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WHEELS WITHIN WHEELS:
A HISTORY OF CHAPLAINCY IN ONTARIO, 1949-1989
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Lesley Barclay-Johnston
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Trinity College
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Master of Divinity Thesis
Professor Phyllis D. Airhart
Emmanuel College
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April 24, l989
WHEELS WITHIN WHEELS:
A HISTORY OF CHAPLAINCY IN ONTARIO, 1949-1989
Sigmund Freud's insights into human personality greatly influenced western culture. Freudian
theory and therapy, known popularly as psychoanalysis, addressed the question of human motivation
and behavior, and the insights gained by Freud in this area spread beyond the medical establishment to
revolutionize the cultural understanding of what it means to be a human being and the variety of ways
human beings respond to the life crises they face.
Freudian theory made its mark on the churches almost immediately. Protestant Liberalism in
particular sought to accommodate and integrate, especially in the field of pastoral care, the scientific,
dynamic psychological concepts introduced by Freud. Individuals within this tradition became
interested in meeting the apparent increasing need for healing and wholeness that they were
encountering in those they ministered to and they looked for assistance to the newly emerging scientific
psychology.1 Eventually, the work of a number of these individuals converged and it became apparent
that a movement was emerging. Allison Stokes has named this movement "The Religion and Health"
movement.2 This movement took off in the year 1945, and not long after that its impact was felt in
Canada. Within the decade 1945 to 1955, individuals who were, for the most part, part of the Protestant
Liberal tradition initiated and organized associations that became influential in convincing the Ontario
Government of the need for full-time paid chaplains in government institutions and of the need for
proper training for those individuals appointed to minister in these institutions. In order to put into
perspective the contributions made by these individuals, we need to familiarize ourselves with
developments in the Religion and Health movement prior to 1945.
THE RELIGION AND HEALTH MOVEMENT
Allison Stokes, in her book, Ministry After Freud‚ suggests that theological liberals, were
especially willing to see God's purpose in Freud's work.3 Principles gleaned from Freud gradually
influenced the way pastoral care was done in the churches.
The Emmanuel Movement was the first serious effort to apply psychological principles in the
area of pastoral care. This movement began in l905 among some Episcopalians at the Emmanuel Church
in Boston, but it soon gained support in other Protestant traditions and in various areas of the country
and the world. By l908, this movement had its own journal. Elwood Worcester, the rector of Emmanuel
Church, and Samuel McComb, a church historian, were the founders of the movement. Both men had
studied psychology and had credentials that physicians found acceptable. They began a program of
group therapy modeled on the example of medical practice.4
Elwood Worcester was concerned with the popularity of healing cults such as Christian Science.
He believed that‚"the church had retained Christ's ministry to the soul but had rejected his ministry to
the body;"5 thus, the established churches were in danger of losing many of their members to these
healing cults. He sensed that Christians were crying out for the church to address this issue. Worcester
was aware that a mutual distrust existed between physicians and the leaders of the popular healing cults.
His approach was to merge science and religion, that is, "unite doctors and ministers in an alliance to
win the people back."6 Worcester felt he was following the best thinkers of the age who "had come to
recognize the unity of body and soul as essential to the integrity of human nature."7 When he first
announced in his church that he, Dr. Samuel McComb, and two psychiatrists would be available for
consultation, one hundred and ninety eight people responded. This was just the beginning of a work that
flourished over the next few years.8 Judging from the response, it seems clear that Worcester did sense
what the needs of the people were.
The Emmanuel Movement brought the gospel of faith as therapy. Its main inspiration was not
from Freud and even though its popularity was mainly in the years 1908 to 1911‚ it still continued as a
movement in some form until the 1920's. There were disputes between the doctors and the clergy early
in the movement as to the role of the latter in treatment and, as a result, the two doctors originally
involved with Worcester, Richard Cabot and James Jackson Putnam, withdrew their support. The
churches and the seminaries were in the main hostile to this movement but it influenced the future of
pastoral care in spite of this because it did spark interest in psychology among the clergy9 and thus "no
pastoral theologian who wished to influence the cure of souls could entirely neglect it."10
Similar developments were taking place in Great Britain. A group of young clergy of The
Church of England also alarmed by the impact that Christian Science, New Thought and Mind Cure
movements were having on religious life, formed a group called the Guild of Health in 1904.11 One of
the members of this group was Percy Dearmer who wrote a book called Body and Soul, published in
1910, which detailed the history of the healing ministry within Christianity and advocated, based on the
new insights into human personality that Freud had introduced, the resumption of the use of the rite of
Ministry to the Sick found in the Book of Common Prayer with the inclusion of Unction for the sick.
