MAGICAL HISTORY: EXPLORING THE CHILEAN DICTATORSHIP THROUGH LA CASA DE LOS ESPÍRITUS A Report of a Senior Study by Libby Hess Major: Spanish with Teacher Licensure Maryville College Spring, 2014 Date Approved ________________, by ___________________________________ Faculty Supervisor Date Approved ________________, by ___________________________________ Division Chair Abstract This study focuses on the influence of history and politics on culture and literature, specifically literature developed during the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile. The regime of Augusto Pinochet began with a violent coup, which overthrew the democratically elected, Marxist President Salvador Allende on September 11, 1973. In the 17 years that followed, the military dictatorship altered the social, economic, and political institutions of the country. This included the literature produced during the Pinochet era. Although many intellectuals with Socialist leanings were forced into exile, a great number of texts written by Chilean nationals found subversive ways to criticize the Pinochet dictatorship and celebrate the Chilean culture. One novel written by a Chilean living in exile, Isabel Allende’s La casa de los espíritus, explores the deep connections between magic, family, and femininity in an unnamed Latin American country. La casa de los espíritus, through the inherently Latin American genre of magical realism, follows the journey, which spans four generations of women, from reliance on magic to escape social and political constraints to full political awareness and activism. Through a careful study of this novel, high school Spanish students can connect the influence that a country’s history and politics has on its literature. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter I Born Out of Conflict: A Brief History 4 of Latin America and Chile Latin America: Encounter to Nativism 4 Chile: Independence to Golpe 13 27 Chapter II History Through Spirits: Usings Magical Realism to Create History The Era of Pinochet 27 Magical History: Allende’s La casa de los 32 espíritus Chapter III Conclusion 45 Works Cited 49 Teaching La casa de los espíritus 44 iv INTRODUCTION The morning of September 11, 1973 began like any other day in Santiago, Chile. However, by that afternoon the Chile’s own military forces, led by Augusto Pinochet, had overthrown the world’s first democratically elected Marxist president, Salvador Allende. This military coup, which was heavily influenced by foreign powers such as the CIA, significantly and permanently altered the social and political institutions of the country. The coup was the culmination of years of political unrest within the country. The true root of this unrest can be traced back to the era of colonialism. Social and political problems emerged during this era, and were largely left unresolved, which led to even more unrest. The true root of this unrest can be traced back to these so-­‐
called relics of colonialism, which were the remains of the shattered colonial system. Issues, like opposing political factions and the influence of foreign powers, have been and continue to be a problem in Chile. These and other problems came to the forefront during the 17 years of the military dictatorship. With extreme limitations on civil rights, the Pinochet dictatorship attempted to control the country by forcing everyone to follow their political beliefs. However, that was not always the case. Subversive literature and pamphlets against the regime circulated among the black markets of Chile. Even people who 1 were forced into political exile participated in writing literature that criticized the dictatorship. One of these Chilean authors living in exile during the regime was Isabel Allende. In her classic novel La casa de los espíritus, Allende explores themes such as politics and feminism through the perspective of the inherently Latin American genre of magical realism. Set in a unnamed country, which is obviously Chile, the novel tells the story of four generations of women of the del Valle family. Allende takes readers on a journey through the history of her native country from the turn of the 20th century until approximately 1975. The readers are able to envision for themselves how social and political problems manifested in the country, and how the country fell into a military dictatorship. This paper will explore the relationship between historical, political, and social events and the literature produced as a result of these events. This paper will begin with a general history of Latin America from el encuento until the era of independence. Then it will continue with a history of Chile, focusing on the elements that culminated in the overthrow of President Allende. The next section will focus on the dictatorship with an analysis of La casa de los espíritus, a novel written by Isabel Allende while she was in living in exile. The analysis will include information about the genre of magical realism, important symbols, and an exploration of various themes from the novel. The final part of this study will be an electronic resource website designed to aid high school teachers in the instruction of La casa de los espíritus. 2 Through a careful examination of La casa de los espíritus, students and others can begin to understand what life was like during the military dictatorship. La casa de los espíritus can be used effectively in a classroom to instruct students on the important connections between history, politics, and literature. 3 CHAPTER I BORN OUT OF CONFLICT: A BRIEF HISTORY OF LATIN AMERICA AND CHILE El pasado y el futuro eran parte de la misma cosa y la realidad del
presente era un caleidoscopio de espejos desordenados, donde
todo podía ocurrir.
(Allende 84) Latin America: Encounter to Nativism The story of Latin America is not always as picturesque as the beautiful landscapes that comprise the region. The history does not mirror the otherworldly Atacama Desert or the awe-­‐inspiring Iguazu Falls. The Latin American story is full of costly miscalculations, exploitation by foreign powers, corruption from within, and similar mistakes occurring generation after generation. However, this often-­‐
tragic history, some say that was “born in blood and fire” (Chasteen 15), led to the development of distinct cultures as well as a regional identity that is unique to the rest of the world. Nearly every child in America can recite the rhyme “Columbus sailed the ocean blue in 1492.” To most, this date of 1492 represents when he “discovered” the Americas. The misnamed “discovery” was an encounter between the Old World of the European-­‐born conquistadores and the “New World” of the Americas. Like the cultures of Europe, there were distinct cultures that had been thriving in the 4 American continent for centuries. The fully sedentary cultures of the Incas and Aztecs developed complex social hierarchies and reached the stage of empires with other subordinate city-­‐states paying tribute to the capitals and nobles of the empires. In addition to the highly publicized empires of Latin America, there were also nonsedentary nomadic tribes of hunters and gatherers who roamed the difficult environments of Mexico’s deserts and arid plains of South America (30). Semisedentary forest dwelling tribes of the Amazon Basin, like the Tupi tribe of Brazil, also existed at the time of the arrival of the Spanish (31). These varying degrees of civilizations in Latin America affected the process of colonizing. Instead of looking at the arrival of the Europeans as one world “discovering” the other, the more correct term might be “encountering.” The meeting of these distinct worldviews was “truly a cultural encounter, a clash of values and attitudes” (33). The zeitgeist of the Spaniards, who had been fighting for centuries to reconquer the Iberian Peninsula from the Moors, was a mentality of warfare and crusades in the name of Christ, which naturally influenced the exploration of the New World. The Spanish Crown of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabel chose to financially back the explorations of Columbus and the subsequent explorations of the Americas with the goals of enriching their country with gold and bringing Christianity to unknown world. Often the conquest of the Americas is viewed as an overwhelming victory on the side of the conquistadors and a humiliating defeat of the indigenous people. When the Spanish conquistadors arrived in Mexico in 1519, the main Spanish advantage for Hernán Cortés was that he and the other conquistadors knew the 5 tactics and weaponry of warfare due to centuries of conflict with the Moors. On the other hand, Moctezuma and the other indigenous people had never seen the likes of ships as large as Spanish galleons, metal body armor men wore, Mastiffs when the only dogs the people of America knew of were Chihuahuas, horses, or steel blades (49-­‐50). The conquistadors used a few techniques to conquer the sedentary peoples of Latin America. One was using ready-­‐made ally city-­‐states, which were already enemies of the Aztecs and Incas. In the case of Mexico, “small pox and indigenous allies had helped Cortés annihilate Tenochtitlan” and the rest of the mighty Aztec Empire by mid-­‐1521 (50). Rival city-­‐states who had been under Aztec rule for centuries and subjected to paying tributes and providing the sacrificial victims for the Aztec religion sent thousands of warriors to Cortés’s aid. Like the Aztec conquer, Francisco Pizarro arrived in Peru at the perfect time to take control of the Incan Empire. Prior to the arrival of the Spanish, the two previous Incan rulers died due to an outbreak of disease. This left two potential heirs, Atahualpa and his brother Huascar, and led to a civil war over who would be in control of the empire (51). By creating conflict between the two brothers, Pizarro was able to divide the empire and capitalize on the existing tension. In 1532, Pizarro held the ruler Atahualpa for ransom. With the superior warfare technology, 168 Spaniards, along with indigenous allies, were able to defeat 10,000 Incan warriors. It is often stated that the Spaniards came to the New World for “God, gold, and glory.” This saying is not far from the truth. The systematic colonialization of 6 Latin America