousavonsmangelaforetdela Pierre-Genie
G6o.Hiswriting
takes the formof a diary,listingandcommentingat lengthon the events he
witnessedin the villageof Sar LukfromNovember1948to December1949.
In his introduction
he comments,"I shallno doubtbe reproachedfor alluding
to my own presenceat events I describe.But my purposeis not to paintan
exotic canvasor to constructsome sort of prehistoricethnography.
Rather,it
is to renderrealityas it waslivedwhilebeingobserved"(Condominas
1977:xix).
Insteadof beingreproached,the bookwas rapidlytranslatedintoItalian,German,andRussian.However,Condominas's
attemptto get the booktranslated
andpublishedin Englishis a bizarretaleof international
copyrightinfringement.
Afteryears of unsuccessfulpublication
attempts,he ranacrossa 1962pirated
Englisheditionproducedby the United States Departmentof Commerce,
which,as he notes, "actedon politicalandmilitaryreasonsratherthanout of
anydeepscientificconcern,anddidso withoutconsultingeitherme, the author,
or the originalFrenchpublisher"
(Condominas
1977:xi).This piratededition
of a fielddiarythatsympathetically
the
portrayed indigenous
peoplesof Vietnam
was availableneitherto the anthropological
nor
to
the generalpublic
profession
in
the
of
the
war
Vietnam.
during period
Fromthe 1960s to the presentday, the relationship
of fieldworkersto the
and
other
to
the
authorities
peoplethey study,
political
powerfulfiguresof the
host community,
andto themselvesas observers,participants,
andinterpreters
has been exploredin depth in a series of edited volumesand in individual
fieldworkaccounts.14Whenthe Society for AppliedAnthropology
published
GeraldBerreman'sBehindManyMasks:Ethnography
and ImpressionManagementin a HimalayanVillage(1962),RobertSmithcommented,in his foreword,thatit was the "onlyattemptknownto me to presentwithinananalytical
framework the subtleties of what the author calls 'the human experience' of
field work"(in Berreman 1962:3). Using Erving Goffman's(1959) interactionist
approach to "impression management," which involves a description of the
76
OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
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performancesstaged for the observer(includingthe behaviorthatgoes into
producingthem, as well as the backstagesituationwhichconcealsthem),
Berremananalyzedthe specificpatternsof socialinteractionhe foundduring
his ethnographic
fieldworkin a highlystratifiedNorthIndianvillage.Although
(so far as I know)has utilizedthe socialinteronly one other ethnographer
actionistmethodso explicitly(Gregor1977),Berreman'smonograph
has been
cited as an inspirational
workby a numberof ethnographers
who have subsequentlywrittenpersonalaccountsof theirfieldworkinteractionsandexperiences.
Earlierintimateaccountsof fieldwork-suchas Reichard'sSpiderWoman
Greener
Fields(1952)(1934),La Farge'sSantaEulalia(1947),andMarriott's
with accountsof the way this inforhad combinedethnographic
information
mationwas gathered.Duringthe 1960sand1970s, however,it becamemore
commonfor suchaccountsto be kept separatefromstandardethnographies.
This segmentation,as in the earliercase of ethnographic
novels, reveals a
dualisticapproach:publicversus private,objectiveversus subjectiverealms
of experience."iColinTurnbull,for example,publishedan accessiblefirstpersonaccountof his fieldworkamongthe Congopygmies,TheForestPeople
(1961),andthenfiveyearslaterreleaseda coollydistanced,moreauthoritative
Servants:TheTwoWorlds
on the sametopic,Wayward
oftheAfrican
monograph
Pygmies(1965).JohnBeattie reversedthis process, first publishingan "objective"ethnographic
monographbased on his doctoralthesis, Bunyoro:An
AfricanKingdom(1960).Five yearslater,at the suggestionof his editors,he
an
wrote whathe saw as a "subjective"
first-personaccount,Understanding
AfricanKingdom:Bunyoro(1965).Althoughthe bookemphasizesovertmethhouse-to-house
odologies-the use of assistants,informants,questionnaires,
surveys, note taking,photography,keepinga diary,and writingup the research-Beattie was nonethelessapologeticaboutbeing autobiographical
or
in hisprefaceon his "somewhatimmodestundertaking."
subjective,remarking
of Understanding
an AfricanKingdom,the SpinFollowingthe publication
dlers encouragedethnographerswho had alreadypublishedmonographsfor
theirHolt,RinehartandWinstonCaseStudiesin Cultural
series
Anthropology
to writemethodologically
orientednarrativeaccountsof theirfieldwork.Eleven
such essays, includingone of theirown, were incorporated
in Being an AnFieldwork
in
Eleven
Cultures
This
volume
includesthumb(1970).
thropologist:
nailbiographical
sketchesof the authors,statementsconcerningwhythey had
chosen anthropology
as a career,and snapshotsshowingthem in the field.
