(Vogt 1971a, l971b) used in Chiapas. This particular interest was carefully integrated with
the long range objectives of the Foundation
(Lee 1974, 1W5).
The Coxoh Colonial Project and
The Coxoh Colonial Project has three basic
concerns.
First, it is an attempt to identify and
Coneta, Chiapas Mexico:
describe the heretofore unknown culture hisA Provincial Maya Village
tory of an indigenous Maya-speaking group of
a single region through the combined techUnder the Spanish Conquest
niques of archaeology and ethnohistory. At
the time of the Conquest, this group of extinct
Coxoh Maya occupied the natural region conABSTRACT
forming to the uppermost drainage basin of the
The Brigham Young University-New World Archaeo- Grijalva River near the present border of Mexlogical Foundation is developing an interdisciplinary ico and Guatemala. Moreover, the material
research program focused on the upper Grijalva River
culture baseline developed for this specific,
basin which was occupied at the time of the Spanish
conquest principally by indigenous Coxoh Mayan- linguistically identified people will be used in
speakers. Five important Coxoh villages have been the future as a solid point of reference in the
identified and located in this region and excavtions are comparative study of material from earlier
planned at all of them.
periods.
During the spring of 1975, three months were spent
Finally, and most importantly, the project
mapping and excavating at Coneta, one of the five villages, in order to investigate the processes of Coxoh was developed in order to study the process of
acculturation. Of particular interest to the investiga- acculturation in the Upper Grijalva River
tions are changes in domestic and ceremonial architec- drainage, as seen from the combined points of
ture, community pattern, diet, ceramics, and other as- view of archaeology and ethnohistory. The
pects of material culture. Such changes are important
in understanding syncretic changes in the social sys- project provides the opportunity to view the
tems including kinship, residency, land ownership, and culture change process under tightly conagricultural techniques.
trolled cultural, linguistic, chronological and
A primary function of the archaeological and ethno- spacial parameters. The plan is to focus on a
historic study of such Colonial sites is the establish- time period with sufficient historical resources
ment of a social and material culture base line of known
linguistic affiliation (Coxoh Maya) to serve as a point of to allow the linguistic identification of the
departure for comparisons in future investigations in group involved, and also to provide a minimal
the same region at purely pre-Hispanic sites. This pa- ethnohistoric description of their culture.
per explains the origin and purpose of the Coxoh Proj- Other important ingredients include a situaect, summarizes the results of the first field seasan and tion in which sufficient time has passed for
details some of the more important aspects of the acacculturation to affect the archaeological macultivation process.
terial culture or the discernment of a contact
situation of sufficient impact to make itself felt
on the material culture of the group in quesIntroduction
tion. Either of these factors alone would be of
The Coxoh Colonial Project (Figure 1) is a sufficient importance to make the study effort
joint effort of the Brigham Young University- worthwhile. The fact that both are present in
New World Archaeological Foundation and the time period of the Spanish Conquest of the
Duke University; the authors are the principal region and the subsequent 300 years of Coloinvestigators. This project developed quite nial rule only enhances the possibilities of the
naturally out of a long-standing desire of the project’s success.
senior author to pursue a direct historical apThe study of the process of Coxoh conquest
proach project based on the genetic model acculturation provides another example of this
THOMAS A. LEE, JR.
SIDNEY D. MARKMAN
THE COXOH COLONIAL PROJECT
57
FIGURE 1. Map of a portion of southeastern Mexico. The heavily shaded area indicates the three munciph of
Trinitaria. Comolapa and Chicomuselo in which the 6.Y.U.-New World Archaeological Foundation is developing the
Upper Grijalva River Basin Project.
special type of culture change situation. It
may also result in an explanation of this phenomenon on a broader level. Such information
would be useful in formulating the diagnostic
elements for understanding conquest acculturation dynamics in prehistoric archaeological
situations. Here, the components are often
postulated, but rarely well defined and even
less well understood.