was a continuation of the conquest and “created patterns of social domination that became eternal givens” in Latin America (29). The systems established during the colonial era affected and even continue to affect Latin America today. One such system is the encomienda. In the encomienda system, “indigenous people were ‘entrusted’ to each conqueror, who had the responsibility of Christianizing them and privilege of making them work for him” (52). The encomienda was a familiar system to the people of the Americas who were used to paying tributes to a government far away. Instead of working for the nobles in Tenochtitlan or Cuzco, they worked for the Spanish Crown. Life continued for the indigenous people as it had for generations; however, the violence and exploitation that began in the Encounter would leave permanent scars on the continent of America. Along with the encomiendas, the Spanish Crown also set up viceroyalties. Viceroyalties were sections of land under the control of a viceroy who were “usually Spanish noblemen of much experience who were to act the their own area in the place of the King” (Baker 53). Originally there were only two viceroyalties in the New World: the Viceroyalty of New Spain, which encompassed the territory of Mexico, and the Viceroyalty of Peru, located in what is now Peru. Through the ports of Veracruz in New Spain and Lima in the Viceroyalty of Peru, the most profitable riches were shipped across the sea. Later, the Viceroyalty of New Granada was established in 1717 to govern the area of what is now Colombia. Then finally in 1776 the Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata was created to administer the region of Argentina and to halt the exportation of black market silver from Peru. In addition 7 to the viceroyalties, audiencias were “a series of councils to assist the viceroys and to carry their authority” into the regions far away from the viceregal capitals (Baker 53). By 1570, there were 10 audiencias. On the hierarchy of government, the local governments were beneath the audiencias. More important than the structure of the government were the social consequences that occurred as the result of the colonial system. In order to understand the colonial structure, one must comprehend the concept of hegemony. Hegemony is a method of control whereby the people at the bottom of the social hierarchy “accept [the] principle of their own inferiority” and “participate in their own subjection” (Chasteen 69). This is how so few Iberian-­‐born elites were able to completely control such a large number of indigenous people and later mestizos and slaves of African descent. At the head of the hegemony were the white, Iberian-­‐born encomienda holders and the local priest. These two highly visible men were representatives of Spanish authority. Another system implemented and perpetuated by the hegemony was the patriarchic rule of Latin America. In this social structure, the fathers rule and hold the ultimate authority (70). Patriarchy created the concept of honor, which was based on fulfilling each gender’s respective social norms. Honor influenced the sexual roles as well. It was considered highly dishonorable for a woman to have sex outside of the confines of a marriage; however, it was a measure of social distinction for a man to be able to provide for and have sexual relations with more than one woman (71). These ideas of hegemony and patriarchy were evident during the colonial period and throughout the story of Latin America. 8 From the moment the Spanish landed in the New World, cultures have clashed, sometimes violently and others passively, and have incorporated aspects of each other to develop distinct cultures in Latin America. This process of cultural “give-­‐and-­‐take” is called transculturation, which occurs when two or more elements of different cultures combine. Some of the best examples were in the area of religion. Mexico’s patron saint, the Virgin of Guadalupe, is worshipped as a Catholic saint; she is also likened to the Aztec goddess of corn, Tonantzín. The Virgin of Guadalupe has a darker skin tone, which is a probable reflection of the transculturation. The process of transculturation was partially forged and accelerated by the racial mixing that occurred under the colonial system especially in Latin America. Unlike other European colonies, the case of Latin America was “two societies being grated together, mostly by Spanish men and indigenous women” with Spanish men originally outnumbering Spanish women 9 to 1 (53). After a dramatic reduction in the number of natives due to disease and warfare, racial mixing accelerated, thus developing a complex social class based on skin color and racial heritage. At the top of the social hierarchy were the Iberian-­‐born followed by the criollos who were of European-­‐descent but were born in the New World. Then came the mestizo, a mix of European and indigenous or European and African. The lowest social classes were comprised of indigenous people and slaves of African-­‐descent. More than 3 million slaves came to Latin America although their numbers were mostly concentrated in Brazil and the Caribbean (Bakewell 57). By the late 1700s, there were dozens of distinct categories based on the percentage of European, indigenous, and African 9 blood. There were official illustrations depicting the social hierarchy with the castes of mestizos often having the names of animals. The demeaning names and acceptance of them as the “logical” social order is a clear example of the hegemony (86). Racial casting was a way to keep the Europeans in control even though they were the minority. This concept of social hierarchy based on race will be increasingly important in era of Independence. As previously mentioned, the Spanish conquistadors came to the New World with a mission to Christianize the world, enrich the Crown, and obtain personal glory. While Spain was concerned with Christianizing the world in order to bring about the second coming of Christ, gold also captured the attention of the Europeans (Bakewell 58). The mineral riches of Latin America were of paramount importance to the economy of Spain. Silver was actually the most important mineral to Europe, resulting in the opening of mines in Zacateca, Mexico, and Potosí, Peru, in the 1540s. The Spanish Crown increased its wealth mainly through a 20 percent tax on mining known as the Royal Fifth. The economic model of the colonies was a mix of capitalism and feudalism with heavily mercantilist policies, such as the Royal Fifth and exploitation of natural resources like silver (Burns 63). During the era of colonialization, mercantile economic policies were the norm. Under this economic policy, colonies exist for the sole purpose of benefitting the Mother country (Bakewell 54). Mercantilism led to the exploitation of the New World, which is “an unjust and a greedy grasping by the colonial powers of the natural riches of Latin America” (54). Latin American countries would suffer due to this exploitation after independence. 10 The end of the colonial system and the fervent desire for independence was “sudden and unexpected” (Chasteen 93). After over 300 years of Spanish rule, the colonial system was stable and not many Spanish Americans felt like change was imminent or even probable. At the dawn of the 19th century, problems in Europe arose that would forever change the face of Spanish America. One of the primary problems was found in the monarchy itself. Carlos IV, King of Spain, drove the country into bankruptcy despite all of the colonial riches at his disposal. Spain was also involved in a costly, decade-­‐long war with Great Britain beginning in 1796. This period of time was an era of change in Europe. Ideas from the Enlightenment and French Revolution reached the New World and would have serious impacts on the perception of the nature of government, especially in the colonies of Latin America. The Napoleonic Wars also caused a huge problem in Spanish America. After French troops invaded the Iberian Peninsula, Napoleonic forces imprisoned the Spanish King Fernando. From 1808 until 1825, the legitimacy of the monarchy was in jeopardy. In the absence of the King, Spanish officials created a “national resistance committee” which acted as a de facto government known as the Central Junta (95). The Central Junta held little authority in Spanish America; criollo authorities recognized themselves as subjects of the King only, and as such they formed local juntas despite the negative opinions from Spain. Although the Central Junta rewrote the Spanish Constitution based on the Enlightenment principle of popular sovereignty and included representatives from Spanish America, Fernando 11 annulled the constitution upon his return to power (98). The Crown also sent out armies to crush rebel forces that formed the local juntas in the colonies. Colonial officials were not radically different from the former peninsular powers. In fact, the cries for colonial independence “came from native born whites” or criollos (99). By the late 1700s, criollos were growing increasingly resentful of peninsulares who were preferred for government and church offices and given a higher social status simply because of their Iberian birth. Criollo leaders had no interest in reshaping the social structure or helping the poor. Instead of a complete revolution, they simply wanted to replace the peninsulares as the apex of the social hierarchy. Criollos were not at all concerned with the plight of the pueblo or common people. As a staggering minority in Spanish America, criollos were worried about a complete social revolution. Criollos were especially fearful in areas like Peru and Mexico where the large indigenous and mestizo population had already shown their willingness to rebel (104). They quickly realized that they needed a force to unite the masses behind their cause of independence, which would ideally not result in much change for the common peasant in Latin America. They found their battle cry in the name of nativism. Navitism, or glorifying the idea of an American identity defined by birthplace united the people of Latin America, who shared almost no similarities socially or economically (105). Birthplace was the only commonality among wealthy, white