The practice at this time was to reserve this rite for the dying.12 The impact on the Anglican
Communion was such that the subject of Ministry to the Sick was addressed at the 1908, 1920 and 1930
Lambeth Conferences. Representatives from the worldwide Anglican Communion met at these
conferences held approximately every ten years to discuss matters that were of concern to them. It was
the American Bishops that raised the subject of healing initially at the 1908 conference because of their
concern as to the impact of Christian Science on American religious life.13 It is clear that western
churches were feeling that they must address the need for healing and wholeness that Christian people
were seeking.
Stokes identifies the Rev. Anton Boisen as the inaugurator of the next development in the
Religion and Health movement. Boisen's contribution to the movement came through his own personal
struggle with mental illness. At age forty-three, he was admitted to Boston Psychopathic Hospital
suffering from an acute psychotic disturbance. This psychotic episode lasted two weeks with a relapse
six months later. Later Boisen observed "that being plunged as a patient into a hospital for the insane
may be a tragedy or it may be an opportunity."14 In his case, it became an opportunity because it
prompted him to delve into the whole area of psychological illness in an attempt to discover how one
ministers to those who suffer from this condition.15
Boisen, through his own observation and through consultation with friends and with Elwood
Worcester, began to study and formulate his ideas on the interrelationship of religious experience and
mental illness and these studies formed the basis for the pursuit of what became his lifelong vocation,
ministry to the mentally ill.
In l924, Boisen began work as the Chaplain at Worcester State Hospital. Boisen believed that a
major factor in mental disorders was the sense of guilt experienced by the sufferer, a social judgment
that the individual pronounced on himself or herself. Many of those he consulted, for instance the
psychologist George Albert Coe and the psychiatrist Richard Cabot, did not hold this view but rather
accepted an organic view of mental illness. These men, however, were very supportive of him during
his own bouts with psychotic episodes. Coe supported him and wrote to him during his first
hospitalization in l921 and Cabot made sure Boisen was hospitalized during his second psychotic
episode in 1930. Boisen, based on his own experience, espoused a dynamic psychological view that he
found confirmed by his reading of Freud.16
Boisen began his clinical training program in 1925. He felt that the mentally ill constantly
grappled with the issues of spiritual life and death, and that it was imperative that clergy come to
understand suffering through exposure to the mentally ill if they ever hoped to be able to speak with
authority regarding the way to salvation--individual or social. He hoped that his students through
empirical observation of the patients and through theological reflection on what they had observed
would become competent pastors because of the insight they had gained through their training.17
One of Boisen's first students was Helen Flanders Dunbar and she learned her lessons well. She
became an associate of Boisen and made her own contribution to the field of clinical pastoral training
through her work on symbolism. Her dissertation investigated Dante's contention that through
symbolism, religion and science are complementary not antagonistic.18 In 193l, she became the
director of the Council for Clinical Training for Theological Students which Boisen had founded and
was chosen to direct a study of religious healing sponsored by the Joint Committee on Religion and
Medicine (formerly the Joint Committee on Religion and Health formed in 1926). This study, which
was financed by a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation, proved inconclusive; however, in her
subsequent research Dunbar continued to work to bridge the specialties of religion and medicine.
Through her involvement in these committees she met and influenced others in the field of clinical
pastoral training. Seward Hiltner worked under her supervision for three years at the Council for
Clinical Training. Hiltner was one of the members of the New York Psychology Group, a group Stokes
credits with providing the intellectual and theological foundation for the Religion and Health movement.
Other notable members of this group were Paul and Hannah Tillich, Erich Fromm, Rollo May, and Carl
Rogers to name just a few.19
Another major figure in the Religion and Health movement, influenced to some extent by
Dunbar, was Norman Vincent Peale. Peale popularized the message of "positive thinking". Although
this later became somewhat of an embarrassment to those employed by the Religio-Psychiatric Clinic
founded by Peale and Dr. Smiley Blanton, Peale's consistent preaching on the close relationship of
mental states to bodily health earns for him a significant place in the Religion and Health movement.20
Allison Stokes claims "that the Religion and Health Movement represents Freud's impact on
American Protestant ministry."21 She summarizes this movement as follows:
Elwood Worcester, Anton Boisen, Flanders Dunbar, the Blanton-Peale team, Seward Hiltner,
and Paul Tillich were among the many who shaped the Religion and Health Movement in its
early days. ..... The Emmanuel Movement, the Council for Clinical Training, the Joint
Committee on Religion and Health, and the Religio-Psychiatric Clinic represented practical
efforts to bring together `sound religion and sound medicine,' dynamic psychology and faith,
in the cure of souls. The New York Psychology Group worked to give a theoretical
underpinning to the enterprise. 22
She further claims that the Religion and Health movement began in tension with and parallel to
the Social Gospel movement. The aims and objectives of the former were quite different from the latter.
