Social class differences in food and drinking expenditures:
Change and stability in West-Germany 1969 to 2003
Papastefanou, Georgios (ZUMA, P.O. Box 122155; D-68072 Mannheim,
papastefanou@zuma-mannheim.de, www.gesis.org/zuma)
Grund, Thomas (University of Trier, FB IV - Sociology, Universitätsring 15, 54286 Trier,
thomas.grund@gmx.de, www.uni-trier.de/uni/fb4/soziologie/faecher/amk)
September 2005
(draft version)
1
1.
Introduction
In social and nutritional research social class is still one of the variables, which is assumed
to be relevant for explaining inequalities in food and drinking (e.g. Köhler et. al. 1997). It
is a longstanding finding1, that lower classes spend a greater share of their available
household budget for food and drinking than higher classes (for Germany see see e.g.
Karg/Gedrich 1995: 112ff.).
But also studies, which have a closer look at detailed food and drinking consumption
patterns find, that social class position is effective: higher classes seem to prefer more
health related food and drinking items than lower classes.(Köhler 1991). On ther other
side, there are empirical studies, which let doubt, that over time there is a stable social
class effect on food habits. Differences of classes in food consumption in Britain are
reported by Warde (1997). He concludes that these different food habits are stable from
1969 to 1988. Whereas Toivonen (1991) examined expenditures differences for three
types of food and drinking, namely food and non-alcoholic beverages, alcoholic
beverages and tobacco, between employee groups in 1955 and 1985. He reported, that
between 1955 and 1985 the relative explanatory power of the estimated regression
model, which included social class, education, age, and family cycle variables, has
decreased (Toivonen 1991). Social class differences for food and non-alcoholic
differences decreased more than for alcohol and tobacco expenditures. While these
results support the assumption that social class inequalities are losing their importance
for general food expenditure inequalities, it is not clear, if this is also true for detailed
food consumption categories. Toivonen’s results, that changes in social class effects
differ for expenditures like clothing, housing, equipment etc cast some doubt on the
assumption, that there is an overall diminishing of the discriminating power of social
class on food consumption patterns.
In this paper we want to contribute to this question: Is there a change resp. a
weakening of the discriminating power of social classes on specific food and drinking
preferences if we look on detailed food and drinking expenditures? In the following, first,
we take a closer look at the theoretical mechanisms linking social class and food
This finding was first proclaimed by Ernst Engel, who stated in 1857 “[...] je ärmer eine Familie ist, einen
desto größeren Anteil von Gesamtausgaben muss zur Beschaffung der Nahrung aufgewendet werden.”
(Engel 1895 [1857]: 28f.)
1
2
preferences and examine arguments pro and con the “melting away” of social class
differences in food consumption. Then we want to provide some empirical results, which
might contribute the theoretical considerations on changes of the discriminating power
of social class for food consumption expenditures. We use microdata of the german
household budget surevey (Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichprobe), collected by the
german federal statistical office in 1969, 1983, 1993, 1998 and 2003. We will describe the
data method and empirical indicators in the third section of this paper. The fourth
section of the paper contains the empirical analysis, which focuses mainly on overall,
period and cohort variations of blue collar and white collar food and drinking
consumption differences. The concluding section summarises the main findings of the
paper in the light of the theoretical assumptions and highlights further implications of
the results for research on food and drinking consumption inequalities.
2.
Theoretical considerations on social class, consumption
and social change
Even if our leading question is on the changing of social class effects for reasons of
clarity it seems necessary to explicitly formulate a model of social class differentiation of
consumption preferences. Only then it seems us possible to formulate precise
hypotheses on the reasons and mechanisms for change in the covariation link of social
class and consumption. Munters (1977) refers to as the “stratification hypothesis” , on
the one hand and the “leveling hypothesis” on the other hand. Chan/Goldthorpe (2005)
similarly talk on a homology argument and an individualization argument
2.1 Social class and consumption
We choose Bourdieus approach (1984) as a starting point, because he provides a
systematic conceptualization of social class and how it is linked via the concept of
habitus to cognitive-evaluative and behavioral patterns. Bourdieu suggests that different
classes exhibit different lifestyles which reflect their class position in society. In his
arguments the concept of the habitus is essential to understand the link between social
position and consumption patterns. The habitus is something in between the position of
humans in the social structure and their actual behaviour. Class-specific attitudes and
bevahiour dispositions are mingled together and get expressed in everday decisions. It
3
would be false to believe that with the idea of the habitus human behaviour can be
calculated exactly. But the habitus marks the distance to phenomena of everyday life.