criollo landowners, indigenous people, slaves of African descent, and the vast majority mestizos and mulattoes. The idea of nativism paved the way for rebellion that would leave the social hierarchy mostly intact with criollos replacing 12 peninsulares at the top of the social order. Nativism also allowed for the liberal idea of popular sovereignty, coming from the French Revolution, where the governed had the right to choose their governing leaders (105). According to the mentality that reigned at the time, the social given of white supremacy would make criollos the obvious, natural leaders of the new nations born from the independence movement (105). By 1824, the forces of Spanish American Nativism had captured the last Spanish viceroy and the Independence Wars were over. According to Chasteen, “the broad contours of colonial Latin American culture and society underwent no profound, sudden change” (111). The revolutionary idea of America for Americanos was simply that—an idea. Nativism was an idea with no mission of change behind it. The major difference between the colonies of old and the new nations was that they were now self-­‐governing but still heavily influenced by the old colonial heritage (111). Even the great liberator himself, Simón Bolívar, said that Spanish Americans “did not understand their own best interests” and resorted back to the authoritarian style of governing (as quoted 112). Chile: Independence to Golpe Today it’s difficult to walk around any Chilean city—from metropolitan Santiago to quaint Valdivia—and not see street names like Pedro Montt, Bernardo O’Higgins, or Diego Portales. The average tourist is probably unaware of who these men were or how important they were to the early Chilean republic. Aside from having streets and buildings commemorating their often-­‐forgotten achievements, these “founding 13 fathers” of Chile were instrumental in the development of Chile and created the foundation for the coming centuries. Before we can explore these great men’s contributions, we must rewind to the area of revolutions and discuss el Santo de la Espada, better known as General José de San Martín. Along with the great liberator Símon Bolívar, the Argentinean General San Martín worked to reclaim the lands of the Incan Empire from the control of the Spanish Crown. On May 25, 1810, San Martín proclaimed the independence of the Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata. However, this proclamation did not actually liberate the land from the Spaniards. Like nearly all independence movements in Latin America, the top class of criollos sparked this movement towards sovereignty. The actual war for independence did not arrive in Chile until 1817 when the Army of the Andes led by San Martín defeated the Spanish at the Battle of Chacabuco (another common street name in Chile). After this victory, which let the rebel forces take control of the capital of Santiago, San Martín appointed the illegitimate son of an Irishmen and ex-­‐solider in the Spanish army, Bernardo O’Higgins, as second-­‐in-­‐command of forces (“Bernardo O’Higgins, n.p.). The following April the Spanish Army and O’Higgins forces clashed again near Santiago. The Battle of Maipu was the coup de gras that secured Chilean independence. Following this battle, the focus of San Martín shifted north to the prominent Viceroyalty of Peru to liberate the land of silver from the Spanish clutches. This left the fledging “country” of Chile to figure out how to govern after nearly 400 years of Spanish rule. 14 The early republic of Chile was much more stable and peaceful than other less-­‐fortunate areas of Latin America. Patriot-­‐hero Bernardo O’Higgins was elected the head of state and later named “Director Supremo.” O’Higgins ruled a population of half a million with a mano fuerte and tried to implement progressive, liberal ideas such as land reform. As can be imagined, the ruling class of criollos, who called for independence without much reformation, was not too enthusiastic with the proposed changes O’Higgins wanted. The ruling oligarchy of criollos called for O’Higgins to renounce his title in 1823. The elites decided that potentially subversive influence of O’Higgins was too dangerous and sent him and his family to Lima, Peru. O’Higgins remained in exile but continued to support other independence movements until his death in 1842 (“Bernardo O’Higgins”, n.p.). The following seven years was a time of turmoil as power shifted from liberals to conservatives. Tired of the political unrest, the army imposed Chilean politician Diego Portales as leader. Portales successfully created a peaceful, well-­‐established government and conservative Constitution (1833) that lasted until 1925. During this time, Chile was able to establish military power superior to that of bordering countries that would play an important role in the coming decades. In 1836, Chile tested its military might against neighboring Peru. Tensions had been running high between these two Andean countries for many years. After failing to repay a loan made for the cost independence, Peru levied tariffs on Chilean imports like wheat and items that passed through the ports of Valparaíso. Chile answered by imposing heavy tariffs on Peruvian sugar. This tariff war might have passed; however, Bolivian caudillo, a powerful and authoritarian, General Andrés 15 Santa Cruz, merged Peru and Bolivia into the Peru-­‐Bolivian Confederation. Chilean authorities took this as a threat to their prominence on the Pacific coast. In July 1836, Peruvian forces apparently supported the mounted expedition of former Chilean President General Ramon Freire who was living in exile in Peru after his defeat in the Chilean Civil War. This supposed threat gave Chilean forces the ammunition it needed to wage war on the Confederation. Portales’s goal was clear: remove the confederation from the South American continent (Collier 51). This war was very costly for Chile and ended up costing Portales his life. One of the most important Chilean victories was the Battle of Yungay fought on January 20, 1839. Thousands of Chilean soldiers died in the fighting, but this long awaited, decisive victory bolstered a sense of national pride (56). Like many countries in Latin America, Chile in the 19th century was filled with strife between the ruling, elite criollos. Criollos, along with mestizos from the upper class, became politically divided into los pelucones (conservatives) and los pipiolos (liberals). Los pelucones were the large landowners and called for a more centralized government based on the conservative ideas of Venezuelan-­‐born, Chilean thinker Andrés Bello. Los pelucones wanted to return to the colonial social order. On the other side of the political spectrum were los pipiolos who were heavily influenced by liberal ideas from England and France. These ideas such as social reform, separation of Church and State, and participation of the masses in politics were radical for the time and were met with intense opposition from the conservative forces (Chang-­‐Rodríguez 158). 16 Chilean military might was once again tested in 1879 with beginning of La Guerra del Pacífico, which lasted 4 long years. With superior military and naval forces, Chile declared war on neighboring Bolivia mainly for its rich nitrate resources funded primarily by Chilean and British investors. As an ally of Bolivia, Peru then joined in the conflict. La Guerra del Pacífico is known as the bloodiest international war ever fought in South America (158). The better-­‐trained and equipped Chilean military easily defeated the small Bolivian army then decimated the Peruvian forces. The cost of this war for defeated Peru and Bolivia was immense—especially for Bolivia. Bolivia lost all of its access to the Pacific Ocean in the Tradado de Ancón signed in 1883. Losing ocean access would continue to damage the economy of Bolivia for centuries to come, and this issue is hotly contested in Latin America even today. Not only catastrophic for Bolivia, Peru also lost vast territory to Chile. Chilean forces also continued to occupy the providence of Tarapacá until 1929 when U.S. intervention finally removed Chilean forces from Peru (159). After the conclusion of La Guerra del Pacífico, Chile’s territory increased by 1/3 and added hundreds of millions of dollars worth of nitrate, copper, and iron mines (Chasteen 181). This economic resource would be the main source of government revenues for the next 40 years (177). The undercurrent of political unrest continued after La Guerra del Pacífico. Powerful politicians from both the conservative and liberal parties saw different visions for the future of Chile. Chile benefitted handsomely from the newly acquired nitrates, but the politicos could not agree how to spend the revenues. This led to a 17 civil war between the President and the Congress. Although the conflict was over in a matter of months, the changes brought by the Civil War would radically alter Chilean politics and society. The Civil War was the outpouring of the Congress’s dislike of then President José Manuel Balmaceda’s liberal presidency, whose focus was separation of church and state. Liberals sought to secularize the social institution of marriage, the issuing of birth record, and the control of cemeteries (Rector 109). Balmaceda’s goal was to radically alter the social construction of Chilean society; however, the staunchly conservative Congress challenged him and eventually took control of the country. Shortly after his contested election, Balmaceda accepted the conservative candidate for archbishop instead of giving the position to his own liberal candidate although it only bought him two months of peace from the conservative Congress. Using the tax revenue from nitrates as well as securing foreign loans, Balmaceda launched a massive public works project building roads, railroads, and telegraph lines. He also spent lavishly to make Santiago a world-­‐class capital with new public ministry buildings, military and medical schools, and a canal to control the Mapocho River. Conservative members of Congress questioned his fiscal plan and excessive spending. This problem was exasperated when the global recession of 1890 hit Chile. Congress refused to approve his cabinet appointments or