The leaders of the Religion and Health movement were not conscious that they belonged to "a
movement"; they were seeking to apply insights they acquired through their personal experience or
study to the spiritual needs of the age.23 Since they did not work through denominational channels, the
denominations became aware of the movement slowly and only recently have they joined in promoting
it.
The Religion and Health movement made its impact in Canada through associations formed by
individuals aware of developments that were occurring in the field of pastoral care in the United States
of America. This essay will proceed by discussing the developments that took place in Ontario
regarding chaplaincy and attempt to show how these developments are connected to the Religion and
Health movement.
THE MENTAL PATIENTS WELFARE ASSOCIATION, 1948-1952
At the inaugural meeting in 1948 of the organization known as the Mental Patients Welfare
Association (MPWA), the seventeen members present identified seventeen concerns regarding their
relatives who were patients at the Ontario Mental Hospital at Whitby that they wished addressed. Item
twelve on this list concerned the provision of chaplains of all denominations for the hospital. The
seventeen concerns fell into three categories. The first category concerned the physical needs of the
patients, that is, the need for proper health care, nutrition, exercise, clothing, and recreation. The second
category concerned the need for adequate staff and resource persons to put procedures in place to assist
in the integration of patients back into society. The request for chaplains belongs in this category. The
third category concerned providing the means whereby family members could regularly visit the hospital
to see their relatives. 24
At the second meeting of the MPWA, held in the parish hall of St. Paul's Anglican Church on
December 6, 1948, it was moved that a letter be sent to the Minister of Health listing some of these
concerns. The first letter to the Minister dealt mainly with the amount the government granted to mental
institutions which was $1.00 per patient per day as compared to $8.00 per patient per day at
Sunnybrook, and $7.00 per patient per day at Christie, both veterans' hospitals. Other issues addressed
in this letter were the lack of a dietitian at Whitby and the allocating of only one cup of milk per day to
each patient while the hospital was supplying a great deal of milk to the Oshawa Dairy from their fine
dairy herd, the lack of fresh air for some of the patients who were being kept locked up, and the problem
of understaffing at the hospital due mainly to the poor salaries paid to the employees.25
The need for chaplains was an initial concern of the MPWA. At their fourth meeting, held on
January 17, l949, a committee was struck consisting of Mrs. A Piper and Mrs. Mary Wilson to make a
report on resident chaplains in Mental Hospitals. At this meeting, the business that concerned the
previous meeting, that of formulating a constitution, electing officers, and choosing a name for the
organization was finalized. It was at this meeting that the name the Mental Patients Welfare Association
was adopted. Various committees were struck to address the seventeen items that were raised at the first
meeting, and a proposed letter was drafted to be sent to the relatives of patients concerning the aims of
the association.26 The letter read as follows:
To Whom it May concern:
An association has been formed to promote the welfare and happiness of patients in mental
hospitals. Through the kind co-operation of the Minister of Health, we are sending you an
invitation to attend our monthly meetings, usually held on the third Monday of every month at
eight p.m. in St. Paul's Anglican Church Parish Hall, Bloor St. E., Maurice Cody Hall Entrance.
The next meeting will be on February 21, 1949, and we hope you will be with us. If you are
unable to attend the meetings and would like to join the association, the fee is $l.00 a year, and
we would be glad to send you full information of the proceedings.
Yours sincerely,
(Miss) Eleanor Piper Reg.N.•
Secretary.•
Hu 0362. 27
However, according to the secretary's report on this letter, a dispute arose between the Minister
of Health and his Superintendents over the appropriateness of sending this letter to patients' relatives
from lists provided by the hospitals. Dr. Fletcher, the Superintendent at Whitby, refused to co-operate,
Dr. Montgomery of Queen Street Mental Hospital expressed his opinion that "all the relatives of his
patients would be very upset if they received this letter,"28 and went on to say "that he was afraid the
Association was going to `needle' him and find fault with him."29 Mr. Kelley, the Minister of Health,
who was initially co-operative in regard to the letter, decided to call a meeting of the superintendents of
the Ontario Hospitals and invite Miss Piper to be present.30 This meeting did not take place, as far as
we know.
At the February 21, l949 meeting of the MPWA, the Committee for Permanent Resident
Chaplains for Ontario Mental Hospitals gave its report. Mrs. A. Piper gave a report on the subject from
the Protestant point of view and Mrs. Mary Wilson from the Roman Catholic point of view. Mrs. A.