These novel featuresadd a more personalflavorto whatare, for the most
statements.The photographs
part,ratherimpersonal
methodological
primarily
serve to documentthepresenceof the ethnographer
at the ethnographic
scene,
but they also reveal that ethnographersenjoy representingthemselves as
fieldworkers.We see AlanBeals gettinghis haircut native-stylein Gopalpur,
India;RobertDentanburningthe furoffa monkeyin Malaysia;
JohnHostetler
prayingover a meal in a Hutteriteapartmentand his colleague,Gertrude
Huntington,dressedas a Hutteritewomanpushinga Hutteritebabyin a pram;
OF NARRATIVE
EMERGENCE
ETHNOGRAPHY
77
JohnHitchcockworkingup his notes in a headman'sgoat shed in Nepal;and
Louise Spindlersittingon a step with a Menominiwomanwho is takinga
Rorschachtest.
Unlikethese authors,Britishanthropologist
Nigel Barleyreleasedhis ethThe monograph
nographicmonographand fieldworkaccountsimultaneously.
is a Ikvi-Straussian
An Exploration
structuralist
study,SymbolicStructures:
of
the Cultureof theDowayos(1983b),and the fieldaccountis a funny,wartsin a Mud
and-all,first-personnarrativeof hisAfricanfieldresearch,Adventures
Hut:An InnocentAnthropologistAbroad
differencein
(1983a).The remarkable
tone, tenor, andmaterialpresentedin these two booksrevealsBarley'sdisaccount.In Adventures
comfortwith representinghimselfin an ethnographic
in a MudHut, he comes off as a silly, sad, incompetent,andeven slapstick
characterwho marched,limped,andfinallywas carriedthroughhis initiatory
fieldresearch,andthe nativesalso come offas clowns.Foolisholdmen stare
at the photographsof lionsandleopardshe uses in orderto elicitinformation
on localfauna,turningthemin all directionsandsayingthingslike, "I do not
knowthis man"(Barley1983a:96).This soundslikeanAfricanvarianton that
old anthropological
storyaboutPolynesianswhoweren'tableto interpretphoat
all.
In
tographs
general,whatpurportsto be a personalnarrativeends up
as a lampoonof the entireethnographic
enterprise.
withina seriousethnography,
Discomfortwiththe act of self-representation,
can also be detected in Paul Rabinow'sfirst-personmemoir,Reflectionson
Fieldworkin Morocco(1977), where he refers to his previousmonograph,
treatment
Domination(1975),as a "moretraditionally
anthropological
Symbolic
of the samedata"(Rabinow1977:7).Jean-Paul
Dumont,likeRabinow,published
his standardethnographic
monograph,UndertheRainbow(1976), beforehis
first-personfieldworkaccount,TheHeadmanand1 (1978),but he displaysa
Forhim
ratherdifferentattitudetowardsincluding
himselfin his ethnography.
the workof self-representation
is neitherlaughablenor any less "traditional"
of the Other.In fact, as Peter
thanthe standardethnographic
representation
Riviere (1980) has pointedout, we learn rathermore aboutthe Panardin
Partof the reason
Dumont'sfirst-personaccountthanwe do inhis monograph.
for this is that Dumontself-consciously
centeredTheHeadmanandI around
the seriousquestionof whohe was forthe Panard,ratherthanwhothe Panard
were forhim,the latterbeingthe implicitquestionmostethnographies
explore.
Withthischangein focuscomesthe subtleshiftof genrefromthe ethnographic
memoirtowardnarrativeethnography.
In the ethnographic
memoir,an authortakes us backto a cornerof his or
her life in the fieldthatwas unusuallyvivid,fullof affect,or framedby unique
events. By narrowingthe lens, these authorsprovidea windowinto their
personallives in the field,a focuswhichwouldnot be possiblein a full-length
also dealswithexperiThe authorof a narrativeethnography
autobiography.
reflections
with
these
come
but
data,epistemological
ences,
ethnographic
along
on fieldworkparticipation,
and culturalanalysis.The world, in a narrative
ethnography,is re-presentedas perceivedby a situatednarrator,who is also
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Thisenables
presentas a characterinthe storythatrevealshisownpersonality.
the readerto identifythe consciousnesswhichhas selected and shapedthe
experienceswithinthe text. In contrastto memoirs,narrativeethnographies
focusnot on the ethnographer
herself,butratheron the characterandprocess
of the ethnographic
dialogueor encounter.