pass his appropriation bill. Balmaceda threatened to ignore the Congress’s refusal to act and use the previous budget. In January 1891, the Congress declared him in violation of the Constitution and then appointed naval commander Jose Montt in charge of the revenue for the north of Chile, where all of the mines and the vast majority of the 18 wealth were located. The army generals sided with Balmaceda, which resulted in the two Chilean military forces fighting each other. The Navy was able to secure the victory for Congress with the revenue from the mines as well as aid from German General Emil Koörner (Rector 110). On September 18, 1891, Balmaceda committed suicide while hiding in Argentina, which allowed the Congress to control the country. Although the wealth continued to remain in the hands of the few, mostly powerful owners of northern mines, the growth in the power of Congress allowed more opportunities for members of the growing middle class to participate in Congress and thus enhance their personal wealth and the wealth of their families (111). At the dawn of the 20th century, the world began to experience something that had never happened before in the history of society. There were no longer only the poor and very wealthy. A new class of the in-­‐between people emerged, and they were known as the middle class. In Chile, those who benefited from the wealth of mines and merchant success were rapidly absorbed into the upper class leaving room for modest shopkeepers and government employees to enjoy the spoils of a middle class lifestyle (115). This class and lifestyle was most often found in the urban centers, as very few rural farmers or homesteaders ever made it to the level of middle class. The growth of the middle class in Chile was fueled by enhanced educational opportunities and an increase in the number and availability of government jobs. As middle class children began to constitute the overwhelming majority of students in schools and universities, more educated middle class people called for more change, but at a more gradual pace. Middle class people also began 19 to participate more in politics as well as gain political offices. The arena of politics became a way for members of the middle class to prove their prestige and move into the social and economic realm of the aristocracy (Rector 130). By the 1920s, the middle class was challenging the upper class not only in the world of politics but also in areas such as the arts and industry (133). From 1925 to 1952, the Chilean government was strongly influenced by European and American policies and ideas. Princeton economics professor Edwin Kemmerer even visited Chile to advise them of ways to make the government run more efficiently. He proposed that Chile create a central bank, restructure the tax system, and return to the gold standard—all systems that the United States was doing at the time. When Chile implemented these changes, capitalists from the United States were now very interested in Chile as a potential investment and began issuing loans to the country. Chilean politics were dominated by the powerful figure of Colonel Carlos Ibañez del Campo from 1927 until 1931. After coercing the previous president to resign, Ibañez orchestrated his own election securing an impressive 97% of the votes (148). His ultimate goal was to make Chile an efficient country. To accomplish this, he removed many people from their office and replaced them with engineers. He then created a massive public works project using capital from US-­‐
backed loans. In addition, Ibañez increased military strength by separating the Fuerza Aérea de Chile and created the militarized police force known as the Carabineros (148), which is still the primary law enforcement agency in Chile. These new government jobs and changes to the structure of government benefited 20 the middle class. However, like many world leaders, the Great Depression was his undoing as the crash of the global economy limited foreign capital and destroyed the Chilean economy. Chile, like many countries trying to recover from the economic hardships caused by the Great Depression, turned to socialistic ideas to try and pull the country from the depths of depression. This Popular Front made up of the Communist Party of Chile, the Socialists, and the Radicals won the 1939 with their candidate Pedro Aguirre Cerda. The Popular Front called for reform in housing, health care, land distribution, and education, which attracted middle class voters who suffered the most from the economic depression (151). However, the Popular Front lacked the votes in Congress to pass radical legislation. They were able to pass bills to improve housing and education, but many of their lofty, the conservative Congress blocked many of the New Deal-­‐inspired reforms. Although Chile did not take sides in World War II, Chile did sell copper at discounted prices to the ally forces once the United States became involved in the conflict (Rector 152). Following several relatively unremarkable presidencies by the Radical Party, Carlos Ibañez returned to power in 1952. Inflation under the Radicals had risen to 21 percent but then jumped to over 50 percent by 1954 (Rector 153). Ibañez turned to the American consulting firm Klein-­‐Saks for ideas to bring the economy back to stability. Ibañez reduced government spending and credit to secure a $75,000,000 loan from the United States (153). This gave some stability to the Chilean economy; however, tensions were still high among the 21 middle class who had been unable to develop a strong consumer culture like those in the USA or Europe (154). Economics continued to be an area of concern during the subsequent president Jorge Alessandri, son of former president Arturo. To combat inflation, his plan was to change the monetary unit from the peso to the escudo and make the escudo equal to the dollar (Rector 159). This opened markets and allowed for more stability in the currency. Although Chile had regained economic stability, a natural disaster would soon throw the country into chaos. Chile has been and continues to be one of the most seismically active countries on Earth. In May of 1960, the quaint Chilean town of Valdivia located in southern Chile was hit by one of the most powerful earthquakes in recorded history. Hundreds were killed and more than 10% was lost in the GDP as businesses and farms were washed away by tsunamis or buried by rockslides. To make up for this destruction and the subsequent trade deficit, Alessandri lowered the value of the currency, which in turn ruined his economic plan (160). This presidency was not a complete failure as Alessandri agreed to join the US program Alliance for Progress, which pushed economic development through capital with the goal of limiting the spread of Communism, and initiated land reform through the establishment of Corporación de la Reforma Agraria and Instituto de Desarollo Agropecuario, which provided services to the campesinos (161). Following administrations would build on these reforms and programs. The 1964 elections showed the strength of a relatively new political alliance. The Christian Democrat Party (PCD) hoped to prove that there was a way for 22 capitalism and socialism to function together. The party supported socialist ideas such as housing reform, land reform, an end to illiteracy, and the “chilenization” of copper, where the government would be the majority shareholder in mines. Their candidate Eduardo Frei won a close election because many other parties threw their votes to Frei to prevent outright socialist Salvadore Allende’s victory (163). In 1966, the nationalization of copper began. The Chilean government purchased the majority stock of large copper mines, many of which were owned by US corporations. In the area of education, Frei created three divisions of public education: early education, elementary—grades 1-­‐8, and secondary—grades 9-­‐12. He also established a national entrance exam for universities to open up enrollment to the poor. Most importantly, the PCD was able to bring infrastructure, health care and land reform to poor areas of the country, especially in the south. After the PCD success in 1964, the Communists, Radicals, and Socialists grouped to form the Unidad Popular (UP). Similar to the Popular Front from the late 1930s, the UP wanted more radical reforms than the PCD had been advocating. With Salvador Allende as their candidate, they campaigned for more mining reform, healthcare, and foreign trade to bring more income to the average Chilean. After a tight race with no candidate winning a majority, the election was thrown to the Congress to decide. This news was upsetting to the United States, which was engaged in a fierce Cold War with the communist Soviet Union. Right-­‐wing Chilean groups wanted help from the CIA and US State Department while some other Chilean groups wanted a US-­‐backed coup. However, the CIA decided to kidnap the head of the Chilean armed forces, René Schneider, to inspire lower ranking officers 23 to side with the conservatives. However, this intervention backfired and the Christian Democrats sided with the UP, and thus Allende became the first democratically elected Marxist president in history. Allende’s goals were explicitly to socialize Chile through “vino tinto y empanadas” not force like other socialist nations (172). Allende, himself, was committed to democracy, but some of his fellow UP members wanted a purer socialism. Allende’s first move was to remove all foreign mining companies from Chile, further jeopardizing US investments in Chilean mining. By the municipal elections in 1971, the UP won overwhelmingly. The UP took this as a cue to increase the speed of socializing Chile. Soon foreign imports, like sugar, were scarce which led to rationing of foreign products and a black market at inflated prices. Increasingly, Chileans grew fearful of scarcity. However, national spirit surged when poet Pablo Neruda won the Nobel Prize for Literature. Chile became known as a nation of poets thanks to Neruda and Gabriela Mistral’s earlier prize in 1945. Another event sparked international attention in 1971: Cuban leader Fidel Castro’s three-­‐week visit. The UP viewed the visit as a great honor, while some were apprehensive of the