Piper concluded her report by stating that "the Honourable Mr. Kelley had promised, in a phone
conversation that morning, to have these resident chaplains in several Ontario hospitals on a trial
basis."31 This was to be confirmed in a letter.32 Within three months, this organization extracted from
the Minister of Health a promise in regard to one of its initial aims, that of putting chaplains into the
hospital. This promise was fulfilled when the Rev. Thomas Floyd and the Rev. Matthew Darby were
appointed staff chaplains to the Ontario Mental Hospital at Whitby on November l, 1949 just less than a
year after the formation of the MPWA.33
This is a remarkable achievement given the time frame in which it was accomplished. How did
this group manage to accomplish this objective in such a short time? My first instinct was to investigate
the possibility that there were others lobbying the Ministry of Health at the same time to put in place
chaplaincy services in government-run institutions such as prisons and mental hospitals. There had been
government-paid chaplains in federal prisons for some time but it was not until after the war that
pressure was brought to bear upon the Ontario Government to provide paid chaplains for governmentrun institutions. The questions under investigation in this essay are, were there other groups in dialogue
with the government on this issue and did the religious establishment support the MPWA in their task to
persuade the Ministry of Health to place fully paid chaplains in government-run institutions, such as
mental hospitals?
The minutes of the MPWA clearly indicate that Miss Eleanor Piper and Mrs. Mary Wilson were in
contact with Protestant and Roman Catholic authorities in this regard. A brochure, printed on the occasion
of the thirtieth anniversary celebration of the first appointments of chaplains at Whitby Psychiatric, states
that the MPWA discussed the matter with the Rev. Dr. Willard Brewing, Moderator of the United Church
of Canada, the Most Rev. Benjamin Webster, Bishop of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Toronto, and
the Rev. Canon W. W. Judd, General Secretary of the Council for Social Service of the Church of England
in Canada, (Anglican Church).34 The archives of these denominations contain little to substantiate these
discussions except in the latter case. There are records indicating that the MPWA spoke and wrote to
Canon Judd and that he in turn was in communication with the Minister of Health. There is also evidence
in the Anglican archives that the Deanery in which the Ontario Mental Hospital, Whitby is located
concerned itself with this issue.
As best as I can reconstruct, the following events preceded the appointment of the first
government-paid chaplains in an Ontario mental hospital, that being the hospital in Whitby. A resolution
was passed by the Great Chapter, Rural Deanery of East York, encouraging the Provincial Government to
consider providing full-time personnel to provide religious ministrations in their Provincial Hospitals for
the Mentally Ill. Canon Judd of the Council for Social Service of the Church of England in Canada‚
acknowledges receipt of this resolution along with a copy of a report dated October 20, l948, by Rev.
David M. Rose, chair of a committee that reviewed the question of spiritual ministration to the patients of
the Ontario Hospital Whitby.35
In this report, Rev. Rose expressed his concern that the government did not realize the importance
of having full-time chaplains in mental hospitals. He also indicated that the Council for Social Service
had made representation to the government on this matter but to no avail. 36
The letter to Canon Judd
from the Rural Deanery of East York and Canon Judd's acknowledgment of it were dated November 7,
l948, and November 9, l948 respectively. On November 22, l948, the Mental Patients Welfare
Association held its first meeting. At their January l7th meeting Mrs. Piper and Mrs. Wilson were asked
to form a committee to report on resident chaplains in Mental Hospitals. Miss Piper, the Secretary of the
MPWA, had an interview with the Hon. Mr. Kelley, Minister of Health, on January 26, l949, and at that
meeting Mr. Kelley decided to call a meeting of the superintendents of the Ontario Hospitals in February
at which Miss Piper would be allowed to be present. There is no indication that a meeting which included
Miss Piper took place, yet by February 21, l949, Miss Piper was able to report to the MPWA that Mr.
Kelley had promised in a phone conversation to place resident chaplains in several Ontario Hospitals on a
trial basis. Miss Piper visited Canon Judd on February l9, l949 and informed him that the Minister of
Health had consented to bring the matter of fully employed and paid Chaplains at Mental Hospitals to the
House that session. Canon Judd promised the MPWA his full support.37 On February 22nd, Canon Judd
wrote to the Minister of Health asking him for information on this matter and expressing his interest in the
appointment of chaplains.38 The Minister of Health wrote Canon Judd on February 24th informing him
that a trial of chaplaincy in one or two hospitals was being considered.39 This item is mentioned at the
Superintendents' Conference on February 25th.40 Canon Judd, the following month, wrote to the
Bishops of the dioceses of Ontario, Toronto, Huron and Niagara expressing his feeling that if the Ministry
of Health decided to appoint chaplains "to certain mental institutions ... it is imperative for the sake of
future policy that one of those persons should be an Anglican"41 and he asked them to suggest suitable
persons for such a post.42 The Bishops responded promptly with their suggestions.43 The Rev. Thomas
Floyd one of the two chaplains appointed on November l, 1949 to Whitby was an Anglican. The other
appointee was a Roman Catholic.