Bohn and Hahn define the habitus as the unchoosen principle in all choices
(Bohn/Hahn 2000). So the habitus is a filter through which actions (including
consumption) are mediated into everdy life. For Bourdieu the origins of inidviduals, for
example their social background, are essential for the creation of these dispositions and
preferences. Differences in economic capital, social relations and cultural capital of social
classes are responsible for different consumption patterns. While members of the higher
class prefer e.g. the concumption of luxuries, people from the lower class would never
think about spending a lot of money for such things. Sometimes it is also a matter of
knowledge, so that members of the lower-class don’t have an idea about specific luxury
articles. In our case this can be seen under the aspect of knowledge about healthy
nutrition. Assuming that lower-class members are less educated than higher-class it could
be possible that blue collar workers aren’t as conscious about healthy food as white collar
workers.
In terms closer to a causal path model one can sum up Bourdieus approach like this:
The basic core of social class differentiation is a persons occupational position. The
occupational position is correlated with resp. determines the ausstattung with specific
levels of economic, cultural (knowledge, competence), social and symbolic (reputation,
prestige) ressources. Additionally Bourdieu acknowledges that physical energy (body
related aspects) and free time budget are ressources, which are inequally distributed
among classes being relevant for individual perceptions and behaviour.
Social class position then determines by its specific profile of ressource type and
volume the type of habitus, which can be understood as a specific, embodied pattern of
perceptions and evaluations, which in relation to consumables can be understood as
tastes or preferences for specific objeccts. It is important to underline, that for Bourdieus
understandig of habitus, there is an additional feature, namely a need for distinction,
which also is a driving power for behavioral decision like purchasing goods and services.
We should add, that this distinction motive makes sense especially for those groups,
which got a higher social status resp. which experienced an upward mobility.
Further, it is crucial, especially in the context of consumption, to note, that the distinctive
function of tastes and preferences is only effective in relation to objects, which have
distinctive power. Bourdieu did not systematize the dimensions, along which the
4
distinctive power of objects can be determined. It might also be, that that the distinctive
value is socially determined and therefore dependent on a specific societal situation. But
one can state, that according Bourdieus approach, social class specific habitus will
translate into class specific (consumption-) behavior only for objects with attributes,
which allow distinction from other classes. In the case of food Bourdieu talks of refined
taste, which points to a combination of dimensions of variety and quality. But there
might be also other attributes, like healthiness, exotic background/rareness,
expensiveness.
2.2 Social change and consumption
In the last decades the question arises wheter the concept of social inequality has to be
reviewed and if theories concerning the disbandment of social embededness cope with
social reality (see Noll 1999). Some social scientist proclaim a trend towards
individualization and eroding traditional structure of inequality (see e.g. Beck 1986).
Others say that inequality remains a major aspect of society and that new forms of
inequality are replacing to old ones (Hradil 1987). Gordon Marshall argues that “class
inequalities in the industrialized countries have remained more or less constant
throughout most of the twentieth century.” (Marshall 1997: 1)
There is not yet a consensus of how to answer the question whether the social class
and social stratification as manifestations of traditional structure of inequality are still
persisting social forces. Pakulski and Waters postulate the “Death of Class” (1996) and
according to Clark and Lipset (1991) class analysis has become increasingly inadequate in
recent decades as traditional hierarchies have declined and new social differences have
emerged.