The interest in attempting the Coxoh Maya
archaeological ethnohistorical project also
stems from a definite lack of such an integrated approach in Mesoamerica. It is a
known fact that archaeologists have rarely
taken advantage of the great possibilties which
are available to them in the combined study of
archaeological and ethnohistorical resources
in Mesoamerica. The number, magnitude, and
high level of cultural attainment in Mesoamerica is commonly known. Ruins abound, and
most are closely tied, often for not very scientific reasons, to rather exotic indigenous peoples.
Perhaps of less common knowledge outside
the profession of anthropology and history, is
the abundance of documents written for over
half a millennium on all regions of Mesoamerica. These lie in hundreds of archives. Thousands of tons of documents, in Spanish and
Latin, principally, lie molding away in county,
58
state, and national archives, and there is a surprising lack of interest in the archaeological
community to take advantage of them.
The Coxoh Project was specifically designed to attempt to tap these rich if often difficult documentary resources. The gathered
information is not always dramatic, but it is
never unproductive. A new date, the name of
an Indian group, a reference to some strange
custom, no matter how small the new information, all is grist for the mill. All new evidence
leaves one in a better position to phrase hypotheses, to guide tests, and to explain results.
In spite of the archival work, to date, no
documents written in Coxoh are known to exist. The group is, however, amply referred to
throughout the early Colonial period in travel
accounts, parish appointments of priests, and
govermental - documents (Feldman 1972,
1973a, 1973b; Ponce 1948).
The lack of a document or vocabulary in
Coxoh means that the exact linguistic position
of the language in relation to the surrounding
Maya languages is not previously known. Geographically, the Coxoh occupied a hot
lowland valley near the center of the monolithic block of Maya-speaking peoples. The
Mam, Jacaltec and Chuj peoples, living on the
northwestern slopes of the Cuchumatane
Mountains of Guatemala, border the Coxoh
temtory on the east. To the south, down the
Grijalva River Valley, the Chicomuseltec and
Tzeltal adjoin the Coxoh area while the Tojolabal are found to the north in the southern
end of the Chiapas Highlands. All of these
languages except Mam and Chicomuseltec are
part of the Western Maya Branch (Kaufman
1974: 85). There are good archaeological and
linguistic reasons to believe that Chicomuseltec, now also extinct, is not related intimately to the Coxoh (White 1974). Whether
Coxoh ultimately proves to be more closely
related to the Mam or Jacaltec-Chuj block on
the east or the Tzeltal on the north and west, is
purely academic since its relative linguistic position is rather narrowly defined and seems
quite clear.
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 11
During the Colonial period, the Coxoh occupied at least five villages as well as an unknown number of ranches, isolated farms and
other small kin-based nucleations of settlement in the hinterland around the villages
(Figure 2). Three of the most important villages, Aquespala, Escuintenango, and Coapa,
were located on the Camino Real that ran between San Cristobal de las Casas and Guatemala City, seat of the Capitania de Guatemala
which also included the modem Mexican state
of Chiapas. Escuintenango and Coapa were
both overnight stopping points on this route.
Coneta and Cuxu, the other Coxoh villages,
were located well away from the Camino Real
and can be expected to present a less intensive
or more selective process of acculturation
than the three towns in more intensive contact
with the conquest culture. All of these towns,
except Aquespala, are well preserved since
they occupy areas long dedicated to cattle
raising rather than intensive cultivation.
The masonry church convent complex at
most towns is quite well preserved, but more
importantly, the rest of the town around it is in
excellent condition despite its abandonment
for over 100 to 200 years. The street system of
most is cleary visible. Domestic house remains in patio complexes front onto the
streets. Dry wall masonry terraces and stone
walls along property limits are common interpatio divisions. Small round masonry sweat
baths are found within the patio complexes.
Larger open spaces, sometimes along the side
of the patio complex, but more often directly
behind it, were surely dedicated to houseplot
cultivation, running space for domestic fowl
and small animals, and relief area for the human inhabitants of the patio complex.