Unfortunately, there is very little discussion of this development in the archives of the other
major denominations even though we know from the minutes of the MPWA and from an interview with
the son of Mary Wilson that officials in the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Toronto were contacted.44
It seems that much of the credit for the success of the MPWA belongs to Mr. D. LeBourdais, the
initiator and first president of the association. The first meeting was held at his home in Toronto. Mr.
LeBourdais had long been involved in the field of Mental Health. From 1927 to 1933, he was the editor
of Mental Health, the official publication of the Canadian National Committee for Mental Hygiene, and
had served as Director of its Division of Education.45
It is apparent that Mr. LeBourdais had great organization skills and he put them to work in the
service of the MPWA. The group grew at a phenomenal rate. It began with seventeen people, twentysix attended its second meeting, twenty-three its third, forty-one its fourth, fifty-nine its fifth, two
hundred and five its sixth, two hundred and eighty-three its seventh, and three hundred and sixty-seven
its eighth.46 After this meeting, the number of memberships were no longer recorded; however, over
five hundred people attended a public lecture in June of 1949 sponsored by the association.47 At this
point, I will leave the discussion of Mr. LeBourdais and return to it later as the public lecture referred to
provides a link for us with the Religion and Health movement.
At the April 25, 1949 meeting, the seventh meeting of the association, Mr. LeBourdais brought
the members up to date on "the subject of Resident Chaplains, clergy whom we have been promised by
the Minister of Health on a trial basis for several of our mental hospitals.48 As a part of this discussion,
Mrs. LeBourdais, who was the Chairman of the Publicity Committee, read some passages from a
pamphlet describing a government hospital in the U.S.A. for veterans run by Dr. Karl Menninger,
entitled "If We Can Love". Dr. Menninger was involved in the Religion and Health movement through
his connection with Seward Hiltner who had started a doctoral program in Religion and Personality
within the Federated Theological Faculty of the University of Chicago. Karl Menninger led an elective
seminar on religion and psychiatry in this program.49 Mrs. LeBourdais compared the facts and figures
from the pamphlet with the facts and figures on Ontario Mental Hospitals provided through government
reports. The minutes record only that "it was a startling comparison.50 Almost immediately, the
MPWA invited Dr. Menninger to come to Toronto to give a public lecture on the veterans' hospital
called Winter located in Topeka, Kansas. Dr. Menninger's reply was read at the May‚16, l949 meeting
of the association. He expressed his regret that he was unable to accept the invitation but would send in
his place Dr. H.C. Modlin, the chief neuro-psychiatrist on the staff of Winter hospital.51 The MPWA
decided to rent Eaton Auditorium for the event and on June 24th Dr. Modlin delivered the public lecture
at which over 500 were present.52
The MPWA, under the leadership of Mr. D. LeBourdais, was very politically-oriented. It
seemed to be constantly approaching government officials, hospital officials and journalists seeking to
bring attention to the needs of mental patients. One of their major projects was providing bus
transportation to and from the Ontario Hospital at Whitby so that the relatives of the patients could visit
on a regular basis. This brought the MPWA into conflict with hospital officials as patient conferences
were regularly scheduled on one of the visitors' days each week which meant that often patients would
be unavailable when their relative came to visit. It was able through confronting both the hospital and
Ministry of Health officials to get these conferences rescheduled.53 The MPWA worked to draw
attention to the need for social workers and rehabilitation workers so that patients upon release would be
able to be integrated successfully back into the community.54 The MPWA also investigated complaints
of staff abuse of patients and approached officials on behalf of the complainants.55 The MPWA
functioned as an advocacy group, working to inform the public and to call to account hospital and
political officials entrusted with the care of the mentally ill. The political character of the association
soon faded. It faded with the defeat of Mr. D. LeBourdais for the presidency of the association in the
fall of 1950, less than two years after the group was formed.
A dispute seems to have arisen between some of the members of the association as to how the
group was to proceed but the minutes provide very little information as to the nature of the dispute. The
minutes indicate that at the August 2, 1950 executive meeting, Mrs. A. Piper was removed as chairman
of the Bus Committee as a result of a letter and petition that she sent to Mr. LeBourdais regarding the
printing of the speech given by Dr. Modlin at the public lecture. Miss E. Piper, the secretary of the
MPWA, offered her resignation when this action was taken.56 At the September 21 executive meeting,
Mrs. Piper challenged the validity of the minutes of the August meeting as there was no quorum present.