This position, labeled as the “leveling hypothesis”, can loosely be traced around the
loss of collective sense and means that cultural exchange has penetrated so far that it has
become virtaully impossible to distinguish clear differences in life-style and consumption
between the various social layers. Ulrich Beck considers the globalisation of “risks” as the
key mechanism in the breakdown of collective bonds. Confronted with a “complex
diversity of choices” (Giddens 1991: 80) individuals don’t know whom they should
believe. Oppositional statements and expertices leave the people disoriented. This
situation ends in what Beck calls a fundamental transformation in modern society: the
process of individualization (Beck 1986). Individuals are required to position themselves
5
and to construct a reflexive biographical note: “people define themselves through the
messages they transmit to others through the goods and practices that they possess and
display. They manipulate and manage appearances and thereby create and sustain a ‘selfidentity’. In a world where there is an increasing number of commodities available to act
as props in this process, identity becomes more than ever a matter of the personal
selection of self-image. Increasingly, individuals are obliged to choose their identities”
(Warde 1994: 878). Niklas Luhmann explained this demand of modern man for identity
by referring to functional differentiation of society. He claims that ones’ place in society
cannot be tracked any longer by the affiliation to a single social system. Getting in the
focus of many functional systems identity has to be obtained through exclusion by
oneself and isn’t guaranteed by the membership to a social system any longer (see
Luhmann 1989). Consumption then becomes an essential part, not only in claiming
social prestige (see Veblen 1925 [1899]), but also in the sense of self and personality. The
decision what to consume then becomes a matter of individuals and isn’t determined by
class membership any longer.
Post-modern theories support the rising of the inidviuals in consumption. For
Zygmunt Baumann the social integration isn’t provided through nationalities any more.
In his considerations there is a shift to other agencies which hold society together. One
of the main generators of solidarity is for him the unbound consumerism free of
normative embededness (Baumann 1995; Bonacker 2002: 297ff.). As the era of mass
consumption comes to an end by highly individualized and customized products
lifestyles become more and more diverse.Under these aspects traditional class related
consumption patterns should be disappearing as people no longer wish to be associated
with a mass or class in the old sense. Another post-modern view is formulated by
Featherstone who states “we are moving towards a society without fixed status groups in
which the adoption of styles of life [...] which are fixed to specific groups have been
surpassed” (Featherstone 1991: 83)
To summarize, the arguments above converge in the hypothesis that the connection
between social class and consumption style has weakened (see e.g. Toivonen 1991: 279).
In the sense of food consumption this position means that social class differences in
what type of food people prefer get less in time.
6
3.
Data and method
Our empirical analysis is based on scientific use files of the German household budget
survey, the EVS (Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichprobe), which, beginning in 1962
every five years collects data on income and expenditures of private households. The
EVS is based on a stratified quota sample of about 0,2 percent of all private households.
People participate in this these surveys, on voluntarily basis.
For the present analysis we had access to data from 1969, 1983, 1993, 1998 and 2003.
Specifically we analyzed the data of a supplementary subsample of those households,
which run a one month diary on expenditures on food and beverages (survey on
nutrition, beverages and tobacco).
To make the data comparable across time, we had to restrict the 1993, 1998 and 2003
samples to households, which resided in West-Germany and whose household head had
German citizenship. The 1969 sample consisted of 23 296 households, the 1983 of
sampe of 21 968 households, for 1993 the sample size was 12 638 households and for
1998 the effective sample data size was 9 825 households. Data for food expenditures in
the 2003 survey are not available yet, only data for expenditures on tobaco and alcoholic
beverages in the first half year of 2003 were available. The sample size was 25 736.
In the EVS surveys from 1969, 1983, 1993 and 1998 the purchased food items were
coded by the same classification, so it was possible to analyze consistently over time the
expenditures for following food and drinking categories: meat, fish, eggs, fruit,
vegetables, spices and ingredients, wheat and potato products, coffea and tea,
nonalcoholic beverages, dairy products and fats, oil and butter. Additional we analyzed
data on expenditures for tobaco and alocoholic beverages, for whom we had data for the
years 1969, 1983, 1993, 1998 and 2003.
The expenditures were measured in Pfenning, the german currency until the change to
the Euro currency in 2001 (?). For reasons of comparison we transformed the euro
expenditures int Pfenning units. Further, the expenditures in the different survey were
were based on different time intervals, they expressed quarterly, montly or yearly
expenditures. We transformed them for reasons of comparability into monthly values.
The same we did with the net household income.