Two key essays centeringon the exploration
of the ethnographic
encounter
were publishedby StanleyDiamondandKurtWolffin a volumeentitledReStudieseditedby Vidich,Bensman,andStein (1964).
flectionson Community
Diamond'sessay, "NigerianDiscovery:The Politicsof Field Work,"subtly
exploresthe complexpoliticaldimensionsinvolvedin crossingculturalboundaries. KurtWolff's"Surrenderand CommunityStudy:The Studyof Loma"
describeshow, duringhis fieldresearchin a northernNew Mexicovillage,he
openedhimselfto the risk of beinghurtby becomingso totallyinvolvedand
identifiedwiththe communitythateverythinghe saw or experiencedbecame
relevantto him."Itwas yearsbeforeI understoodwhathadhappenedto me:
I hadfallenthroughthe web of culturepatternsandassortedconceptual
meshes
into the chaos of love;I was lookingeverywhere,famished,with a ruthless
glance"(Wolff1964:235).
It is preciselythe vulnerability
revealedby WolffthatKevinDwyer(1982:27274) sees as the centralanthropological
project.No matterhow muchcare an
his
or
her
devotes
to
ethnographer
project,its success dependsuponmore
thanindividual
effort.It is tied to outsidesocialforces includingan anthropologicalcommunitythat accepts the projectas meaningfuland international
thatmakethe fieldworkpossible.In Dwyer'sview, the issues of
relationships
the fieldworkendeavorare not so muchobjectivity,neutrality,anddistanceas
they are risk, the possibilityof failure,andthe hope of success.
firsthandaccountsare usefulin preparingethnogSpeakingpedagogically,
raphersfor fieldwork.Their value in detailingthe complexand ambiguous
realitiesinvolvedin the fieldworkexperiencewas formallyrecognizedby the
Universityof Amsterdamin the early 1960s, when the Instituteof Cultural
Anthropologyset up a series of formallecturesfor anthropologists
recently
returnedfromthe field.An editedvolumeof these lectures,Anthropologists
in the Field, was compiledby Jongmansand Gutkind(1967), togetherwith
fourpreviouslypublishedessays andan annotatedbibliography
on fieldmethods. Whilesome personalaspectsof fieldexperienceappearin severalof the
the mainthrustof the volumeis the descriptionandevaluation
contributions,
of variousfieldtechniques-socialsurvey,quantification,
restudy-ratherthan
an in-depthexplorationof the subjectiveelementsof fieldwork.
obBeginningin the 1970s, there was a shiftin emphasisfromparticipant
servationto the observationof participation.
MartinYang(1972) wrote an
importantessay discussingthe role of both his graduateeducationandwhat
he calledhis "first-hand
fieldwork"
in the productionof his highlyacclaimed
ethnography,A ChineseVillage(1945). His field researchwas done in the
villagein whichhe grew up andliveduntilhe went awayto college.As he put
it, "Myfieldworkwas my own life andthe lives of others in whichI had an
OF NARRATIVE
EMERGENCE
ETHNOGRAPHY
79
active part"(Yang1972:63).This type of ethnographic
experiencehas been
calledboth"ethno-sociology"
and"auto-ethnography"
(see Hayano1979).Yang
was by no meansthe firstindigenousanthropologist
to publishan ethnography
abouthis owngroup-JomoKenyatta(1938),Fei HsiaoTung(1939),andChie
Nakane(1970), amongothers, had alreadydone so-but he was unique,at
thattime, in writinga self-reflexiveessay aboutthe experienceof doingso.16
fieldwork
accounts,including
Duringthe 1980smorefirst-personexperiential
auto-ethnographies,
appearedthanduringthe previoustwo decades.7"These
volumesclearlyrevealthe continuedmovementfromparticipant
observation
to the observationof participation.
