of specific categories of young people.
They also, and more fundamentally, are
concepts which signal a particular kind
of society, a particular type of social
system, particular sorts of social
relationships.
Gaining an understanding of and
empathy with these young people is
only part of what youth workers require.
The perceptions and character of youth
work intervention will be crucially
determined by how the empirical
realities of poverty, homelessness, and
abuse are interpreted; by whether or not
these interpretations are linked to the
deep structures of sexism, racism, and
class struggle which constitute the basis
of oppression, exploitation and
disadvantage; and by how recognition
of the causes of youth problems can be
translated into appropriate strategies at
the level of day-to-day youth work
practice. In a nutshell, our research
inevitably leads to questions concerning
the ideological and political basis of
contemporary youth work, and once
again illustrates the need for on-going
debate and discussion over the aims and
objectives of different kinds of youth
work practice.
Third, any discussion of youth needs
(as indicated by user population and
type of service provision) and youth
work practice (as shaped by welfare
concerns and the consciousness of youth
workers regarding the nature of their
interventions) must also take into
account the impact of state funding and
policy on youth service provision. Our
research appears to show that, within
the context of existing government
guidelines regarding priority targeting
(such as young women, non-English
speaking migrants and Aborigines), these
particular categories of young people
are being excluded or have lower
participation depending on the service
provided. Again, qualitative research is
needed in order to determine whether
this is due to factors such as the type of
youth work undertaken (which is also
influenced by the quality and quantity
of training available) and/or whether it
is due to the general constraints of
restricted funding, inadequate
administrative support, and poor
50
working conditions and wages in the
non-government youth field, all of which
can affect the capacity of youth workers
to broaden out and adequately work
with particular groups of young people.
More generally, questions can be
asked as to how state economic and
welfare policies, as well as those
regarding youth service provision, are
influencing the orientation and content
of Australian youth work (White 1989,
1990ab). Further to this, consideration
must be given to the economic role of
youth workers in a period witnessing
major financial stresses on the welfare
system as a whole, such as cost savings
to the state in the form of low paid and
volunteer welfare workers and greater
selectivity in welfare payments.
Consideration must also be given to the
social role of youth workers given "their
target group and state concerns to render
youth issues less visible to the public
eye, such as by keeping these young
people preoccupied and off the streets,
or by offering minimal welfare and
accommodation support.
This two-part series has attempted
to identify certain characteristics of
youth workers, the nature of the services
they provide, and the young people who
use those services. Arising from the
descriptions provided in this and our
earlier paper are a number of issues
which deserve further research and
further analysis. Each of these issues
directly or indirectly revolves around
whom youth workers actually work with,
the substantive content oftheir practice,
and the self-identity and selfconsciousness· of youth workers as they
participate in broad welfare and
community development types of
activities. It is our hope that the findings
and concerns we have raised will be
useful in further developing creative
and critical discussion on the nature of
Australian youth work today.
References
Ewen, J. 19S3, Youth in Australia: A New
Role and a New Deal for the 80s, Phillip
Institute of Technology Press, Melbourne.
Jeffs, T. & M. Smith (eds) 19S5, Introduction
to Welfare and Youth Work Practice,
Macmillan Education, London.
Maunders, D. 19S4, Keeping Them Off The
Streets: A History of Voluntary Youth
Organisations in Australia 1850-1980,
Phillip Institute of Technology Press,
Melbourne.
Nava, M. 1 9S4, Youth service provision, social
order and the question of girls, in A.
McRobbie & M. Nava (eds), Gender and
Generation, Macmillan Education,
London.
Omelczuk, S. 19S7, Training: How It Affects
Youth Workers and Young People in the
Northern Territory, Steering Committee
on Youth Sector Training, Darwin, N.T.
Omelczuk, S., Underwood, R. & White, R.
1991, The characteristics of youth service
users, Youth Studies, vol.lO,no.l,pp.62-6.
Quixley, S. & Westhorp, G. 19S5, Youth
Workers' Access to the Field in South
Australia, Youth Affairs Council,
Adelaide.
van Moorst, H. 19S4, Working with youth: A
political process, in Nationwide Workers
with Youth Forum, Beyond the
Backyard, Melbourne.
Westhorp, G. 19S5, The History and
Development of You th work in Australia,
YACSA, Adelaide.