Because our main interest in this paper is the estimation of the non-economic basis of
oocupational status differentiation of food and drinking expenditures, we used a
7
multivariate regression modelling. The dependent variable was the montly expenditures
for specific food and drinking categories. As independent variables we could utilize the
available information on the net household income, the occupational status of the
household head, gender and age of the household head, resident size of the household
and the family cycle with information on household size and marriage status.
The monthly expenditures for the different food and drinking items were transformed
in per head measure, by dividing them by the number of household members, weighting
the children by 0.5. Montly expenditures for coffea and tea, alcoholic beverages and
tobacco werde divided by the numer of adult household members.
This regression model we estimated separately for each categorie of food. To get
results on period effects of social change, we estimated the different food and drinking
for each time of data collection separately. To get a closer view on cohort effects of
social change, we estimated the model separately for a series of birth cohorts.
4.
Results
Our leading questions is focused on social change effects on the social class
determination of preferences for food and drinking expenditures. In the context of the
harmonized data, we are only able to compare the expenditure preferences of specific
occupational status groups. On the one side we are interested less in the economic basis
of occupational status differentiation, but more on the non-economic, socio-cultural
differences. The data allowed for separating four general occupational status groups:
farmers, blue collar employees (workers), white collar employess (Angestellte), civil
servants and a joined group of self-employed and professionals. A residual occupational
status group encompasses those households, whose household head are not employed.
The central, by size and homogeneity of working conditions, social differentiation is
that of workes and white collar employees, the so-called “new middle class”. Further,
civil servants is a socially relevant occupational status group, because they represent the
traditional “old” middle class, which is by social and self-definition is separated from the
working class.
In the following, we will concentrate on the non-economic differences of white collar
food expenditure patterns from those of the blue collar workers. In a expanded version
8
of the paper we will also look closer to the differences with the other occupational status
groups.
4.1 Social class differentiation of food and drinking patterns
In our analysis we controlled the differences between blue collar and white collar
workers in expenditures for disposable household income, age and gender of the
household head, household structur, maritial status and size of town of living. So these
differences between new middle class (represented by White collars) and working class
(represented by Blue collars) point to non-economic differences in food preferences.
We weighted the net estimated regression coefficients against the overall mean of
food and drinking expenditures to take into account inflation rate, when comparing
occupation status differences of each of the selected periods. The results of our analysis
can be found in table 1.
Overall, we find a clear social class differentiation of food and drinking expenditure
patterns. White collar households spent more money per household member for fruits,
vegetables and dairy products and significantly less money for meat, eggs, spices, coffee
and tea, and tobacco than blue collar workers do.
No significant differences between white collar employees and blue collar workers can
be found in relation to expenditureres for fish, fats, sugar, wheat and potato products
and non-acoholic beverages.
Nevertheless, the food pattern of the new middle class can be characterized by
preferences for more light food, providing less calories. Overall the pattern of White
collars seems to be healthier than the pattern of Blue collars. White collar employees
generally prefer less food, which might be adverse to health, at least in public perception.
It is important to underline, that net expenses for alcoholic beverages do not fit in
such a health related food expenditure pattern. White collar households obviously do
spent more money for alcoholic beverages than blue collar workers. This would be
consistent with the assumption that usual consumption of alcoholic beverages is not seen
under the aspect of healthiness. It could also be that alcoholic beverages have a higher
symbolic value in expressing higher status as we only focus on the expenditures and not
on the total amount consumed. So it could be that White collars buy alcoholic beverages
which are more expensive than those bought by the Blue collars.
9
Table 1: Net food and drinking expenditure differences of white collar employees
and blue collar workers
Net differences between Mean expenditure Relative differences of white
white and blue collar
from 1983-1998 im vs. blue collar expenditures
workers in Pf/month
Pf/month
tobacco
-687
1879
-37
meat
-652
6481
-10
eggs
-30
438
-7
coffee, tea
-89
1529
-6
spices
-24
519
-5
nonalcoholic beverages
-37
1727
-2
wheat and potato products
-21
4508
0
sugar, marmelade, honey
-3
1829
0
fat, oil, butter
0
881
0
fish
21
688
3
fruits
60
1836
3
alcoholic beverages
179
3638
5
vegetables
98
1621
6
dairy products
235
3062
8
Based on data of 1983, 1993 and 1998
Note: bold figures are significant with p < 0.05
4.2 Period differentiation of social class differences of food and
drinking patterns
When we look at social class effects on food and drinking expenditures, we find clear
overall differences between white and blue collar households. But research and the
theoretical approach mentioned above let us expect that there is a change in the effects
10
of social class on food expexpenditure patterns along social change in Germany. Under
theoretical aspects one could expect a melting away of class differences in time.