Whatwas onlya tricklein the 1930s grew
intoa streamof confessionalaccountsby the 1960sandbecamea swollenriver
of self-revelatorycelebrationby the 1980s. The explorationof the processof
information
andpublishing
accountshad
producingethnographic
ethnographic
turnedtowardthepolitical,philosophical,
andpoeticimplications
of suchwork.18
A criticalliteraturesimultaneously
sprangup. The processof self-examination
led to the examination
of otherethnographers'
selves, andthe eye shiftedfrom
the ethnosin ethnographyto the graphia-the processof writing.'9
A numberof fieldworkersare currentlyat workon book-lengthnarrative
witha dialecticof personal
information
ethnographies,combining
ethnographic
involvement.Meanwhile,editedvolumesfocusedon specificaspects of fieldworkcontinueto appear.Fieldworkeridentityis the focalpointof Fieldwork:
TheHumanExperience(Lawless,Sutlive,andZamora1983). The impactof
an ethnographer's
sex andgenderidentityon fieldworkandthe effectof fieldworkon an ethnographer's
view of genderself-identityare the centraltopics
inSelf, Sex, and Genderin Cross-Cultural
Fieldwork(Whitehead
andConaway
1986). In Arab Womenin theField: StudyingYourOwnSociety(Altorkiand
El-Solh 1988), the roles of gender and indigenousstatus in the fieldwork
are explored.Most recently,the
experiencesof Arabwomenethnographers
mishaps,pratfalls,andlessons learnedwhiledoingfieldworkare the maintopic
in TheHumbledAnthropologist:
TalesfromthePacific(De Vita1990).
Whatexplainsthe shiftin ethnography
towardrepresentingourselvesin the
act of engagingwith and writingaboutour selves in interactionwith other
selves? In part,the changereflectstoday'sgeneralintellectualclimateof epistemologicaldoubt.Anotherfactorin the developmentof reflexivityandalternative styles of ethnographic
representationhas been the notablegrowthin
the prestigeof anthropology
as a disciplineandin the size of the audiencefor
the anthropological
perspective.Interestbeganto increaseduringthe 1960s
andacceleratedthroughout
the 1980s.Not onlyhavewe capturedthe attention
of the generalpublic,thanksin partto MargaretMeadandpublictelevision
butwe havealso become
World,"
programssuchas "Nova"and"Smithsonian
the darlingof boththe humanities
andthe socialsciences.As ourcurrentpublic
guru, CliffordGeertz (1985), has recentlypointedout, our prestigein fields
such as history,philosophy,literarycriticism,theory,law, politicalscience,
sociology,psychology,andeconomicshas never been higher.
In an enlargedmarketplacefor anthropological
have
ideas, ethnographers
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been pursuedby publishersfor interestingideas abouthumankind
andfascinatingstories. Some publishershave even been willingto read dissertations
and mentorthe rewritingprocess. WhenBarbaraMyerhoffturnedher dissertationintothe bookPeyoteHunt (1974),her editorinsistedthatshe insert
herselfandher observationsinto the manuscript.Rewritethe text top down
was the suggestion;use an active personalvoice. Quite pleased with the
results,Myerhoffnotes that"IfoundI hadwrittena bookI trustedmore,that
was clearerandmorereliable"(MyerhoffandRuby1982:33).
of individuals
Therehavealsobeennotablechangesinthe population
electing
to become ethnographers-interms of gender (morewomen),class (more
from middle-and lower-classbackgrounds),and ethnicity(more third-and
fourth-worldscholars).These transformations
have spurreda new critical
awarenessand a radicaldemocratization
of knowledgeresultingin the suggestion that the class, race, culture,andgenderbeliefsandbehaviorsof the
inquirerbe placedwithinthe samehistoricalmoment,or criticalplane,as the
subjectsof inquiry(Harding1987:9;Rose 1990:10).Anotherkey alterationin
actionanthropologyhas been an emphasison researchas a fundamentally
orientedendeavor.SherryOrtner,inherreviewessay "TheoryinAnthropology
since the Sixties,"notes thatthere has been a growinginterestin suchinterrelatedterms as practice,praxis,action,interaction,activity,performance,
andexperience,togetherwithagent,actor,person,self, individual,
and/orthe
subjectof the action(Ortner1984:144).
in anthropology
havealso comeaboutbecauseof the
Majortransformations
of "native"
fromthe
emergenceof a highlyarticulatepopulation
ethnographers
thirdandfourthworlds,includingvariousbicultural
inside/outsiders.
Whileit
is undoubtedly
true that insidersmay have easier access to certaintypes of
information,
especiallyinthe areaofdailyroutines(Jones1970;Ohnuki-Tierney
can also be distinguished
fromindigenousanthro1984), nativeanthropology
are those who have theiroriginsin nonpologyin that nativeethnographers
Europeanor non-Westernculturesandwho sharea historyof colonialism,or
an economicrelationship
baseduponsubordination
1989:18(McClaurin-Allen
resultin "feminist"
con24). Just as beingbornfemaledoes not automatically
result in
sciousness, being born an ethnic minoritydoes not automatically
have critiquedthe discipline"native"consciousness.Nativeethnographers
for example,the strangepreoccupation
withissues suchas caste in SouthAsia
(Daniel1984;Appadurai
1986)-and haveworkedto bridgethe gulfbetween
Self andOtherby revealingbothpartiesas vulnerableexperiencingsubjects,
workingto coproduceknowledge.They have arguedthat the observerand
the observedare not entirelyseparatecategories.To them, theoryis not a
transparent,culture-freezone, not a duty-freeintellectualmarketplacehoveringbetween cultures,lackingall connectionto embodiedlivedexperience.