revolutionary leader’s long visit. Groups in opposition to the UP formed throughout the country and some had very violent and revolutionary agendas, like the group known as Patria y Libertad. The UP and PDC (supported by the USA) were also engaged in a print battle as both sought to control national news outlets to publish their ideology. President Nixon of the United States was already fighting a costly battle in Asia and viewed Allende as a threat to democracy in South America. The American government funded PDC programs to cut UP support and 24 US grants. The UP had to turn to other countries like Canada, USSR, and China for money. In August 1972, a national strike started when the government tried to force private businesses to open, which led many to question if the eventual goal of the UP was to eradicate the middle class and private property (Rector 177). In an effort to quell the strikers, Allende made the decision to allow military commanders into his cabinet. This decision was brilliant at the time because commander-­‐in-­‐chief of the armed forces, General Carlos Pratt, was able to negotiate an end to the strike in a matter of days. However, following the March elections in 1973, the military cabinet members were replaced with civilians once again. The total cost of the strike to the Chilean economy was over $80,000,000 (179). The next show of distrust in the government came on June 29,1973. In this uprising, junior officers drove tanks down the streets of Santiago. Shots were fired from the tanks killing 22 and wounding 32 more. General Pratt negotiated the surrender of the rebels, and Allende supporters held a rally to reassure faith in the government. Rebels from the tancazo warned that if democracy were threatened again, the military would take over the government (179). Little did Allende know how real that threat would become. Allende attempted to make concessions to appease the PDC and conservative coalition; however, moves such as reappointing military members to the cabinet were a temporary fix to a much deeper problem. In August, conservative congressional members accused Allende of seizing private property and thus violating the constitution. Little did Allende and the UP members realize the dangerous path on which they were traveling. The following September would bring radical changes the like 25 of which Chile had never seen before. Heavily influenced by the United States, a new government would emerge from the burning embers of La Moneda, the presidential palace. With the golpe de estado on September 11, 1973, a new chapter in the history of Chile began. This period was arguably the darkest period in Chilean history, about which many Chileans refuse to speak about even today. The events during and after the military coup to end socialism in Chile would create a unique culture during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. This led to subtle undercurrents of dissatisfaction with the government and ultimately subversion in the rich literature and popular culture written from 1973 until 1990. 26 CHAPTER II HISTORY THROUGH SPIRITS: USING MAGICAL REALISM TO CREATE HISTORY Escribo, ella escribió, que la memoria es frágil y el transcurso de una vida es muy breve y sucede de todo tan prisa, que no alcanzamos ver la relación entre acontecimientos, no podemos medir la consecuencia de los actos, creemos en la ficción del tiempo, en el presente, el pasado, y el futuro, pero puede ser también que todo ocurre simultáneamente. (Allende 410) The Era of Pinochet At 9:10 in the morning on Tuesday, September 11, 1973, Salvador Allende, the first democratically elected Marxist president, gave his final address to his fellow Chileans. He knew that the armed forces of his country had turned against him and were on their way to La Moneda, the presidential palace. He had rejected the final ultimatum to surrender with these final words: Trabajadores de mi patria: tengo fe en Chile y su destino. Superarán otros hombres este momento gris y amargo, donde la traición pretende imponerse. Sigan ustedes sabiendo que, mucho más temprano que tarde, de nuevo abrirán las grandes alamedas por donde pase el hombre libre para construir una sociedad major. (Allende n.p.) 27 As the speech ends, one can hear the first wave of bombs being dropped on La Moneda by the Chilean Air Force. Allende died inside La Moneda; it is still contested if the fatal shot was self-­‐inflicted or not. Within 48 hours, the Junta Militar had complete control of the country, and a new era in Chile was born. The violent coup was more than the elimination of the peacefully established socialist government. It also fundamentally altered the course of politics, economics, and society. On the evening on September 11th, the military leaders of the Chilean army, navy, air force, and Carabineros (militarized police force) declared themselves as a governing junta until Chile was once again governed in accordance with the constitution. They declared Chile to be in a state of war and suspended civil liberties and due process for many cases. Within a matter of days, all members of the Unidad Popular were removed from political office, and warrants were issued for civilian Allende supporters. The junta further increased their power by instituting strict censorship, replacing university deans with military officers, dissolving labor unions, and most notably, closing the Congress. By October, virtually no institution in opposition to the junta existed, which allowed it to exercise absolute control of the country (Wright 53). The initial show of power, which left more than 10,000 Chileans dead and up to 100,000 others detained indefinitely, alienated many of the original supporters of the coup. Shortly after the coup, General Augusto Pinochet, commander of the army, emerged as the undisputed leader of the junta. He implemented steps to fulfill the goals of 28 …the elimination of Marxism, the formation of a nationalist and authoritarian political order, the reduction of state intervention in the economy, and the acceleration of economic growth on the basis of private enterprise and competition in the world market. (Remmer 433) In order to accomplish these goals, the social, political, and economic institutions of Chile had to be completely redesigned; these ends were often accomplished by the repression of human rights. What is most alarming to many unfamiliar with the Pinochet era is the sheer number of human rights violations. The junta used state terrorism to rapidly establish its dominance and control. For the remaining 16 weeks of 1973, Chilean citizens were brutally tortured, executed, or disappeared never to be heard from or seen again. The horrific stories gained international news when groups such as Amnesty International and the International Commission of Jurists requested a UN intervention. Images of soldiers loading unarmed civilians onto trucks like cattle and photos of piles of bodies washing up on the banks of the Mapocho River in Santiago leaked to international media and created international concern. Many countries supported the intervention in Chile to prevent the violation of human rights; however, the Nixon administration was a great supporter of the removal of Allende and fervently embraced the new government (Wright 56). The new Chilean government under the junta openly declared itself fervently anti-­‐Marxist. During this period in international history, the Cold War between the powers of capitalism, led by the United States, and the powers of socialism, led by 29 the Soviet Union, was raging across the globe. With Latin America being closely located to the United States and the ever-­‐present socialist threat from Castro in Cuba, the United States needed a stable foothold of capitalism in South America. This came in the form of the Chilean junta, which vowed to eradicate the “cancer of Marxism” from the country through reconstructing the country’s social and political mentality (61). In the effort to fundamentally change the country, the junta wanted to change the country’s mentality “by extirpating Marxism and its doctrine of class struggle and replacing it with the values of conservative Catholicism, class harmony and Chilean nationalism” (60). This overhaul of the country to its core was an incredibly ambitious project the likes of which South America had never seen. Like Castro in Cuba—although to opposite extremes—it would take more than persuasion to alter the country’s foundation. To accomplish his goals, Pinochet and his regime used state terrorism to eradicate the problems and opposition created by Marxist supporters. Unlike the large scale arrests and visible murders that occurred in 1973 following the coup, the instances of state terrorism from 1974-­‐77 reflected prior planning and centralized coordination, which began an era of institutionalized terrorism (61). The DINA (Dirreción Nacional de Inteligencia) was the secret police for the junta and ultimately responsible for carrying out the torture and terrorism to rid the country of Marxist ideology and supporters. Former members of the socialist and communist parties were the primary targets. These people were often the intellectuals and artists of the country, and even their social prominence in the 30 community did not protect them. The government soon discovered that the simplest way to get rid of open dissenters was for them to disappear. The desaparecidos were quietly removed from their homes, often in the night, never to be seen or heard from again. They were then relocated by the DINA to a detention center where they were tortured for information regarding others in opposition to the state or simply to destroy their will to resist the state. The torture was extreme and brutal with methods such as electric shock, repeated rape, drowning, beating, and most cruelly being forced to watch or listen to the torture of loved ones. Then the DINA directors decided their fate. Some were released with strict warnings not to disclose where they had been or what they had endured. Others were murdered and their bodies disappeared in an effort to leave no record (65). Another hallmark of the Pinochet regime was forced exile of thousands of Chileans. Many of these individuals were public officials during the Allende presidency