Results of net differences between white and blue collar household expenditures for
1969, 1983, 1993, 1998 and 2003 are reported in table 2. Like in colum 3 of table 1 the
net estimated difference coefficients are weighted against the overall mean of
consumption of each group of food and drinking items.
Table 2: Relative net differences of white vs. blue collar household expenditures
1969
1983
1993
1998
2003
tobacco
-40,52
-30,02
-53,55
-42,85
-48,76
meat
-50,18
-8,36
-12,02
-12,93
-5,06
-9,61
coffee and tea
eggs
-8,61 -6,34
0,3
-5,7
-8,59
-8,32
-2,59
1,58
1,78
-5,24
sugar, marmelade, honey
1,71
2,15
-1,95
-3,09
non-alcoholic beverages
-0,23
-3,75
-2,21
-2,35
spices
-0,91
-1,29
-3,72
0,19
-28,44
-2,00
-0,49
0,39
fish
-2,14
1,14
0,99
3,80
fruit
4,80
4,71
5,81
4,53
10,84
8,51
7,98
4,92
6,61
6,79
13,22
5,00
-0,11
0,18
3,45
fat, oil, butter
wheat and potatoes
dairy products
vegetables
alcoholic beverages
15,594,50
Based on data of 1969, 1983, 1993, 1998 and 2003
Note: bold figures are significant with p < 0.05
The figures are sorted along the 1998 column. The results are similar to the overall social
class effects reported in table 1. White collar households spend less money on tobacco,
meat and coffee and tea than blue collar households, so they are assumed to have lower
11
preferences for these items. It can also be stated that white collar households spend more
money on dairy products and vegetables. However, this pattern seems to be a modern
pattern because there were some periodical changes in the 30 year interval before.
The strongest social class differentiation between white collar employess and blue collar
workers can be found in the expenses for tobacco. In fact, there is “melting away” of
social class differences, at least those between blue and white collar employees.
Developments in the eighties and nineties led to a new, more pronounced separation of
the classes.
In table 2 it is getting obvious, that only for meat one can speak of a melting away of
social class differentiation. While in 1969 white collar households clearly spent nearly 50
% less money for meat than blue collar households, this class difference in the eighties
and nineties is still significant, but clearly reduced to about 10 %. The lowest class
reduction was in 1983, thereafter the difference increased again, but still was much less
than in 1969. Interestingly, there seems to be a similar social class re-amplification trend
after a drop between 1969 and 1983 as could be oberserved in the expenditures for
tobaco.
In coffee and tea expenditure preferences the relative social class effect is not that big,
but is still effective. In 1983 and 1993 there was a small reduction of the class difference,
but in 1998 it regained the level of 1969.
In relation to relative expenditurs for eggs we can observe, that in 1969 white collar
employess did not differ significantly from blue collar workers, but at least beginning
with 1983 we can observe an increasing differentiation. White collar employees
increasingly (in 1993) buy less eggs than blue collar households.
In relation to fruits, dairy products and vegetables, we found that white collar
households prefer these food categories more than blue collar households (see table 1).
When we look at different points in time, we can see that these social class preferences
seem to be quite stable between 1969 and 1998. A levelling-effect can only be reported
for dairy products, which means that white and blue collar household differences have
decreased steadily, but are still effective. Social class differences in fruits are stable since
the end of the sixties. This seems to be true for vegetables expenditures. But in 1993 we
can observe an ad-hoc increase of class differences, which falls back in1998.
12
The difference between social classes in expenditures for alcoholic beverages, seems
to be a modern, maybe 1998 ad-hoc pattern. We can observe that, white and blue collar
households did not differ significantly neither in 1969, nor in 1983, 1993 and 2003.