White, R. 19S6, Youth Worker Training in
South Australia: Issues and Responses,
Youth Worker Training Development
Committee of South Australia, Adelaide.
White, R. 19S9, Does youth policy mean no
m ore youth workers? Youth Studies,
vol.S, no.3, pp.26-9.
White, R. 1990a, No Space Of Their Own:
Young People and Social Control in
Australia, Cambridge University Press,
Melbourne.
White, R. 1990b, Social justice, skill formation
and Australian youth work practice,
Youth and Policy, no.30, pp.1-7.
White, R., Omelczuk, S. & Underwood, R.
1990, Youth Work Today: A
Profile, Technical Report No.25, Centre
for the Development of Human Resources,
The authors are from
Editll Cowan University,
Perth. Rob IVhite is
lecturer in Youth Work
Studies, Research
Assistant Suzanna
Omelczuk and Associate
Professor Rod
Underwood are at the
School of Community
and Language Studies.
Youth Studies
May 1991
'Pioneering' and 'settling'
activities of youth workers
NEVILLE KNIGHT argues here that the activities of
youth workers may be usefully categorised as
pioneering and settling, with the latter category being
further divided into traditional and bureaucratic. He
develops a typology based on Weber's ideas around
these concepts, and using this typology, the goals and
activities of three youth workers from Britain and
Australia are examined on a case study basis.
N THE development of any area of
human activity we may define
Pioneering as breaking new ground,
thereby bringing about changes in people
and situations. Particular individuals
who undertake pioneering are those who
are at the frontier of inquiry or enterprise.
Here our usage of pioneering also refers
to the activities of individuals who are
not guided or constrained by traditions
and who are not afraid to break away
from bureaucratic practices within an
organisational framework. Pioneering
implies that total separation from that
framework may occur if it is believed
desired purposes cannot be achieved
within it. In so far as pioneering involves
other people, the legitimate authority of
those who undertake it is based on
personal trust and a belief that such
individuals know where they are going
and how to get there. Their authority
bears a close affinity with Weber's
charismatic type, although according to
our definition it is not necessary for
I
Youth Studies
May 1991
those who undertake pioneering to have
had a "revelation" (Weber 1964, p.328).
Even though these individuals may
not have had a revelation they are being
regarded in this paper as visionaries.
But in this case they are visionaries who
actually initiate new developments or
approaches, not just dream about them!
In its pure form pioneering is undertaken
by charismatic leaders who abhor routine
structures and depend entirely on their
personal qualities to involve others in
what they are doing. But such
relationships are transitory, and the
charismatic authority on which they
depend must, according
to Weber
(1964, p.364), become "traditionalised
or rationalised or a combination ofboth" ,
if those relationships are to become more
stable and permanent.
The other type of activity can be
termed "settling". In this paper settling
is of two kinds: traditional and
bureaucratic. Traditional settling
conforms to traditional rules and
practices which form an established
framework within which goals are
shaped and activities are carried out. In
so far as settling accords with these rules
and practices, the authority of leaders
undertaking this kind of activity may be
regarded as traditional (Weber 1964,
p.341). Bureaucratic settling expresses
the requirements of an "office" and
shows acceptance of recognised
authority within a hierarchical
framework. Leaders undertaking settling
activities of a bureaucratic kind occupy
formal positions in a hierarchy of offices
which define the institutional status of
oGcupants. The conduct of those who
occupy a particular office is regulated
by rules and other forms of supervision
and control exercised by those in a higher
office. The authority of such leaders is of
a rational-legal kind which is derived
from the office itself and not from any
personal qualities of the individuals
occupying such offices (Weber 1964,
p.330).
51
The distinction being made between
pioneering and settling draws on
Weberian ideas. Accordingly the
distinction is not new but it has yet to be
applied in this way to the activities of
youth workers, as far as the writer is
aware. The distinction is important
because the shape of youth work will be
affected by how much pioneering and
settling activities occur. Too much
pioneering may result in lots of new
projects starting but never becoming
properly established. Too much settling
may result in unchallenged acceptance
of existing forms of youth work which
could be preserving practices relevant
only to a previous generation of youth,
and an inefficient usage of resources.