and were blacklisted from jobs (68). Many were forced into exile after being detained in a torture facility. Over 200,000 Chileans went into exile. They fled to as many as 140 different countries across the globe. Many left South America altogether because of the threat of being murdered by the Pinochet regime even while in another country, known as Operation Condor, the regime conducted covert assassinations in Argentina, the United States, and even Europe. Although they escaped with their lives, living in exile was difficult. Exiles brought psychological trauma with them regardless of how many miles they were able to put between themselves and the dictatorship. Exiles often felt guilty for escaping while friends and family were tortured or murdered, and some had the 31 memories of being tortured themselves. Even exiles that stayed away for the entire period of the dictatorship had feelings of isolation. They were not wanted in their home country and did not feel at home in their host country (69). This psychological trauma did not stop many exiles from continuing to voice their beliefs about the Pinochet regime. They wanted to raise international awareness about what was happening in their country. Exiles banded together and worked with church, student, labor, and human rights organizations in their host countries to gain support and to shed light on the horrible acts being committed by the Pinochet regime. Exile also played an important role in the literature created during the Pinochet regime. With strict censorship on publications in Chile, Chileans living in exile wrote most of the subversive literature. Although the dictatorship strictly banned this literature, it nevertheless circulated around the black market. Small pockets of people growing tired of the dictatorship spread this literature among others who did not fully support the government or the methods it was using to control Chileans. Magical History: Allende’s La casa de los espíritus Arguably one of the greatest Chilean novels, La casa de los espíritus was written by Isabel Allende in 1982 during the era of the Pinochet dictatorship. While living in exile in Venezuela, Isabel Allende, the niece of Salvador Allende, began writing a “spiritual letter” to her dying grandfather (Griego n.p.). This letter would evolve into the international best-­‐seller, La casa de los espíritus. 32 La casa de los espíritus is a history of four generations of women of the upper class de Valle family. The story chronicles the lives of Nívea, Clara, Blanca, and Alba from the turn of the 20th century until roughly 1975. Set in an unnamed country that is obviously Allende’s native Chile, the novel weaves together political and social issues through the quintessential Latin American framework of magical realism. Both traumatic events in Chilean history along with Allende’s own personal accounts serve as inspiration for the novel (Bennett 357). Narrated principally by Alba, the story focuses on the female members as well as the struggle for political and social equality—both for women and the lower class. Before one can appreciate the complex and often strange occurrences in La casa de los espíritus, one must comprehend the unique characteristics of magical realism. Magical realism is an inherently Latin American genre, which incorporates magical, fantastical elements into the story as if they were normal, everyday occurrences. One example of the characteristics of magical realism is the description of Rosa, Clara’s older sister, who dies unexpectedly at a young age; her death fundamentally alters the course of the novel. Al nacer, Rosa era blanca, lisa, sin arrugas, como una muñeca de loza, con el cabello verde y los ojos amarillos, la criatura más hermosa que había nacido en la tierra desde los tiempos del pecado original, como dijo la comadrona santiguándose. (Allende 12) The strange beauty and possible angelic qualities of Rosa are seamlessly incorporated into the novel. The unusual hair color also resurfaces when Alba is 33 born with green hair. In this sense, the supernatural and everyday coexist in Allende’s unnamed country (Hart 118). In addition, Hart proposes that “the phantom in magical realist fiction is the projection within an ideologically [riven, sic] nation of a subaltern forced to ‘disappear’ as a result of lying…on the wrong side of the political, gender, or racial line” (115). As Hart suggests, La casa de los espíritus focuses on gender and political issues within what is clearly Chile. The novel follows the growth of feminism of the del Valle women along with the political developments in the country. The female protagonists of the novel are always on the wrong side of both the political and gender lines as they fight for not only rights for women but also for fair treatment of the poor and other marginalized. Many critics, such as Patricia Hart, locate La casa de los espíritus withing magical feminism, which she describes as magical realism employed in a femino-­‐centric work, or one that is especially insightful into the status or condition of women in the context described in the work. (qtd. in Bennett 364) Other scholars, such as Cristina Ruiz Serrano, define magical realism as una mezcla del mimetismo mágicorrealista de García Márquez y el ‘feminismo romántico’ que combina los paradigmas de la super-­‐mujer moderna con los roles de la mujer tradicional. (866) Throughout the novel, the readers are exposed to the harsh realities of the post-­‐
colonial, patriarchal society. Through their “more intuitive, sensitive and prone to 34 experiences beyond mere rationality” nature (Bennett 357), the women of the del Valle are able to resist being controlled and mastered by the patriarchal society. This is most notable in the power struggle between Esteban Trueba and Clara del Valle. Esteban feels that “la magia, como la religión y la cocina, era un asunto propiamente femenino” (Allende 133). Although they are married for many years, Esteban is never able to control her fully and can never be a part of the world of spirits where Clara reigns as queen. Esteban observes: Sentía a su mujer cada vez más alejada, más rara e inaccesible, no podía alcanzarla ni con regalos…Quería que Clara no pensara más en él, que no tuviera más vida que la que pudiera compartir con él, que le contara todo, que no poseyera nada que no proviniera de sus manos, que dependiera completamente. Pero la realidad era diferente, Clara parecía andar volando en aeroplano… (Allende 125) Although Allende denies writing with feminist techniques, the journey of the del Valle women and their abilities to overcome the traditional limitations of women through the use of their extraordinary feminine “powers” is impossible to ignore. Another focus of magical realism is giving voice to the politically marginalized. As the generations of del Valle women become more politically active, the magical elements fade to give emphasis on political issues. As Alba is writing the history (or rather herstory) of her maternal ancestors, she has little connection to the magic that used to fill the big house on the corner except through her own writings and the writings and memories of Clara, her beloved grandmother. 35 Through focusing on the harsh political realities, Alba loses the magical idealism of previous generations. Alba and her grandfather, Esteban Trueba, are the two narrators of the novel who represent opposing political views and remember the past filtered through their own political interpretations. All of the del Valle women are politically involved, which is unusual for upper class women of the time. Beginning with Alba’s great grandmother, Nívea, political activism and championing the poor is important to the del Valle women. Nívea is a suffragette and regularly donates to the poor; however, Nívea’s activism is limited by what is considered socially acceptable based on her status. Clara observes “el contraste entre su madre y sus amigas, con abrigos de piel y botas de gamuza, hablando de opresión, de igualdad y de derechos, a un grupo triste y resignado de trabajadoras…” (Allende 83). Nívea longs to help the marginalized; however, she is her activism is limited to what the society of the time deemed as acceptable. With the next generation, Clara further separates herself from society through magic. Clara’s name means “clear”, which is an allusion to her ability to “see” magic and the world of the spirits. She removes herself from chronological time and speech working to right the wrongs of society, inspired by her mother, from outside of the existing social framework. Clara records her observations privately in her journal that detail her life thematically, not chronologically. Clara routinely rejects the male dominated society by deciding the name of her children without consulting her husband and turning their home into a place filled with magic and spirits—a world of which her husband can never be part. 36 Clara’s daughter Blanca continues this separation between the traditional male and female spheres. Although she inherits her father’s stubbornness, she also has an extraordinary imagination, like her aunt Rosa. Rejecting her social status and her father’s will, Blanca conceives a child with the communist peasant, Pedro Tercero. She raises her daughter Alba “as an unwed mother…voluntarily remain[ing] entirely outside the bounds of linear time or the male space of her father’s home” (Frick 35). Keeping with the del Valle naming tradition, Blanca’s name means white, which is a ironic reference to her lack of sexual morality. Blanca lives as a poor, single mother in her father’s large house in an upper class neighborhood. Refusing to take money from her father, she supports herself and her daughter through her meager income as a potter, drawing on her extraordinary imagination and compassion for children and the mentally challenged to teach pottery to children. Although Blanca lacks political activism, her life is a testimony to her unwillingness to conform to society’s interpretation of what a woman should do. As the narrator of the story, Alba represents the coming together of the political, social, and economic divisions already present in the novel through the previous generations of del Valle women. Like her ancestors, Alba’s name