Apparently, they were one member short of a quorum. The executive ratified the action taken at the
August meeting and a lengthy discussion ensued. Finally all present agreed that due to "Mrs. Piper's
attack on the actions of the executive in general and her attack against the president in particular"57, it
would be best if she resigned. Mrs. Piper did finally offer an official resignation in writing and left the
meeting accompanied by a supporter.58 Mrs. Piper attended the next general meeting at which her
resignation was read and accepted. She moved that the annual meeting be held in October but her
motion was not acted upon. 59 On November 24, 1950, the elections for the executive were held. The
nominating committee put forward Dr. Elizabeth Browne as President along with a full slate of officers.
The floor nominated an alternate slate headed by Mrs. Piper for the position of President. The election
for President was held first. Mrs. Piper was elected. As a result, "the former executive knowing that
Mrs. Piper's policy would differ so widely from the former President, resigned, and the members who
had been nominated from the floor, went in by acclamation."60
This dispute intrigued me especially as it became clear from reading the minutes of the meetings
that followed that the strong political impetus of the group began to dissipate shortly after this election.
Within a year, the MPWA concerned itself mostly with its bus ministry, providing entertainment for the
patients, such as dances and teas, and by raising money to buy items such as televisions for the use of
the patients.61 Mary Wilson's son and the present Chaplain at the hospital indicated to me that they
thought the dispute centered around the political views of Mr. D. LeBourdais who they characterized as
"a commie".62 I was suspicious of the label and began to investigate what this meant.
My hunch was that Mr. LeBourdais was not a communist but a socialist of some sort. The early
fifties was the period in which Senator Joseph McCarthy launched his campaign in the United States
Senate to get rid of communist influences in government and in the media. It was not unusual for
socialists to be labelled as communists at this time. Upon investigation, my hunch proved correct. Mr.
D. LeBourdais of the MPWA was Donat Marc LeBourdais, a prominent and founding member of the
Cooperative Commonwealth Federation Party (CCF) in Ontario. He was one of the prime organizers of
the CCF clubs which eventually became the‚"largest and most influential of the three sections of the
Ontario party."63 The link between his activities in the political arena and his activities in the field of
mental health is noted in a history of the CCF party in Ontario,
James Connor challenged the right of D.M. LeBourdais, Club section organizer, to represent a
socialist organization, since the latter was secretary of the Canadian Mental Hygiene Council, `an
organization largely supported by .... capitalists, and studying people's minds, particularly those
of the working class'.64•
D.M. LeBourdais, along with a man by the name of E. A. Beder, formed CCF Clubs with
extraordinary rapidity in the early thirties. Their style was to attend meetings of those interested in the
new CCF party in local communities and to move speedily to elect an executive and get a constitution
accepted. They were so successful in doing this that between late 1932 and July 1933, they formed fifty
clubs.65
It is clear from the minutes of the MPWA, that LeBourdais used the same method to get that
organization off to a running start. A temporary executive composed of D.M. LeBourdais, President,
Miss Eleanor Piper, Secretary and Mrs. A. Gooderham was elected at the first meeting of the MPWA on
November 22, 1948.66 At the third meeting, held on December 13, 1948, LeBourdais presented a
constitution and it was adopted with some minor amendments along with a permanent slate of executive
officers for the association.67 As indicated earlier, this group, its formation speedily accomplished, was
able to put all its energy into pursuing its political goals.
LeBourdais was well thought of in the CCF party and became the first general secretary of the
Ontario Association of CCF Clubs and one of the first officers of the Provincial Council of the Ontario
CCF.68 As to the charge that he was a communist, one of the other sections of the Ontario CCF party,
the Toronto Labour Party, felt he was not `communist' enough. They referred to the CCF Clubs as
"white collar pinks masquerading under the name of labour,"69 and at a later point it became necessary
for LeBourdais to claim that‚"he had no ideological opposition to the Communists, but simply realized
their only motives were disruptive."70 This information validated my initial hunch that LeBourdais
was a socialist and not a communist.
Was it solely the political skills of D.M. LeBourdais infused into the MPWA that brought about
the appointment of the first institutional chaplains in Ontario? Was there support amongst the religious
establishment for the task undertaken by the MPWA to persuade the Ministry of Health to place fully
paid chaplains in government-run institutions? We have discovered that the MPWA had a friend, Canon
Judd, in a position of influence in The Church of England in Canada. His interest in providing ministry
to people incarcerated in various institutions is demonstrated in the reports issued by his department.