Coneta: Mapping and Excavations
During .the spring of 1975, three months
were dedicated to the field study of Coneta,
one of the better preserved Coxoh villages.
With the aid of topographer Deanna Gum, a
detail map with a scale of 1500 and a contour
interval of one meter was made of the site. A
THE COXOH COLONIAL PROJECT
59
FIGURE 2. A map of the Upper Grijalva River basin indicating the location of five extinct Colonial Coxoh Maya villages
and the “Camino Real” which passed through the area.
total of 87 domestic houses, 16 sweatbaths,
three churches (one with associated convent
and enclosing walls), and numerous terraces
and other man-made structures were mapped.
The street system of Coneta is not especially
well preserved, but it can be seen to a limited
extent in the northwest and southwest sectors
of the site. A flat area with evidence of heavy
occupation immediately adjacent to the south
side of the church atrium and extending southward for some 60 meters was ploughed by the
present owner many years ago. Individual
patio complex patterns and probable street
systems were completely obliterated.
The main church (Figure 3) with the beautifully preserved facade and convent was the
focus of effort at Coneta. All measurements of
this important structure were taken, and pre-
60
FIGURE 3. The San Jose Coneta church convent complex, built in the last quarter of the 17th century.
liminary drawings were produced later in the
laboratory. The complicated facade was
drawn under especially difficult conditions,
and many return trips were needed before the
drawings were complete and accurate.
The construction date for the church is not
exactly known, but stylistically it would not
seem likely that it was earlier than A.D. 1610.
A 1699 document that requested a reprieve
from four years’ tribute to rebuild the community church suggests either that the church
had fallen into disrepair, or as is more probable, replaced an earlier church (Archivo
General de Guatemala 1677: A 1.24).
An earlier structure of three rooms was indeed located by the excavations; it has been
named the “Primitive Church (Figure 4).”
The largest of the three rooms is long and nar-
FIGURE 4. Adobe walls and stone quoined doorway of
the 16th century “Primitive Church.”
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 11
row and has a raised platform with three steps
rising to it on the western side. A small room
opens off the east end of this large room. A
second, smaller room with a low porch on the
south side adjoins the middle room on the latter’s east side. The entire structure is of adobe
with porous limestone quoins about the doors
and om the three steps in the larger room leading to the altar or platform which occupied the
entire west end of the room. The “Primitive
Church” is completely devoid of roof tile fragments, among its debris; this is unlike the larger and later church convent. The lack of roof
tile probably means that the church dates to
the beginning of the community before tile
was made locally. The construction technique
of adobe walls and limestone quoined entrances is repeated in the churches of Aquespala and Escuintenango which stylistically are
earlier than the larger Coneta church convent. It surely means that the “Primitive
Church” had a perishable roof, probably of
grass, much as do the domestic houses of the
community and which are still generally found
throughout the nearby countryside. Inside the
most eastern room and near its east wall, was
a small, square, raised masonry hearth which
had been heavily burned. The thin lime plaster
floor had also been burned to a dull red for
about one meter all around the hearth. Among
other artifactual materials collected from the
floor around the hearth were small, lead-like
spher’es the size of shot. It would appear that
in the beginning of the Colonial period at
Conel.a, the Sword and the Cross were very
much together.
A third church near the northern edge of the
site was tested and has a completely different
type of wall construction and altar form. It
was probably built during the last occupation
period of the site. It may well date to a brief
20th (century reoccupation of Coneta. Interviews scheduled for the spring of 1977 with the
few known living members of this reoccupation will be designed to establish the construction date of this church.
Associated with the church/convent complex ,are three groups of human interments.
THE COXOH COLONIAL PROJECT
61
FIGURE 6. Colonial domestic house excavation at Coneta.
the surface and was never underlain by more
than another 20 cm of cultural fill.