Finally we have to reformulate the overall results for food items, which are not
sensitive to social class differences. In table 2 we can observe that there is no clear trend
in the differences of expenditures for food related to sugar and nonalcoholic beverages in
time. But for wheat products and potatoes, fish and spices we see a melting away of
traditional blue und white collar preferences. While in 1969 blue collar workers
significantly prefered more money to spent for wheat and potatoes, fish and spices, at
least from the beginning of the eighties these social class differences were levelled out
and not significant any more. In fat, oil and butter expenditures, the same period trend
pattern dissolving class differences can be observed. In this case there also seems to be a
revival of the traditional pattern in 1998. Like in 1969, white collar households,
compared to blue collar household tend to reduce their consumption of fat, oil and
butter.
4.3 Cohort differentiation of social class preferences for food and
drinking expenditures
The results reported above (see table 1) showed, that we can divide food and drinking
items into three groups according to different consumption patterns of white and blue
collar households. The first group is less prefered by the White collars than by the Blue
collars (tobaco, meat, eggs, coffee and tea, spices). In the second group we cannot find
any clear siginificant differences between groups (sugars, non-alcoholic beverges, wheat
and potato products) and the third group is characterized by higher preferences of white
collar households (fruits, alcoholic beverages, dairy products, vegetables). We also found
different patterns of period changes of white and blue collar preferences for food and
drinking items (see table 2). These results point to historically specific events and/or
societal activities, which influenced households expenditure preferences in time.
But changes in food expenditure patterns can also be produced in time series by the
interaction of specific events in time with formative phases of age, thereby producing
lasting cohort effects. This type of social change might be a more profound generational
change, which can be observed in the time succession of cohorts.
13
In table 3 the specific expenditure preferences of the cohorts 1923-1927 to 1978-1982
are shown for each food and drinking group separately. Overall we can replicate the
above result, that social class differentiation is mainly observable for tobacco, meat,
coffee and tea and eggs on the one side and for vegetables, fruits and dairy products on
the other side.
Table 3: expenditure preferences for food and drinking items for separate cohorts
1923-1927
1923- 1927 1928-1932 1933-1937 1938-1942 1943-1947 1948-1952 1953-1957 1958-1962 1963-1967 1968-1972 1973-1977 1978-1983
tobacco
24
-45
-12
-20
-31
-22
-54
-35
-51
-78
-53
-124
1
-13
-8
-10
-10
-6
-6
-10
-14
-14
-44
24
-13
-3
-5
-6
-6
-4
-4
-8
-5
-16
-43
-37
eggs
-2
-17
-9
-6
-5
-4
-5
-4
0
0
-29
2
fish
-3
-1
4
10
4
-3
1
-3
2
-6
-46
-56
fat, oil, butter
8
4
-3
4
4
5
-1
4
-5
-4
-34
-35
wheat, potatoes
3
0
-4
0
-6
1
-1
-3
-1
2
-11
0
sugar, marmelade, honey
-7
1
2
3
3
4
-2
-4
-3
-8
5
25
spcies
-1
-3
-5
2
2
-1
-1
-4
-5
-8
-31
21
non-alcoholic beverages
-2
-2
2
-1
-8
-6
-1
-5
0
-9
2
4
alcoholic beverages
50
-7
-12
8
12
7
-1
1
6
9
16
-103
vegetables
10
9
5
8
12
8
12
5
13
11
-40
2
7
3
13
4
3
7
8
10
2
12
-10
-20
12
7
8
6
8
10
9
9
8
7
-29
2
meat
coffee, tea
fruits
dairy products
Based on data of 1983, 1993, 1998
Note: bold figures are significant with p < 0.05
Looking at the cohort variation of white and blue collar differences one can find the
following pattern: We see, that for coffee and tea, as well as for meat there were stable
14
differences between White and Blue collars until the cohort born in 1968-1972. White
collars spend less money on meat and coffee and tea than Blue collars. For the cohorts
born after1973 the differences between white collar and blue collar workers in meat and
coffee and tea increased, which means that White collars even more reduced their
preference for meat and coffee and tea. The 1978-1983 cohort is characterized by
reduced differences of classes in meat compared to the cohort born between 1973-1977.