They believe that both knowledgeandexperience fromoutside fieldworkshould
be brought into our narratives and that we should demonstrate how ideas
matter to us, bridgingthe gap between our narrow academic world and our
EMERGENCE
OFNARRATIVE
ETHNOGRAPHY
81
wide culturalexperiences.These strategies shouldhelp us simultaneously
deepenandinvigorateour writingandour selves.20
As Vietnameseauthorand cinematographer
TrinhMinh-ha(1989:76)has
written,"Inwritingcloseto the otherof the other,I canonlychooseto maintain
a self-reflexivelycriticalrelationshiptowardthe material,a relationshipthat
definesboth the subjectwrittenandthe writingsubject,undoingthe I while
asking'whatdo I wantwantingto knowyouor me?'" Or,as Jean-PaulDumont
(1978:200)said at the close of his narrativeethnography,"Whowas I for
them?"
memoirto narrativeethnography
hasgone
Themovementfromethnographic
literature.This
unanalyzedwithinthe rapidlygrowingmeta-anthropological
omissionhas occurred,I think,becauseso muchemphasishas been placedon
less attentionhas been given to the
rhetoricalstrategies,whilesubstantially
If today'sethnographers
are writing
wideningof the audienceforethnography.
not only for variousacademicaudiences(areaspecialists,membersof other
members
disciplines,andstudents)butalso for the educatedpublic,including
of theirhost communities,then they are no longerin a positionto writeas if
exchanges.Not
they themselveswere the onlyactivepartiesin cross-cultural
reveal
this formof
of
Orientalism
Edward
Said's
discussion
did
(1978)
only
would
but
a
local
audience
exoticportraiture
to be unacceptably
neocolonialist,
also knowit to be a blatantfalsehood.
Just as writingfor and aboutthe feministmovementby feministscholars
has provideda dynamicpublicspherewithinwhichideas can be discussedin
botha politicallyandpersonallyengagingmanner,so writingfor andaboutthe
communityin whichone has livedandworkedat lengthshould
ethnographic
political-personal
produceengagedwritingcenteringon the ongoingdialectical
thatanethnographer
betweenSelfandOther.The likelihood
might
relationship
take center stage when representingthe fieldworkexperiunselfconsciously
ence is, I think, in direct proportionto the spatial,temporal,and cultural
fromthe host communityat the time of such repdistanceof this individual
Otherthe field
resentation.The fartheraway,longerago, andmoreculturally
experiencewas, the moreprobablethatthe authorialfigurewillbe dominant,
while membersof the host communitywill shrinkinto the background.The
self-consciousshift away from writinga memoirof the field experience,in
whichthe authoris the onlydevelopedcharacter,towardswritinga narrative
ethnography,in whichthe authorpurposelybecomesa secondarycharacter,
andbackgrounding.
alleviatesthis problemof foregrounding
This sea changein ethnographic
representationof boththe Self andOther
withina single text has been lumpedtogetherwith other writingstrategies
momentin the humansciences"
andlabeledas partof a mythic"experimental
(MarcusandFischer1986:165).However,as RenatoRosaldo(1989:231)has
indicated,such an analysisembodiesa facileapplicationof ThomasKuhn's
notion of experimentalismas occurringonly duringscientific paradigmshifts.
Rather than describing the ongoing refigurationof social thought and practice
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as partof an experimentalmoment(i.e., fad, or flashin the pan),it oughtto
be recognizedforwhatit is, a changein ethnographic
epistemologyembodying
key ethicaland analyticalissues that has alreadyproduceda majorbody of
work.The creationandsubsequentcelebrationof a fictive"experimental
mowho
ment"has producedan easy target for unsympathetic
critics,
gleefully
dismissthe serious attemptto representboth Self and Otherwithina field
accountas nothingbut an apoliticalsolipsisticexercisein exploringthe Other
merely to findthe Self (Polierand Roseberry1989). It is to be hopedthat
critiquesof this sort, whichreducea long-termdialectical
negotiationbetween
the Self andOtherto nothingbut a dualisticcaricatureof suchan encounter,
willnotdelaythefurtherdevelopment
ofa productivedialoguebetweenpersons
of differingculturalbackgrounds
andpoliticalsituations.Ethnographers
may
be able to overcomethis problemif they followthe lead of feministcritical
theory,which,whenit denies the splitbetweenepistemologyandpolitics,is
reflexiveandpolitical.