The Council for Social Service of the Church of England in Canada, headed by Canon Judd,
records several resolutions concerning the need for chaplaincy services in government institutions. In
1947, this Council passed a resolution‚"That this meeting urges upon the Executive of the Council for
Social Service the necessity of impressing upon the Provincial Governments the need of employing fulltime Chaplains in Provincial Penal Institutions."71 Two years later, a similar resolution is passed that
reads, "In particular, the Synod expresses the hope that the authorities of all Provinces will provide for,
and sustain, fully-employed Chaplains in provincial jails and mental hospitals; and that they will interest
themselves in the training now being devised or given by the Church to special students and younger
clergy as Chaplains for such institutions; that this information and hope be communicated to the
Departments of Governments concerned."72 There was interest amongst church authorities in the
cooperation of church and state in providing adequate pastoral care for the inmates of public institutions,
at least in the Church of England in Canada. This interest was probably shared by the other mainline
denominations, but there are no corresponding resolutions in their denominational records to verify this.
I find it significant that it is the denomination that has the strongest views concerning the ability of state
and church to jointly promote a Christian society that has recorded such resolutions. The evidence
indicates that there was some limited support given to the MPWA from the religious establishment. A
comparison of the two resolutions cited above points out a shift in the church's policy toward expanding
the role of government-subsidized chaplains to include mental hospitals as well as prisons and to involve
the authorities in specialized training for these particular ministries.
Specialized training for these particular ministerial roles had been a part of pastoral training for
about two decades in the United States. Only one group within the Religion and Health movement, the
advocates of clinical pastoral training, was conscious of its participation in a movement.73 We turn our
attention now to this sub-movement within the Religion and Health movement. Clinical Pastoral
Training began to make its impact in Canada in the late forties and early fifties. Several Canadians
interested in this training had participated in courses in New York and Boston and were anxious to
introduce it into Canada. In order to put into context the developments taking place in Canada, it is
necessary to give a brief history of the developments in Clinical Pastoral Training in the United States of
America before going on to discuss how it extended its influence into Canada.
CLINICAL PASTORAL EDUCATION
Anton Boisen is usually identified as the originator of clinical pastoral training. He began a
program with four students in l925. However, a similar training program was begun two years earlier in
Ohio under the leadership of Dr.William S. Keller who arranged with the Dean of Bexley Hall, a small
Episcopal Seminary, to train some of his students in various facilities within Cincinnati. He also began
with four students. Dr. Keller developed his program along social case work lines. This program
became the Cincinnati Summer School in Social Work for Theological Students and Junior Clergy.74
Seward Hiltner, in a short account of the development of the Clinical Training movement uses an
analogy, that of child development, to describe what took place. In his analogy, "the initial insights
which Freud initiated are analogous to what introduced papa and mama to each other. After they got
acquainted, nature took her course."75 The period before the actual implementation of training
programs, he identifies as the gestation period. During this period, influences from both inside and
outside the Church prepared the way for this new movement in the area of pastoral care. At the 1913,
General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church, a request for this kind of training was made.
Outside the Church, "there was the development of dynamic and therapeutic psychology, mental
hygiene both as a movement and body of knowledge, the rise of the psychosomatic view in medicine,
and more recently the development of the psycho-cultural view in therapeutic psychology."76 These
influences may have prepared the way but such people of vision as Dr. William S. Keller and Dr. Anton
T. Boisen, followed by Dr. Richard C. Cabot, initiated it. The birth of the movement for Hiltner was the
actual initiation of the training programs in l923 at Cincinnati and in l925 at Worcester State Hospital.
In describing what he terms "the crawling period", Hiltner likens both Keller and Boisen to mothers in
that they took their students into their homes and conducted the training of their students on a very
personal basis.77
There were differences between these two programs. Dr. Keller's aim was to expose his students
to specific instances of human difficulty and he accomplished this by sending his students into various
institutions and agencies. Dr. Boisen was concerned that his students come into contact with deeper
levels of the personality and toward this aim, he involved his students solely in the mental hospital at
which he was the Chaplain.78
The Council for the Clinical Training of Theological Students, formed by Anton Boisen in
conjunction with his clinical training program in l925, was incorporated in 1930. It concentrated its
work in institutions--first, mental hospitals and later, under the influence of others, in general hospitals
and penal institutions.79 In 1932, a group which became identified later as the "New England Group"
moved into the area of clinical training in general hospitals. This group was made up of chaplains and
seminary representatives from the Boston vicinity who had been influenced by the work and writings of
Richard C. Cabot and Russell L. Dicks who together had authored a book called The Art of Ministering
to the Sick. This book became a standard text in seminaries in the area of pastoral care. This group has
throughout the years confined its training to the general hospital setting, strongly emphasizing that its
clinical training program is a means of preparing clergy for general pastoral ministry and working to
bring clinical training under the control of theological schools. This group was responsible for the
creation of the Institute of Pastoral Care headquartered in Boston, Massachusetts.80 Hiltner identifies
this splitting off of the "New England Group" from the Council of Clinical Training as "the early
walking stage” of the movement.81
In the 1930's, the most prominent names associated with the Council for Clinical Training were
Helen Flanders Dunbar, Philip Guiles, Donald C. Beatty and Carroll A. Wise. Joseph F. Fletcher
became the Dean of the Cincinnati School.82 Two of these names, Philip Guiles and Joseph F. Fletcher,
figure prominently in the development of the clinical pastoral training movement in Canada. Canadians
who participated in clinical pastoral training in the United States developed similar programs in Canada.