implies whiteness. In this specific case, Alba also means “dawn” which represents the dawning of a female political consciousness. Alba represents the “union of opposing forces” (35). Although she grows up surrounded by her mother’s social nonconformity and her grandmother’s magic, Alba relies on practicality and activism. Alba’s political involvement does not come without a significant cost. 37 After the military coup, the illegitimate grandson of her own grandfather imprisons and rapes Alba. Alba resorts to her magical past to survive the torment of torture. After being visited by her grandmother’s spirit, Alba is inspired to think, and later record, her family’s story, which will serve as an alternative to the masculine traditional history. Another way that Alba represents the union of opposing forces is through her loved ones. Although she is his political enemy, Alba is beloved by her grandfather. The once proud Senator Trueba is forced to work with her rebel boyfriend, Miguel, to secure the release of Alba. However, the story will not end with Alba. As she writes this story, she is pregnant with the next generation of del Valle women, who will undoubtedly continue the legacy of her foremothers. As we see with the del Valle women, time is an important element in the story of La casa de los espíritus. In fact, La casa de los espíritus begins with an epigraph of a poem by Chilean poet Pablo Neruda. ¿Cuánto vive el hombre, por fin? ¿Vive mil años o uno solo? ¿Vive una semana o varios siglos? ¿Por cuánto tiempo muere el hombre? ¿Qué quiere decir para siempre? These verses emphasize the cyclical nature of time, one of the central themes in La casa de los espíritus, and they orient the story as “a bridge between the remembered past and the reader’s own present” (Frick 27). La casa de los espíritus tells the story of a family’s past being retold in the present by the narrator, Alba, who acts as an omniscient narrator for 14 chapters with help from her late grandmother’s 38 thematically organized journals (Avelar 70). Set in a traumatic time of the Chilean coup, this retelling of history begs the question of whether the actual event or the memory of the event is actually what’s important. In light of this trauma, “stories of the past are retold in an effort to shape the present and the future” (Frick 28). Memories have the power to alter reality, as Clara did with her magical three-­‐legged table. Through the emphasis of the legacies of the past, Alba can reshape the tragedy of the coup by turning it into a positive recollection of the memory of her ancestors. More important than the linear history is the cyclical “herstory” of her foremothers. One example is the minor character of Tránsito Soto. We first met Tránsito when she is a young prostitute near Las Tres Marías, the hacienda where Esteban Trueba is the patron. He visits her at the Red Lantern Brothel; she asks him for $50 to travel to the capital and a dress. Later, Esteban meets her again in a brothel in the capital. She has become a successful madam thanks to Trueba’s gift. In his moment of greatest need, Senator Trueba once turns to Tránsito for her help in rescuing Alba. Without all of these seemingly minor interactions, Senator Trueba would not have been able to save Alba. A life’s story is not linear and bound by time; it is like a circle with all of a person’s interactions impacting the future—much like retelling the past influences the future. Another interesting aspect in La casa de los espíritus is the omission of names—most notably the country where the story takes place. With contextual clues about other countries that are named in the novel, it seems clear that the plot occurs in Chile. However, the country is never named “en función de un supuesto 39 ‘efecto de universalidad latinoamericana’” (Avelar 68). Like other Latin American writers, Allende wanted to focus on how this story could be told in any Latin American country in most any historical time period. The history of Latin America, as described in Chapter I, is fraught with rises and falls of caudillos and racial and economic strife. Allende describes this in an interview: A mí me parece un poco grandioso tratar de dar voz a los silencios de la historia. Pero, a veces, me planteo darle voz a los que de necesidad callan, que no son los silencios de la historia, porque es muy grande. Pero hay mucha gente que estamos haciendo vida y nos cuesta tanto a veces expresarla, especialmente darles vida a las mujeres, y a los que están en Chile. (Cortínez 80) A way that Allende is able to give voice to those forced to be silent is to take away the name, and therefore the power, of the powerful. General Augusto Pinochet governed as the dictator of Chile for 17 years. He and his regime tortured thousands of Chileans and forced even more into exile, like Isabel Allende’s family. In her retelling of this history of an unnamed country, she never mentions his name or even alludes to him. In an effort to keep the universality of the story, Allende also omits the names of key characters in Chilean history. One is el Poeta who is a frequent visitor of Clara’s at the big house in the capital. In chapter 7, we learn that he has become a world-­‐renowned figure. Jaime “estaba leyendo los sonetos de amor del Poeta, que para entonces ya tenía renombre mundial, tal como lo pronosticara Clara la primera vez que lo oyó recitar con su voz telúrica, en su velada literaria” (Allende 225). This 40 would have been about the time that Neruda won the Nobel Prize. Allende has acknowledged that Pablo Neruda served as her model for el Poeta, but instead of referring to him by name, she only uses the common noun el Poeta. Pablo Neruda was much more than a poet in Chile; he was an outspoken supporter of socialism and equality in Chile, and much like Allende, worked to give voice to the marginalized. Neruda was “the voice of the working class, the voice of the peasants and factory workers, of ordinary people whose perspectives are so often obliterated from the more grandiosely perceived domain of global politics” (Bleiker 1130). By not explicitly naming Neruda as el Poeta, Allende furthers their shared socialist goal of giving voice to the marginalized of society. The other character in the story to whom the narrator refers to using a common noun is el Candidato, later known as el Presidente. This character most resembles socialist president Salvador Allende, who was overthrown during the Coup of 1973. In the story, Jaime, Clara’s son and Alba’s uncle, is a close personal friend and political ally of el Presidente with whom he regularly plays chess in the presidential palace. Jaime is with el Presidente in the presidential palace when the bombing takes place. Because of his social status as a great doctor, the new government officials want Jaime to testify that el Presidente was drunk and committed suicide to which Jaime responds “haga esa declaración usted mismo. Comigo no cuenten, cabrones” (Allende 351). This choice not to betray his friend and political beliefs cost Jaime his life. To Allende, el Presidente represents her uncle Salvador Allende; however, to keep the universality, he could be any number of reformers in Latin America who attempted to liberalize or socialize the government 41 only to be overthrown by a conservative force. The power of generalizing President Allende and Pablo Neruda by using common nouns allows La casa de los espíritus to tell the quintessential story of Latin America, which includes the rise and fall of political regimes as well as the power of culture, especially through literature. La casa de los espíritus is a masterpiece of magical realism. Through possibly the most iconic genre of Latin America, Allende weaves a story of four generations of women that meshes the inherently feminine use of magic and quotidian details. The readers witness the evolution of feminine power from socially restricted Nívea to her activist great-­‐granddaughter, Alba. Allende also exposes the readers to the universality of this story. Although the del Valle family saga clearly takes place in Chile, Allende purposefully leaves out the name of the country as well as the names of key historical figures such as el Presidente and el Poeta. This omission allows the story to transcend the realm of time and location and become an allegory for the whole of Latin America. Another central theme in the story is the cyclical nature of time. Through the magical feminine arts, and later political awakening, the del Valle family’s story is not bound by the confines of linear time. Time exists in a circle where all actions have a specific effect on the future. Without the horrific acts of the Pinochet regime in Chile, this masterpiece might have never been composed. History and politics undoubtedly influenced Allende’s writing of La casa de los espíritus. Had she not been forced into exile, Allende would not have written a letter to her dying grandfather in an attempt to comfort him from the harsh realities of watching his country fall to a military dictatorship. Without understanding the background and historical context of a 42 work of literature, the true depth of meaning of the text cannot be understood. The story may be an attempt to tell the universal story of Latin America; however, the meaning of the story significantly changes when the context of Chilean history is added into the discussion. La casa de los espíritus is a text that an instructor can easily incorporate into the modern day high school classroom. As a prime example of magical realism and Latin American themes such as giving voice to the marginalized and rising feminism, La casa de los espíritus would be an excellent novel to read in an upper level Spanish class. In the next chapter, I will be incorporating this text into a resource website for teachers wishing to use La casa de los espíritus in their class. The website will include sample lesson plans, activities, and discussion questions based on the text and modeled after the Tennessee state standards for modern languages for year IV/V students. 43 CHAPTER III TEACHING LA CASA DE LOS ESPÍRITUS As part of my senior thesis, I've decided to create a resource website for
teachers based on the novel La casa de los espíritus by Chilean author Isabel
Allende.