The difference between classes for coffee and tea remained stable, while it has to be said
that the differences in the cohort 1978-1983 are not significant. For eggs we find
significant differences in classes in the cohorts 1929-1933 and 1973-1977. It seems to be
that the differences between classes has increased in the younger cohort, but we have to
notice that there are no significant differences in the cohorts born between 1934 and
1972.
Tobaco is the category in which we find the most social class differences in a clear
and stable manner. As we already reported in table 1 and table 2 white collar hourseholds
spend much less money on tobaco than blue collar households. But it seems to be very
interesting that expenditure preferences for tobacco also underwent a clear, linear cohort
development towards increasing social class differences. In later born cohorts the
differences become even more distinctive.
In the groups dairy products, vegetables and fruits we already found that white collar
households prefer these food items more than blue collar households (see table 1 and
table 2). In our cohort analysis we come to the same conclusion for the cohorts between
1923 and 1968. But we cannot perceive any clear pattern of generational succession.
Only for fruits it seems to be that households with household heads who grew up in war
time don’t show a significant difference between white and blue collar employees.
For food and drinking items like sugar, spices, fish, fats, wheat and potato products
and nonalcoholic beverages we cannot observe any changes in cohorts. All the people
born between 1923 and 1968 don’t differ in their expenditure preferences according to
their social class. But it is striking, that we can recognize a major change in the cohort
1973-1982 for fish, fat and spices. As we already mentioned above for other food items
the differences between white and blue collar workers seems to be stronger. But we are
unable to explain the change of signs for these food categories.
To summarize we can replicate the results of social class differences discovered before
(see table 1 and table 2) by a cohort analysis. But it is very interesting that younger
15
cohorts, namely those born after 1969 seem to establish a new food expenditure pattern.
We have to admit that our data is too restricted in these cohorts.
5.
Summary and conclusions
Our main findings are as following (see table 4):
1. Social classes differ significantly in relation to food and drinking, independent of their
differentials in economic ressources.
2. Non-economic social class differentiation is not general, but depends on type of food
and drinking. Different items of food and drinking have different distinctive power.
3. Periodic social change of social class differences in food and drinking expenditure was
effective different for different food and drinking items
•
A “melting away” of class differences can be observed for fish, fats, wheat/potatoes,
spices/ingredients and dairy products.
•
Stable class difference can be observed for fruits and vegetables, tobacco
•
Increasing class differences are given for meat, coffee/tea and alcoholic beverages
4. Cohort social change of social differences in food and drinking expenditures do not go
parallel to perodic social change.
•
Only for dairy products and eggs we can observe a cohort trend of decreasing
distinction between white collar and blue collar expenditure preferences.
•
For tobacco expenditure differences we find increasing cohort differences, quite
different to the observed period differences, where we could not see any significant
change.
•
For all other food items, there seem to be pretty stability between the cohorts 1923
to 1968, the overall negative or positive distinction of white and blue collar classes
prevailed.
•
After the cohort 1968 there was a significant change towards increased social
differences, but only in expenditures of food items, which seem to have special
distinctive power, like meat, coffe/tea, eggs, fruits, vegetables and dairy products.
16
Table 4: Summary of results
Overall
Across time
periods
compared to blue Compared to
collar white collar blue collar
prefer ..
white collar
prefer ..
tobacco
meat
less
less
less
less
Period
changes of
white-blue
collar
differences
No change
increasing
Across
cohorts
Compared cohort changes of
white-blue collar
to blue
differences
collar white
collar prefer
..
less
increasing
No change,
less
increasing after 1968
No change,
less
less
coffee, tea
eggs
increasing
less
less
increasing
less
increasing after 1968
cohort
less
Decreasing, increasing
after 1968 cohort
fish
no
less
decreasing
no
No change
fat, oil, butter
no
less
decreaing
no
No change
wheat, potatoes
no
less
decreasing
no
No change
sugar, marmelade,
honey
no
no
No change
Spices, ingredients
less
no
No change
non-alcoholic
beverages
no
no
No change
alcoholic beverages
less
no
No change
no
less
no
no
No change
decreasing
No change
increasing
No change,
more
No change
less after
1968
more
vegetables
more
No change
more,
increasing after 1968
cohort
No change, increasing
after 1968 cohort
less after
1968
more
fruits
more,
decreasing,
more
dairy products
decreasing
more
more,
less after
1968
increasing after 1968
cohort
17
6.