The houses are believed to have had grass
roofs
with walls made of wattle and daub. SinFIGURE 5. Colonial masonry tomb in the Campo Santo
gle o r imultiple courses of dry-laid rock wall
located in the San Jose Coneta church convent patio.
footings and a more rocky type of wattle and
Within the nave, near the main arch and at the daub wall construction were probably emfoot of a north window, several simple pit ployed and are still used throughout the area.
burials are located. None of these is accom- This tylpe of construction is called coruzdn de
panied by mortuary offerings. Outside the piedra. Both of these wall types leave very
nave and to the north, within the Campo distinct and different patterns upon their disSanro or cemetery proper, the remains of sev- integration. The excavated houses fall into
eral formal Colonial masonry tombs can still two grciups on the basis of the orientation of
be seen (Figure 5). In the atrium, in front of their long axis. Five houses range between
the church facade, 13 modem graves are pres- 41”-50” east of north, while the other three
ent. Several of these show signs of having range bletween 80”-90” east of north. The more
been cleaned and refurbished during the pre- northerly oriented houses do agree within two
ceding “All Saints Day.” Several have wood- or three degrees with the “Primitive Church”
en crosses with names and dates in the late and street orientation, suggesting that all three
1930s and early 1940s which can still be read.
traits are related.
Several domestic structures are definitely
What is thought to be the church convent
trash dump is located just north of the struc- arranged about patios with a porch either to
ture outside the orchard wall and through the the side or behind but never found facing onto
northern gate. Future comparison of the arti- the street. Rarely are more than two domestic
factual and non-artifactual remains from the structures found in a patio complex. A small,
dump will be the key to diet patterns, eco- circular sweat bath is clearly a member of the
nomic status and interaction between the sec- patio complex (Figure 7). Sixteen of these
ular and religious sections of the community. were m,apped, and eight were excavated. DisEight domestic house structures (WG
of the tinctive sweat bath features include a large
total) were excavated in 5 cm arbitrary levels rock wall footing, small doorway, formal
(Figure 6). All fill was screened through one- hearth containing fire-cracked rock, and a
half centimeter mesh screen. Domestic de- rock4a.b paved floor.
No storage structures were recognized durposition was very shallow; the floor, when
present, was rarely more than 20 cm below ing the field work at Coneta. Today, corn is
62
FIGURE 7 Sweat bath, part of the Coneta indigenous
domestlc complex Note stone slab floor, hearth and firecracked rock inside the remains of the lowest course of
the rock wall
FIGURE 8. Tojolobal potters working inside home at the
Morelia ranch near Coneta. Note corn storage behind potters.
4c
harvested and dumped in a pile in the uncovered but fenced house patio. Not until just before the rains come, some five to six months
later, is the remainder carefully placed in ricks
inside the one room house. The storage pattern of corn during the Colonial period may
have been similar to the present day situation
(Figure 8).
In at least two excavated domestic structures, large, deep, round pits filled with fire-
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 11
cracked rock and gray ash were found. Their
specific use remains an enigma.
The analysis and interpretation of the artifacts recovered at Coneta has not begun, and
therefore little more than a few generalities
can be made at this time. Two ceramic traditions, the native, characterized by crude red
and brown wares in simple forms, and imported Spanish majolica decorated in blue, yellow
or green, exist in all domestic situations tested
in the community. Ground stone artifacts are
common, especially manos and metetes, but
stone axes are non-existent. Chipped flint and
obsidian flakes and blades are common cutting
implements, suggesting that despite the presence of iron tools, the latter were so rare and
expensive that they were beyond the reach of
the ir’digenous Inembers Of the community.
Bone artifacts are also rare. Shells from the
Pacific Ocean indicate that commerce with the
Socoriusco coast was maintained.
The diet of the Coneta Coxoh appears, on
the basis of the preliminary analysis, to be one
typical of Mesoamerican agriculturalists generally. The only surprising element is the presence in the excavation of over 48,000 common
freshwater snail shells. They no doubt were
the most significant single food species providing protein to both the convent and the
Indian home. Other faunal remains show that
almost all common domestic animals and
many wild mammal, bird, and reptilian species
were food for the larder. Not even the frequent cow and horse bones in the convent
kitchen midden however, suggest the same intensity and continued use as that of the lowly
snail taken from the Coneta River nearby.