The distinction is also important
because it assists in the process of
matching youth workers with
appropriate jobs. Some youth workers
may need to be employed for pioneering
work among particular groups of young
people not effectively reached by
traditional youth services, for example,
drug addicts or long-term unemployed
youth. Other youth workers may need to
be employed for settling work to
maintain existing programs which
already cater for significant numbers of
youth, such as in youth centres or
schools. It can be postulated that
mismatching the type of youth worker
with the kind of job to be done will
result in frustration and disillusionment
on the part ofthe youth worker, a waste
of an agency's resources, and even the
disintegration of the youth work itself.
In youth work we can expect there to
be both pioneering and settling activities.
In practice, some youth workers may
incline towards one type of activity more
than the other. Others may undertake
pioneering activities at one stage oftheir
career as youth workers and settling at
another. In addition, there may be
particular youth workers who combine
pioneering and settling, moving from
one to the other depending on the
circumstances. The activities of such
youth workers may be best described as
pioneering-settling.
The above discussion leads us to
consider how pioneering and settling
type activities of youth workers may be
recognised. In this paper activities which
are new or break with existing practices
and conventions are described as
pioneering. If a new way is used to
organise a program, or if a structural
change is made to decision making
groups and processes within a youth
club, then these would be regarded as
pioneering activities. Another example
of pioneering would be if a youth worker
were to use an innovative approach to
reach out to a group of young people not
previously contacted by conventional
methods.
Activities of youth workers which
produce stable patterns of human
interaction based on routine procedures
and programs are described as settling.
If these activities conform to
conventional rules and practices and
are accepted as having always been done
that way, they would be called
"traditional settling". Activities which
indicate a youth worker has accepted
direction from those with recognised
authority within a hierarchical
framework, or activities which are
performed as expressions of a youth
worker's office, would be called
"bureaucratic settling".
In the remainder of this paper the
goals, activities and achievements of
three youth workers from Britain and
Australia will be examined on a case
study basis. Specifically, how these
youth workers seek to achieve their goals
will be considered. What is reported
here is part of a larger study involving
interviews with youth workers mainly
from Britain and Australia.
Youth Worker Profiles _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
MAUREEN
Maureen (aged 29) grew up
in Birmingham and trained
as a teacher. She married a
teacher, but has no children.
She expressed a particular
concern
for
young
unemployed women who did
not use existing youth
services. Maureen gave up
her job in a youth club to
become a detached worker
with unemployed youth and
was employed in that position
by the Inner London
Education Authority.
Maureen sought to
improve the position of young
unemployed women. She felt
there was "a huge difference
between unemployed young
52
men and unemployed young
women, and that is because
of the inequality". She set as
a personal target to help
"those young women get a
foothold to fight back".
Maureen envisaged that the
young wom\}n she worked
with would
become
"autonomous people" and
"grow in confidence" as they
began to look after
themselves and develop to
the point where they could
say: "Yes, I have got skills
and I am an important
person." The thrust of her
activities was to assist young
unemployed women to cope
with a society she saw as
hostile to them. She sought
through her involvement
with these women to promote
values opposed to those
generally accepted in society
which
emphasised
capitalism and materialism.
I think the work that some
of us are doing is even
more exciting because we
are indoctrinating them
into the opposite. I think
we are looking at
alternative
values
because it is Tory
thinking,
capitalist
thinking, and it is about
how much you have got,
and not who you are or
what you have got to offer,
and that puts pressure on
young people. So I would
say I am trying to slow
that process down.
The depth of Maureen's
commitment to her task is
shown in this comment:
It's hard and it's tough
and it's a fight. It's not
easy and sometimes I ask
whyIdoitbecauseitcould
be much easier going into
a classroom and giving
part of myself. I think in
youth work you give
everything, if you believe
in what you're doing.
Youth Studies
May 1991
In her position as a
detached youth worker
Maureen translated into
action her vision of helping
young unemployed women
to lift their heads and feel
important.
Maureen's
immediate goal was to make
contact with such women
because she had no ready
made group to work with.
She explains how she did this:
"There was a lot of home
visiting in which I worked
closely with Social Services
and Career Services, to get
hold of the names of young
women on housing estates,
and contact them, and then
develop that into a piece of
group work."
From her contact with
50 or 60 such women
Maureen developed a group
of 12 women who were
interested in meeting with
her on a regular basis. She
referred to this process as
"creating pieces of work with
unemployed young people".