Literature
Baumann, Z. (1995): Moderne und Ambivalenz. Frankfurt/Main.
Beck, U. (1986): Risikogesellschaft. Auf dem Weg in eine andere Moderne. Frankfurt am Main.
Bohn, C. /Hahn, A. ( 2000): Pierre Bourdieu. In : Kaesler, D. (ed.) : Klassiker der Soziologie, Bd. 2, 2nd
ed. München, S. 252-271.
Bonacker, T. (2002): Ambivalenzen der Post-Modernizierung: Zygmung Baumann. In: Stark, C. / Lahusen,
C. (eds.): Theorien der Gesellschaft: Einführung in zentrale Paradigmen der soziologischen
Gegenwartsanalyse. München, Wien, S. 289-317.
Bourdieu, P. (1984): Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste. London.
Chan, T. W. / Goldthorpe, J. H. (2005): Social Stratification and Cultural Consumption: Music in England.
Oxford. (pdf-File)
Clark, T. N./ Lipset S. M. (1991). Are Social Classes Dying? Im: International Sociology 6: p. 397-410.
Engel, E. (1895 [1857]): Die Productions- und Consumverhältnisse des Königreichs Sachsen.
Unveränderter Abdruck der Zeitschrift des Statistischen Büreaus des Königlich Sächsischen
Ministerium des Inneren, Nr. 8 u. 9 (22. November 1857): In Engel, E. (1895): Die Lebenskosten
belgischer Arbeiter-Familien. Früher und Jetzt. Dresden.
Featherstone, M. (1991): Consumer Culture and Postmodernism. London.
Giddens, A (1991): Modernity and Self-Identity. Cambridge.
Hradil, S. (1987) Sozialstrukturanalyse in einer fortgeschrittenen Gesellschaft: von Klassen und Schichten
zu Lagen und Millieus. Opladen.
Karg, G / Gedrich K. (1995): Ernährungsbudgets privater Haushalte – Einfluß von Haushaltseinkommen
und Haushaltszusammensetzung. In: Barlösius, E / Feichtinger, E. /Köhler, B. M. (eds.): Ernährung in
der Armut. Gesundheitliche, soziale und kulturelle Folgen in der BR Deutschland. Berlin, p. 106-127.
Köhler, B. M. et al (1997) (eds.): Poverty and Food in Welfare Societies. Berlin.
Köhler, B. M. (1991): Gibt es eine soziale Differenzierung des Ernährungsverhaltens? Sekundäranalytische
Untersuchung sozialer Bestimmungsgrößen des Ernährungsverhaltens Erwachsener. Berlin.
Luhmann, N. (1989): Gesellschaftsstruktur und Semantik. Studien zur Wissenssoziologie der modernen
Gesellschaft Bd. 3. Frankfurt am Main. Kap. 3 (Individuum, Individualität, Individualismus)
Marshall, G (1997) Repositioning Class: Social Inequality in Industrial Societies. London:
Munters, Q.J. (1977) Social Stratification and Consumer Behaviour. In: The Netherlands Journal of
Sociology, 13, p. 153-173.
Noll, H.-H. (1999): New Structures of Inequality. Some Trends of Social Change in Modernized Societies.
Berlin (Veröffentlichung der Abteilung Sozialstruktur und Sozialberichterstattung des
Wissenschaftszentrums Berlins für Sozialforschung)
Pakulski, J./ Waters, M. (1996): The Death of Class. London
Toivonen, T. (1991): The melting away of class differences? Consumption differences between employee
groups in Finland 1955 1985. In: Social Indicators Research 25, p. 151 176.
Veblen, T. (1925 [1899]): The Theory of the Leisure Class: an economic study of institutions. London.
Warde, A. (1994): Consumption, identity-formation and uncertainty. In: Sociology, 28(4), p. 877-898.
Warde, A.(1997): Consumption, Food and Taste. London
18