simultaneously
Howeverthe disciplinemay develophistorically,there currentlyexists a
new breedof ethnographer
whois passionatelyinterestedin the coproduction
of ethnographic
knowledge,createdandrepresentedin the onlywayit canbe,
withinan interactiveSelf/Otherdialogue.These new ethnographers-manyof
whomare themselvessubalternbecauseof theirclass, gender,or ethnicitycannotbe neatlytuckedawayor pigeonholedwithinany of the fourhistorical
archetypesI enumeratedat the outset of this essay: the amateurobserver,
the armchairanthropologist,
the professionalethnographer,
or the "gonenative"fieldworker.Ratherthey, or we, combineelementsfromallfourof these
since
categories.Thus, for example,we embracethe designation"amateur,"
it derivesfromthe Latinamatus,the past participleof amare,"to love,"and
we are passionatelyengagedwith our endeavor.We accept the "armchair"
designationbecausewe havea seriousconcernwithbothreadingandcritiquing
the work of other ethnographersin order to try to changepast colonialist
becauseof the seriousnessof
practices.We insistthatwe are "professional,"
our field preparation
and engagement,and also because of our attentionto
issues of representation
in ourownwork.Finally,to the extentthatfieldwork
is not simplya unioncardbutthe centerof ourintellectual
andemotionallives,
we are, if not "goingnative,"at least becomingbicultural.
NOTES
1. I beganto formulate
Endowtheperspective
hereduring
myNational
presented
mentfortheHumanities
at the Institute
forAdvanced
Studyin Princeton,
Fellowship
NewJersey(1986-1987).
Sectionsof thisessayweregivenorallybeforethe anthrooftheUniversity
ofMichigan
atAnnArbor
(1989),McMaster
pologyfaculties
University
in Hamilton,
of Wisconsin
Ontario
at Madison
(1990).To
(1989),andthe University
the audience
interlomembers,andmostespecially
mygeneroushostsandprimary
BruceMannheim,
RuthBehar,EllenBadone,
Geertz,SherryOrtner,
cutors--Clifford
andKirinNarayan--I
extendmysincerethanksformanyperceptive
comquestions,
ments,andsuggestions.
OFNARRATIVE
EMERGENCE
ETHNOGRAPHY
83
2. Even thoughBronislawMalinowski
took on the archetypalrole of "theEthnoginthe openingchapterof hisArgonautsof theWestern
Pacific(1922)andclaimed
rapher"
to have inventedthe methodof fieldwork,there are othercandidatesfor this honor,
As
includingMorgan,Cushing,Haddon,Seligman,Boas, Rivers,andRadcliffe-Brown.
innovationlay in elevatingthe
RaymondFirth(1985) has pointedout, Malinowski's
fieldworkmethodinto a theory. For a brief historyof fieldwork,see RosalieWax
series with a
(1971:21-41). GeorgeStockingopenedhis "Historyof Anthropology"
Observed:
Fieldcollectionof superbarticlesentitledObservers
EssaysonEthnographic
work(1983b).
3. The Frenchfieldworktraditionwas initiatedduringthe 1920sby MarcelMauss
andRiver,foundedthe Institut
andMauriceDelafosse,who, togetherwithIAvy-Bruhl
methods.
d'Ethnologie,where manyAfricanistcolonialofficersstudiedethnographic
MarcelMauss,althoughhe neverundertookfieldwork,taughtan annualcourse,"Ethandan important
fieldworktext, Manueld'ethnographie
(1947),
nographiedescriptive,"
was developedfromhis notes. Maussrecommended
thatthe "professional
ethnographer"adoptthe "intensivemethod,"by whichhe did not meanlong-termindividual
teamresearch,resultingin
documentary
experientialresearch,butrathermultifaceted
hundredsof soundrecordings,textualaccounts,andmajorcollectionsof artandartifacts
(Clifford1983).
4. AlthoughI havegroupedthe BritishandAmerican
traditionstogetherhere, there
are substantial
differencesbetweenandwithinthem.Britishanthropologists
specialized
inrelativelyisolated"primitive"
emphasizing
peoplesandfocusedon socialanthropology,
studiedless isolatedpeasantgroups,were
socialstructures.Americananthropologists
more inclusive,andfocusedon cultureandpsychology(Kirsch1982:103).
5. For furtherdiscussionof the emergenceof fieldwork,togetherwithholism,relvaluesinthe UnitedStates
as keymethodological
ativism,andthe comparative
approach
and
and Britain,see DavidMandelbaum
(1982:36)
George Stocking(1982:411-12,
1983a:74).
of communicative
interactionthroughlanguage,es6. For moreon the importance
peciallydialogue,see JohannesFabian(1971)andDennisTedlock(1979, 1987).