In this work she recognised
the importance of winning
the trust of the young
women before being able to
do anything more with them:
"I had to build up a confident
relationship so that they
would trust me, and then I
organised trips they wanted
to do." In reflecting on her
work Maureen elaborated
on the central importance of
relationship building and the
impact of this on her own
thinking:
One of the findings was
that with working with
young people in a
detached method the
relationship becomes the
all important thing. There
aren't any rules or
regulations made, no
bumph is in the way,
which is the extreme
opposite for me from
teaching. I feel that I
have come down a path
with that in relationships
with young people. It is
totally on their terms, it
has to be.
Maureen enjoyed success
in her work. She referred to
the group she had just left in
her previous job as coming
on in "leaps and bounds".
For her the most important
thing was that "they recognise
this themselves". But while
Maureen
could
draw
satisfaction from the changes
in the lives of these women
she nevertheless faced many
difficulties which seemed to
almost overwhelm her. When
asked whether she ever
stopped and wondered
whether it was all worthwhile
she said: "Yes, every day. It is
very rarely the young people.
It is the frustration of
management, and working in
such a sexist and racist
institution. "
This frustration which
Maureen experienced may
be linked with her declared
long-term goal of getting into
management so that she
could "change policy from
the top" with a view to further
assisting unemployed young
people. She had undertaken
pioneering activities with
young unemployed women
untouched by the existing
youth services and had the
satisfaction of seeing some
overcome personal problems.
But Maureen was not content
with this success. She wanted
to see changes occur in
management and was looking
for ways she could break new
ground on behalf ofthe young
unemployed women for
whom she felt so deeply.
STEVE
Steve (aged 39) grew up in a
middle class family, then
worked at the Post Office
Telephone Service in London
before training as a youth
worker. He is married with
three children and is
employed as Warden of a
Youth and Community
Centre. The Centre has a
variety of community groups
using its facilities during the
day which involves Steve in
relating to the adults
responsible for these groups
and in being a caretaker of the
Centre. He is also leader of a
youth club for 12 to 18-yearolds.
Steve has difficulty in
satisfying the seven-man
executive responsible for
activities and approving
usage of the Centre, and the
management committee
responsible for the upkeep of
the buildings and for finance.
He has, however, learned to
live with both bodies.
Youth Studies
May 1991
Steve is directly accountable
to the District Youth Officer
with whom he meets
monthly. When asked what
the District Youth Officer
expected of him , Steve's reply
suggests that he doesn't find
meeting
with
him
particularly helpful.
I don't know. Well,
running the youth club is
the thing they expect, an d
the development of the
youth club. Atthe moment
it is probably staff
relations we are working
on - making sure that staff
meetings are held
regularly. They are also
concerned about the
administration of the
place. So they are
concerned about sending
out agendas and meeting
on time, and all this
rubbish.
Steve describes a successful
youth club as one:
.. .run by a good team of
youth workers, where
young people are offered
opportunities to take part,
where they feel there is a
place for them to come to,
which accepts them for
what they are.
When asked whether he
had a plan for achieving his
goals, Steve'sreply indicates
the difficultyhehadingetting
his staffto agree on what they
were doing.
One of the problems we
are working at is getting a
team ofstaff devising what
their aims are as a team. I
wanted to get something
down in writing. We have
started to adopt one ofthe
objectives that the South
East area full-time team
have adopted.
Steve
thought
the
professional youth worker
should be thinking about the
development of young people
and the development of staff
working with young people.
He thought there should be
more attention given to
working with the juniors
and specifically with girls.
He also believed that a health
education program should be
introduced. But none of
these ideas had reached the
planning stage and Steve gave
no indication of actively
seeking additional resources
to make them happen.
Comments like, "They don't
pay part-time staff for
working with the juniors like
the London authorities do",
suggest that he was accepting
that no new developments
would occur in such areas.
When asked what goals
he thought he had already
achieved, Steve indicated
partial satisfaction with the
outcomes of his work.
We have got a youth club
going which involves
young people in the area.
53
It is a place where young
people like to come along
to. We have provided
some of the opportunities
that I laid out in my
original aim - not as many
as we would like.
Sometimes the resources
and buildings don'treally
lend themselves to ad
infinitum things going on
at once.
Steve seemed to long for a
more settled life in which
there were fewer disruptions.