Under the "For Teachers" section, you will find a variety of lesson plans
and activities. I've included an introductory history lesson, reading lessons based
on the BDA Reading model, a magical realism lesson, a theme exploration lesson,
and a writing activity. On the page for each lesson, you will find a short
explanation of the lesson and the objectives of the lesson. Under each lesson are
pages with the lesson plan and other activities.
I've also included the first two chapter of my thesis in the "Thesis" section.
Additionally, there are potential resources, such as websites and PDFs of
scholarly articles, listed in the "Resources" section.
To view the full website, click on the link below.
Teaching La casa de los espíritus
44 CONCLUSION La casa de los espíritus tells the universal story of Latin America. Although the history is not always pleasant, the reader can view how history and politics influenced and continue to influence Latin America. Some of the relics of colonialism, as discussed in chapter 1, continue to haunt Latin America. Isabel Allende looks at these relics, such as patriarchy and hegemony, through a unique perspective. Instead of the traditional patriarchal version of history, Allende narrates four generations of “herstory” as the female members of the del Valle family are the protagonists while the male characters are secondary and often fill the role of stock characters, like Esteban Trueba who is the male domineer seeking desperately to control his family. The novel also mocks relic of hegemony. In an hegemony, the marginalized accept their own inferiority and consent to being ruled by the elite. In the case of Clara, she is able to escape this hegemony through her magical powers. Esteban cannot control her, as he desires to control his wife. Later in the novel, the magic is replaced by political consciousness. Alba rejects the hegemony and pursues a better situation for the marginalized of society through political activism. Allende encapsulates this unique view of history as well as other themes through the inherently Latin American genre of magical realism. Magical realism 45 sees magical occurrences as if they were quotidian events. With this unique point of view, Allende blurs the line between what is normal and what is magical. By the end of the novel, the reader has difficulty distinguishing if the spirits in the house are actually there. More importantly, it is not important whether or not these “magical” events really happening; what is important is the essence of magic that the novel creates. Magic is an intrinsic part of Latin America, and it influences the identity of Latin Americans. Just as magic is an inherent part of the Latin American identity, Allende works to create a universal story. This plot, with minor changes, could occur at any point in history and in any country in Latin America. Much like the cyclical nature of time in the novel, often the problems found in Latin America repeat themselves. Solving issues, such as the battles between political factions, the impact of foreign influence, and the treatment of the marginalized masses, has eluded Latin American leaders for nearly two centuries. One could easily envision the next chapter of Allende’s novel dealing with the same themes from 1982 occurring in Latin America today. One of the most interesting aspects of this study is the potential of this text in the classroom setting. Allowing students to develop their own opinions about a culture and period of history based on a novel from that era and culture is a truly invaluable tool for an educator. With the vast wealth of themes, cultural aspects, and historical events in the novel, students have the opportunity to interact with the text as a tool to evaluate and analyze history and culture, which are important elements in the Tennessee State Standards for modern foreign languages. 46 However, there are certain challenges for integrating this text into the high school foreign language classroom. The most obvious challenge is the length of the novel. The novel is approximately 300 pages in length, and most students are able to read about 5 to 10 pages in Spanish a day. That would mean that teaching the novel in its entirety would take between 30 and 60 days. This is impractical for most Spanish curriculum. One option would be to teach sections of the novel; however, the cyclical nature of the novel makes it difficult to decide which sections to eliminate. Another challenge of using the novel in a classroom is the mature content of the novel. On numerous occasions, the novel references rape, torture, and prostitution. Although theses themes are more accepted in Latin American literature, today’s high schools might have issues with the mature content of the novel. These issues aside, La casa de los espíritus is a brilliant example of Latin American culture and history; the potential opportunities for classroom are immense. Perhaps through a close study of La casa de los espíritus students can gain an appreciation for and an understanding of the various problems and challenges that have helped shape Latin America’s people, history, and culture. One of the beautiful aspects of literature is its ability to transport the readers to an unknown world. Although students in American high schools have no conception about what it would be like to live under the extreme conditions of a dictatorship, they can begin to have a faint idea through literature like La casa de los espíritus. Maybe through a renewed appreciation and understanding of the literature produced during the Pinochet dictatorship, Chileans themselves will begin to discuss and bring closure to 47 this painful chapter of their history that has been shrouded in silence for far too many years. 48 WORKS CITED Allende, Isabel. La casa de los espíritus. Barcelona: Plaza & Janes Editores, S.A. 1982. Print. Allende, Salvador. “El Ultímo Discurso.” 11 Sept. 1973. From La Nación (11 Sept. 2013). Web. 18 Nov. 2013. <http://www.lanacion.cl/lea-­y-­escuche-­el-­ultimo-­
discurso-­de-­allende/noticias/2013-­09-­10/184948.html>. Avelar, Idelber. “La casa de los espíritus: La Historia del Mito y el Mito de la Historia.” Revista Chilena de Literatura 43 (1993): 67-­‐74. JSTOR. Web. 20 Dec. 2013. Bakewell, Peter. “Colonial Latin America.” Latin America, Its Problems and Its Promise. Ed. Jan Knippers Black. Boulder: Westview Press, 1984. 51-­‐60. Print. Bennett, Caroline. “The Other and the Other-­‐Worldly: The Function of Magic in Isabel Allende’s La casa de los espíritus.” Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 75.3 (1998): 357-­‐65. Academic Search Premier. Web. 20 Dec. 2013. “Bernardo O’Higgins.” Latin American Studies.org. Web. Burns, E. Bradford. “The Continuity of the National Period.” Latin America, Its Problems and Its Promise. Ed. Jan Knippers Black. Boulder: Westview Press, 1984. 61-­‐80. Print. Chasteen, John Charles. Born in Blood and Fire: A Concise History of Latin America. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2001. Print. Chang-­‐Rodríguez, Eugenio. Latinoamérica: su civilización y su cultura. 4th ed. Boston: Thomson and Heinle, 2008. Print. 50 Collier, Simon. Chile: The Making of a Republic, 1830-­1865: Politics and Ideas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Print. Cortínez, Verónica. “Polifonía: Entrevista a Isabel Allende y Antonio Skármeta.” Revista Chilena de Literatura 32 (1988): 79-­‐89. JSTOR. Web. 20 Dec. 2013. Frick, Susan R. “Memory and Retelling: The Role of Women in La casa de los espíritus.” Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies 7.1 (2001): 27-­‐41. Academic Search Premier. Web. 12 Jan. 2014. Greigo, Adán. “The Wandering Spirits of Isabel Allende.” 2004. Isabel Allende.com. Web. 5 Feb. 2014. <http://isabelallende.com/ia/en/perspective/3>. Hart, Stephen M. “Magical Realism in the Americas: Politicised Ghosts in One Hundred Years of Solitude, The House of the Spirits, and Beloved.” Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies 9.2 (2003): 115-­‐123. Academic Search Premier. Web. 12 Sept. 2013. Rector, John Lawrence. The History of Chile. Westport, Conn : Greenwood Press. 2003. Ebook. Remmer, Karen L. “Chile: The Breakdown of Democracy.” Latin America, Its Problems and Its Promise. Ed. Jan Knippers Black. Boulder: Westview Press, 1984. 419-­‐435. Print. Ruiz Serrano, Cristina. “Paradigmas patriarcales en el realismo mágico: alteridad femenina y ‘feminismo mágico’ en La casa de los espíritus de Isabel Allende y Los recuerdos del porvenir de Elena Garro.” Bulletin of Spanish Studies 88.6 (2011): 863-­‐885. Modern Language Association Bibliography. Web. 2 Feb. 2014. 51 Wright, Thomas C. State Terrorism in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and International Human Rights. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2007. Print. 52