7. That the participant-observation
formof the fieldworkritualis still considered
in
for
the
tribeis revealedin a recentreviewof
ethnographic
necessary membership
JamesClifford'sThePredicament
of Culture(1988), in whichPhilipBock (1990:10910) invitesClifford"toundergothe ritualordealof fieldwork(notjust as an observer
in orderto become"oneof us."
in a Mashpee,Massachusettscourtroom)"
8. One reviewerof Dalby'sbook took exceptionto the author'sclaimof having
as a witness.The
becomea geisha(Cornell1986)andquestionedher overallreliability
objectionwas not to the fieldworker's
attemptto becomea geisha,butratherto her
a fieldworker
who claims
assertionthatshe was successful.Thiseffortat discrediting
demonstratesthe persisto have undergonea successfulintercultural
apprenticeship
of SelfandOtheras two entirelyincomtence of the Westernintellectual
construction
mensurablecategories.
canbe foundin his obituaryin theAmerican
9. Moreinformation
about
Nimuendajti
(Baldus1946)andLowie's(1959:119-26)discussionof his long-distance
Anthropologist
withhim.Assessmentsof FrankHamiltonCushing'sfabledinductioninto
relationship
to his editedvolumeof
Zuniculturecanbe foundinJesse Green's(1979)introduction
Cushingessays and in SylviaGronewold's(1972:33-50)essay "DidFrankHamilton
(1964);
CushingGo Native?"For moreon VerrierElwin'slife, see his autobiography
workcanbe foundin Misra
a perceptivediscussionandevaluationof his ethnographic
(1973).
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10. An excellentintroduction
to the discussionof the differencesbetweenthe "natural"andthe "human"
sciencescan be foundin Polkinghorne
(1983, 1988). Phenom(1975),
enologyis developedat lengthbySchutz(1967,1973),Ricoeur(1974),Gadamer
andLuckmann
of interpretation
(1978).Forapplications
theoryin the humansciences,
see Geertz(1973),as well as RabinowandSullivan(1979).
11. Buelow(1973)foundthat most anthropologists
who have writtenfictionhave
used pseudonyms.NancySchmidt(1981:12)later notedthat "fieldwork
experiences
were not an acceptabletopicfor anthropologists
to writeabout,so Bohannanused a
to date have
pseudonymfor her novel."She also reportedthat few anthropologists
their literarypseudonyms.As she put it, "ethnographic
fiction
openlyacknowledged
has been hidden,or perhapsmoreaccuratelysweptunderthe rug, by anthropologists
who felt that it was inappropriate
for consideration
and"editorsof
as ethnography,"
anthropological
journalshave... refusedto considerit forreview"(Schmidt1984:11,
12).
12. Devereux(1967:41-42)hasarguedthatthistypeof anxiety-reducing
devicecan
intocountertransference
reactions,leadingto "actingout"maseasilybe transformed
of the individual
fromethqueradingas science. He also notedthat "theelimination
nologicalfieldreportswas formerlya routineprocedure.Lintononce quotedto me the
aboutthe X-tribeis almostfinished.
followingremarkof a colleague:'Mymonograph
AllI haveto do now is cut out the life'(i.e., allreferencesto realpeopleandevents)"
(Devereux1967:89).
13. Leiris'swork,as Clifford(1986)andBeaujour(1987)havepointedout, should
be read as both an encouragement
anda cautionaryexamplefor the projectof ethLeirisfaced"epistemological
nographicrepresentation.
aporiasin his effortto combine
of literaryself-inscription,
and
sympatheticobservationof the Other,the unavoidability
the imperativeof culturalcritique"
(Beaujour1987:479).
14. Duringthe late 1950s, a series of methodological
articles,centeringon field
was
in
the
American
Human
thencollected
techniques, published
journal
Organization,
and edited by Adamsand Preiss in the bookHumanOrganization
Research(1960).
The mainaim of these essays was to demystifythe process of fieldwork.Another
influential
editedvolume,publishedin the sameyear,wasJosephCasagrande's
In the
Companyof Man (1960), consistingof essay portraits,togetherwith snapshots,of
informants.