Syncretic Process of Acculturation
From the first field season at Coneta the
process of Coxoh acculturation can be characterized, at least early in the Colonial period,
as one of syncretism. Syncretism refers specifically to the amalgamation of two different
religious beliefs into one in which some attributes of both are present. The concept of syncretism can be applied not only to religion, but
THE COXOH COLONIAL PROJECT
to all other aspects of the community, material
and social as well as ideological.
Culture change is never a simple situation,
and rarely is it characterized by a one to one,
loss and gain. Some changes are weak, while
others are dramatic and their origins clear.
One of the obvious differences between the
pre-Hispanic and the later Colonial villages,
like Coneta, which immediately strike the observer is the community pattern.
The complete lack of symmetry in the Late
Postclassic sites in Chiapas contrasts dramatically with the relatively straight streets of uniform width and their arrangement into a grid
forming squarish blocks in the Colonial communities. Before and after the anival of the
Spanish, ceremonial structures, both secular
and sacred, occupied the center of the community. A large open space around these
structures has always been available for the
congregation of large crowds for the purpose
of religious, commercial, political, or purely
social activities. Prior to the Conquest, this
space was relatively unstructured and irregular in shape. Afterwards, it was always uniformly defined by the buildings which surrounded it, and access was limited to the
streets which issued into it.
The decisive change in community plan
brought about by the Conquest is again seen in
the presence of the single imposing religious
structure of the Colonial community. This
contrasts sharply with the native pattern characterized by several civil religious structures,
almost all competing in importance and size
with one another.
Much has been written about Colonial and
modem religious syncretism in Mesoamerica.
It is clear that it is a special blend of Catholicism with indigenous polytheistic view (Foster
1954; Edmonson 1960; Orellana 1975; Corona
1972; Litvak King 1972; Nutini 1972; Jimenez
Moreno 1972). Not so well known, however, is
the fact that the Coxoh, as well as other
Maya groups, shifted their descent and naming practices soon after the Conquest. They
adopted the use of Spanish praenomina with a
two-part birth date as the surname (Baroco
63
1970). The binomial birth day name, of course,
came directly from the ancient Maya practice
of naming a person after the day of his birth. A
few years later, Coxoh children no longer took
their own birth day name as a surname; rather,
they adapted the Spanish custom of using the
birth day name of their father. By 1600, even
this vestige of the ancient Maya calendar and
naming system was abandoned and one finds
only the use of Spanish surnames among the
Coxoh.
The material remains at Coneta also demonstrate the amalgamation of material culture
traditions, but to differing degrees. The
“Primitive Church,” at first glance, appears
to utilize no major native architectural traits in
its construction, but there are at least two and
perhaps more such traits. The orientation of
the altar to the west is not a common Spanish
trait and may reflect a native influence about
which more will be said below. The fact that
the entire ‘‘Primitive Church” is underlain by
a thick, clean, large rock fill typical of all nearby Postclassic ceremonial structures, may indicate a desire by the builders, not the priests
who were having it built, to elevate the stmcture. This is exactly in the Postclassic tradition, even if the structure did not attain the
height of earlier pyramids.
Obviously the later church/convent complex conforms more architecturally to Spanish
norms than do its pre-Hispanic forerunners.
Indigenous elements are limited to some possible decorative motifs on the facade (Figure
9). In the top register, below the belltower
flanking, the central niche is a quadrifoil line
and five circle motif vaguely reminiscent of
the twisted reed glyph (Thompson 1%2:
Glyph 615) present in the Maya glyph system.
Directly below this motif is an even more
amorphous one which has no pre-Hispanic
parallels but which was certainly never part of
the Catholic iconography. In the third register,
just above the main door, is the round “rose”
window which with the niche and flanking
circles above it appears to form a large face.