He found the most difficult
thing about being a youth
worker was that everything
was "always changing", and
"you have to keep dealing
with new situations". But he
was philosophical about such
matters when he said: "But
the factis sometimes you can't
let up on thinking about how
you are going to deal with
another situation. You can't
sit back."
In respect to bureaucratic
procedures Steve was
ambivalent. He thought the
concerns of the District Youth
Officer
about
the
administration ofthe Centre,
the sending out of agendas
and the holding of meetings
on time were "all rubbish".
But he also thought it was a
problem that his own staff
team could not get their aims
down "in writing".
Steve was not the kind of
person to rock the boat. He
was comfortable in his job
which involved him in a
mixture of activities. These
Included relating to the
leaders of various community
groups which used the
Centre, keeping accounts and
running a youth club. This
club had its own recurring
activities such as badminton,
discussion groups, interclub
visits and trips. Steve
accepted without question
this regular pattern of
activities as defining the main
part of his job. This suggests
that many of his activities
may be best described as
traditional settling.
Although Steve may have
wanted to sit back and avoid
change, he recognised that he
couldn't always adopt this
position, especially if he was
being pressed by those in
authority over him. When
faced with such a situation
he attempted to meet the
demands of those in power
such as the District Youth
Officer and the Management
Committee, even when he
wasn't in full agreement with
them. Despite his problems
in coping with staff conflict,
Steve had learned to manage
his work environment
reasonably well and had
established his routines in his
nine-year term of office by
undertaking activities which
were mainly of a traditional
settling kind. He did not seem
to have a particular message
to conveyor mission to
accomplish among the young
people with whom he
worked.
of his work was "to proclaim
the Good News that God loves
people and wants to enrich
their lives". Although he took
some comfort in knowing that
he had the support of the
church leaders in what he
was doing, he did not take
this for granted and
maintained close contact
with them. But while he
clearly welcomed this
contact, Dave reacted against
the idea of being told what to
do: "They don't really tell me
much. I tell them what I'm
doing." Dave's independence
and confidence is also shown
in this comment: "The vicar
and wardens get together and
knock around a lot of stuff,
but really the youth ministry
is put in my hands and if I
keep doing it effectively and
people keep coming, then I
do whatever I like, and they
trust me."
As part of his strategy for
training leaders, Dave formed
cell groups where the leaders
had
"some
small
responsibility for a little
group of people". Each cell
group consisted of six or
seven members including a
leader and an assistant. The
responsibility of the leaders
was gradually increased as
they began to look after
members more fully physically, spiritually and
emotionally.
Dave not only invested
much of his time with
individual members but he
also worked at improving
the integration of the various
youth groups within the
church.
importance of having a
common aim shared among
them. In this process he saw
himself as a manager and
trainer of the key leaders of
the groups.
In addition to training
leaders, Dave developed new
activities where he believed
there was a need for them.
DAVE
Dave (aged 37) grew up in
Sydney and trained as an
engineer. He has no formal
training as a youth worker.
His interest in youth work
dates back to his involvement
in a church youth group; then,
after some years of working
as an engineer, he was invited
to be a youth worker at a
Melbourne church. He held
that position for six years and
is now in his second position
at a different church. His wife
and two children support him
in his youth work and he uses
his home for many youth club
activities.
Dave's
religious
experience affected his goals
as a youth worker. He said
that he was committed to
sharing God's love with the
kids. He was also convinced
that "relationships with
people are the essence of the
quality of life" and that it is
"through
a
loving
relationship with God that
relationships with people can
form in harmony". He
believed the church leaders
shared his view that the aim
54
I normally put aside two
or three hours a week for
overall planning
integrating. I'm responsible for the integration of
junior high school
ministry, senior high
school ministry and the
Alpha group which is
secondary into mid
twenties.
Elsewhere Dave talked
about the young adults being
the key people in the interface
between the groups and the
I've gradually taken up
the things I had the ability
to do that were not being
done - hence something
like family camping,
evening music. I don't
really see myself as a
musician but it seemed to
be an opportunity and I
recognised some abilities
and so I worked it to help
that to happen.
Dave believes he has
achieved his goal of training
leaders on-the-job. He has
discovered their abilities and
provided opportunities
where they can be tried out.