At the endof the decade,RobertLowiepublished
twentykey ethnographic
an intellectualhistoryof his professional
A PersonalRecord(1959),in
life, Ethnologist:
whichhe ratherdispassionately
describedhis field experiences.The ego-centered
to fieldwork,including
the alterationof self-imageand
adjustmentof the ethnographer
socialprojection
of self, wasexploredinStressandResponseinFieldwork(1969),edited
by FrancesHenryand SatishSaberwal.In 1970 three editedvolumesof fieldwork
accountsappeared:GeorgeSpindler'sBeing an Anthropologist:
Fieldworkin Eleven
Natives:Anthropologists
at Work,andPeggyGolde's
Cultures,MorrisFreilich's
Marginal
Individual
Womenin theField:Anthropological
Experiences.
first-personfieldworkaccountsfromthistwenty-yearperiodincludeTurnbull
(1961),Berreman(1962),Beattie
(1965),Fernea(1965,1975),Maybury-Lewis
(1965),Read(1965),Powdermaker
(1966),
Gould(1969),Briggs(1970),Gearing(1970),Middleton
(1970),Rosenfeld(1971),Wax
(1971),Greenway(1972),Chagnon(1974),Myerhoff(1974,1979),Selby(1974),Alland
(1975),Elmendorf
(1976),Schieffelin
(1976),Condominas
(1977),Favret-Saada
(1977),
Rabinow(1977), Riesman(1977), Dumont(1978),Mitchell(1978), Belmonte(1979),
andKeil(1979).
15. Perhapsthe most strikingexampleof this radicalsplitis foundin Malinowski's
ETHNOGRAPHY
OF NARRATIVE
EMERGENCE
85
monographs(1922, 1935) on one side andhis
writing,with his variousethnographic
controversial,posthumously
publisheddiary(1967)on the other.
one is consciousof oneself as an Other,but in
16. In ordinary"reflectiveness,"
one
is
conscious
of
of oneself as an Other.For a
beingself-conscious
"reflexivity,"
thoroughdiscussionof the differencebetweenthese twoconcepts,see Babcock(1980).
B6teilleand Madanpublisheda collectionof reflexivefieldaccounts,Encounterand
PersonalAccountsof Fieldwork,in 1975. The authorsconsistedof Indian
Experience:
who hadworkedin India,Indianswhohadresearchedothercultures,
anthropologists
andnon-Indians
who haddoneintensivefieldworkin India.Fouryears later,Srinivas,
andtheField(1979),a set of eighteen
Shah,andRamaswamy
publishedTheFieldworker
new essays by Indiansocialanthropologists
andsociologists.
17. First-personexperientialfieldworkaccountspublishedsince 1980whichI have
thus far been able to locate are those of Chernoff(1980), Fei (1981), Obeyesekere
(1981),Cesara(1982),Dwyer(1982),Shore(1982),Barley(1983a,1986),Bell(1983),
Dalby(1983), Messenger(1983), Reina(1984),Werner(1984),Moeran(1985),Dow
(1986), Friedrich(1986), Kugelmass(1986), Read(1986),Rose (1987, 1989), Stoller
and Olkes (1987), Taussig(1987), Turner(1987), Allen(1988), Kendall(1988), Ridington(1988, 1990), Vander(1988), Van Maanen(1988), Bode (1989), Campbell
(1989), Danforth(1989), Dominguez(1989), Dorst (1989), Harrison(1989), Moffatt
(1989), Narayan(1989),Price(1989),Ward(1989),Anderson(1990),Hayano(1990),
Kondo(1990), Lavie(1990), andB. Tedlock(1991).My sincereapologiesto anyone
whose volumeI havefailedto note.
18. For a discussionof some of the political,philosophical,
andpoeticimplications
of producing
accounts,see DellHymes(1969),TalalAsad(1973),Stanley
ethnographic
Diamond(1974),AkbarAhmed(1976),JeanneFavret-Saada
(1977,1980),EdwardSaid
(1978), KevinDwyer(1982),GeraldD. Berreman(1982),E.A. Hoebel,RichardCurrier, and SusanKaiser(1982),JohannesFabian(1983), DennisTedlock(1979, 1983,
1987, 1990),CliffordandMarcus(1986),Clifford(1988),TrinhT. Minh-ha(1989),and
SmadarLavie(1990).
19. See Webster(1982, 1983), MarcusandCushman(1982), CliffordandMarcus
(1986),Becker(1986),Brodkey(1987),Tyler(1987),Geertz(1988),andVanMaanen
(1988).
20. I am indebtedhere to the thoughtfulanalysisand criticalthinkingof Delmos
Jones(1970),SimeonChilungu
(1976),HusseinFahim(1977,1987),E. ValentineDaniel
(1984), ArjunAppadurai
(1986, 1988), DorinneKondo(1986, 1990), RenatoRosaldo
(1984, 1989), FranqoiseLionnet(1989), IrmaMcClaurin-Allen
(1989),JohnStewart
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