Large masks and mythical faces are common
elements in Classic and Postclassic Maya tem-
64
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 11
lic and indigenous icons. The jaguar and the
earth monster (on which the earth rests) are
very important figures in pre-Columbian
cosmology. Their omnipresent representations appear in paintings, sculptures, architecture, and pottery. The lion and dragon are
common elements in Catholic, especially
Dominican, iconography. The two plants
which issue from the monsters’ mouth are
thought to be squash (Cucurbita) represented
mainky by its flower, and the prickly pear
(Opunria) suggested principally by its fruit. A
further example of syncretism is seen at the
apex of the arch in which the santisima rests
within the characteristiclly Late Postclassic
long legged tripod bowl.
In the domestic architecture there are no
discernible Spanish traits. Apparently all strucFIGURE 9. Facade of the 17th century church at Coneta
tures had grass roofs and wattle and daub
walls with coursed stone footings and porches;
they continued to be made in the tradition
of the pre-Conquest Maya and do so to the
present day.
Among the artifacts, it has already been
stated that Spanish majolica and a few metal
and glass objects are about the only items introduced into the native material culture inventory. At least in the beginning, Colonial
Spanish material culture made little impact on
that of the traditional Maya.
FIGURE 10. Line drawing of polychrome paintings on the
The symmetrical, tightly organized grid
arches over the door in the facade of the main church at
community
plan at Coneta is of Spanish oriConeta.
gin, but its orientation of about 43“ east of
ple facades. The sun bursts or multi-pointed north is more closely related to the alignment
stars on the pilasters of the same register are of the: “Primitive Church” and some domestic
also native elements, as are the double bifur- structures and follows the pre-Spanish oriencated tongue motifs which flank all of the tation of ceremonial centers. In contrast, the
Spanish favored comunity plans oriented to the
niches on this same level.
By far the most dramatic example of religious points of the compass.
syncretism on the facade occurs in the polychrome paintings on the arches over the main Conclusions
doorway (Figure 10). Painted in red, black,
The Colonial Coneta Coxoh Maya, like
gray, brown and a pale yellow are angels, the
many
acculturated peoples elsewhere in the
sun, corn plants, monsters with other plants
world,
tried to take their bad luck philosophissuing from their mouths, and the sanrisima
or host. The angels, of course, are Catholic as ically. Where they were forced to change they
are the monsters, although in the latter one did, but to make it a little more palatable they
finds an interesting coincidence in both Catho- included a few elements of their own.
THE COXOH COLONIAL PROJECT
The Spanish Colonial policy contained two
aims through domination-economic gain and
conversion of the heathen. The policy required
a change in the indigenous culture only insofar
as it was expedient to the successful completion of its aims. Archaeologically, this is observable in the Coxoh settlement and community pattern, and in the ceremonial architecture. Seemingly pragmatic people, the Coneta
Coxoh accepted other changes because they
were practical, such as new domestic animals
and plants, and a few new implements. Here it
seems to have been a matter of cost versus
efficiency. However, in matters such as religion, elements of the pre-Hispanic Maya religious system were carefully maintained. An
excellent example of this comes from a nearby
large Tzeltal Maya community. Almost a century after the foundation of Copanaguastla,
the third church convent and community in
the state to be established, the friars were horrified to discover that the Indians kneeling in
prayer and devoutly crossing themselves before the Virgin of the Rosary, the beautiful
patron saint of the town, were directing themselves not to her, but in the friars’ words “to
the filthy graven idol” so carefully hidden behind her skirts by the ingenious native elders
(Xemenez 1930 ( 1 I): 191-2).
The process of Coxoh acculturation is certainly not as the song says “a many splendored thing,” but it is just as certainly a many
faceted thing. One facet reflects a Spanish tradition, another an indigenous one, and a third
something of both. All of them interact and are
bonded tightly together as integral parts of a
whole.
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