He has the satisfaction of
knowing that he is "loved and
appreciated by a lot of the
Youth Studies
May 1991
kids" he has shared his life
with. Occasionally, he has
been criticised "for being too
outrageous or treading on
traditions a bit too much",
but he said he knows that
most "support the goals to
which I am working to the
best of my ability". He added:
"I'm able to accommodate
criticism and to screen out
what is helpful and just let
the other stuff pass on."
At times Dave showed he
could undertake pioneering
work by the way he formed a
team of leaders and
constructed opportunities for
them to develop their
leadership. He also pioneered
new activities such as family
camping and music groups.
But he undertook not only
pioneering
activities,
Conclusions
Pioneering involves working at frontiers
to bring about changes in people and
situations. In youth work it may take the
form of developing new groups or
activities which do not conform to
existing practices - as seen in Dave's
club with the starting up of music groups
and a family camping program.
Pioneering may also take the form of an
innovative approach to youth work
which breaks with conventional
practices, or to working with a particular
group of young people in a different
way, as was the case with Maureen's
work with young unemployed women.
Maureen originally "started in a
voluntary youth club" but left after 18
months to become a detached worker
"to coordinate unemployed work". In
this position she didn't work with young
people at first so the job was reviewed
and she "started to create pieces of work
with unemployed young people in a
detached method". Her approach
differed from her previous experience
with youth in that it depended entirely
on relationship building with these
women "on their terms" in a context
largely of their choosing, which was
outside of traditional and bureaucratic
structures found in youth clubs and
schools.
Settling occurs when stable patterns
of social relations are established around
routines which ensure order and
predictability about life situations. Two
kinds of settling were identified,
traditional and bureaucratic. The
traditional kind involves conformity to
existing patterns of how things are done,
Youth Studies
May 1991
otherwise he would have
gone from one new venture
to
another
without
establishing any of them.
This was not the case. Dave
spent a lot of time and energy
in establishing each new
development. He saw as the
key to this process the
training and supporting of
voluntary leaders who could
take responsibility for the
which have become routine and taken
for granted over an extended period of
time. For example, Steve's mornings
were mainly taken up with
"administration, writing and preparing
reports and looking at the finances". In
the evenings there were "hall activities
- usually badminton and some
discussion groups".
Bureaucratic settling involves
acceptance of a hierarchical structure of
authority by the youth worker. An
example of this occurred when Steve
accepted that the District Youth Officer
was the "immediate officer" to whom he
was responsible and that he could move
him to another position when things
"weren't OK" with the school authorities
at the time. On another occasion Steve
thought the District Officer's concern
about sending out agendas and meeting
on time was "rubbish", but he admitted
that he was "making sure that staff
meetings are held regularly". There w ere
also some occasions when youth workers
sought to exert their authority, which
they held by virtue of their formal
position, over other leaders. An instance
of this was when Steve sought to get his
staff "to devise what their aims are as a
team". He wanted to get something down
in writing, but he had to admit that his
staff had only "started to adopt one of
the objectives" of another area team he
had put before them.
In this typology pioneering or settling
type activities have been distinguished.
But some activities of youth workers
may best be described as pioneeringsettling. An instance of this was the
development of a cell group structure
within Dave's youth club. Dave formed
new activities which became
part of the youth club program.
In this respect Dave showed
he could undertake traditional
settling activities as well as
pioneering. His ability to
move from one to the other,
depending
on
the
circumstances, suggests that
his activities may be most
appropriately described as
pioneering-settling.
cell groups in which leaders had "some
small responsibility for a little group of
people", because his own experience in
youth groups had taught him that the
ones that had "gone on" were those in
whom "someone had invested a lot of
life-sharing time in". Dave invested time
and effort not only in pioneering the
new structure but also in establishing it
to the point where it became part of the
traditional life of the club. In order to
achieve this the key voluntary leaders
were supported and trained by him and
he encouraged them to care for their cell
group members.
The typology developed in this paper
which has used Weberian ideas and
applied them to the activities of youth
workers, is still at a formative stage.
Further examination of a wider range of
examples of pioneering and settling
under a variety of circumstances will
assist us to understand how youth
workers go about defining and achieving
their goals in different social contexts.
Reference
Weber, M. 1964, The Theory of Social and
Economic Organisation, The Free Press,
New York.
Neville Knight is a
lecturer in the
Department of
Anthropology and
Sociology, Caulfield
Campus, Monash
University, Melbourne.
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