How did they, through their programs, influence and contribute to the development of paid government
institutional chaplaincy positions in our country?
CLINICAL PASTORAL TRAINING IN CANADA
The Clinical Pastoral Training movement in Canada began with persons trained in programs in
the United States who upon returning to Canada sought to inaugurate this type of training in the
institutions in which they served. The most prominent names in this endeavor were Charles Feilding,
Archie MacLachlan, and Charles Taylor. I will concentrate on the first two as their work took place in
Ontario. Another person who contributed to the movement is Edgar Bull. I was able to interview both
Archie MacLachlan and Edgar Bull and much of the information that I will present is a summary of
information obtained in those interviews.
Charles Feilding, an Anglican from Nova Scotia, studied at General Seminary in New York in
the late 1920's. He took his clinical training at Worcester State Hospital under the supervision of Anton
Boisen and he was a classmate of Seward Hiltner. This experience convinced Feilding that supervised
pastoral experience should be a part of the training of theological students. Feilding became the
Professor of Moral Theology at Trinity College in Toronto a few years later. Almost from the outset of
his career at Trinity, Feilding began to work to inaugurate a program of Supervised Pastoral Care in the
Hospitals of Toronto. He believed that authority had to flow from the top, so he focussed his efforts on
persuading Church and Medical authorities that this type of program was necessary. It took over twenty
years for this dream of Feilding's to come true.83
Archie MacLachlan graduated from the Divinity School at McMaster University in 1937. Just
before his graduation, MacLachlan heard Robert Brinkman, a representative of the Institute for Pastoral
Care, speak at McMaster. Representatives from this Institute, associated with Worcester State Hospital
in Boston, were barnstorming seminaries promoting to the students the need for clinical pastoral
training. MacLachlan was very interested but was not able to follow his desire to undertake training at
this time. He pastored a church in North Bay for four years and then accepted a call to be the pastor of a
Baptist Church in Vancouver. It was just after Pearl Harbor and Japanese Canadians were being
rounded up and interned in camps in British Columbia. MacLachlan became friends with a returned
missionary from Japan and he accompanied this missionary on visits to Japanese people interned in the
camps. As a result of this experience, MacLachlan spoke out against the internment policy of the
Canadian government during his six years in Vancouver. This did not sit well with the members of his
congregation and, in spite of the fact that they held MacLachlan in high regard as a pastor, they felt it
necessary to ask him to resign. He applied to Andover Newton Seminary in l947 to take a S.T.M.
degree. One of his professors was Philip Guiles, one of Anton Boisen's original students and the
Secretary of the Institute for Pastoral Care. Dr. Guiles persuaded MacLachlan to enroll at Harvard and
complete his Master's degree in Clinical Psychology. Later he suggested to MacLachlan that he begin a
clinical pastoral training program (CPT) in Canada.84 MacLachlan, while he was in the U.S., became
reacquainted with Ernie Bruder, one of his classmates who had been present when Robert Brinkman
spoke about clinical pastoral training at McMaster and had responded by training in the U.S.A from
1941-44. Bruder had become the Chaplain at St. Elizabeth's Hospital in Washington, D. C. and the
Editor of the Journal of Pastoral Care. He invited MacLachlan to help him conduct training seminars in
Washington.85
MacLachlan might have remained in the U.S.A. except that‚"due to financial constraints and
inability to accept employment in the U.S.A. on a student's visa and because there was a plethora of
G.I.s looking for jobs, he had to return to Canada in 1950."86 He accepted a position as Director of
Christian Education at Yorkminister Baptist Church in Toronto. While there, he discovered that Dean
Stewart of McMaster Divinity College was interested in incorporating CPT into the curriculum of
McMaster. Stewart had been a Pastor in Oak Park near Chicago and had come into contact with and
was impressed by the work of Anton Boisen‚ who was now the Chaplain at Elgin State Hospital in
Chicago. The first order of business was to find an institution that would be willing to launch a Clinical
Pastoral Training program and to find financing for such an enterprise. MacLachlan approached the
church communities but received little response.87
At this time, however, MacLachlan met an old friend named Jack Breckenridge. Breckenridge
had been the minister of a United Church in North Bay at the same time that MacLachlan pastored a
Baptist Church there. In the years since North Bay, Breckenridge had also undertaken CPT in Boston.
He had just been appointed by his conference to be the United Church Chaplain at the Mountain
Sanatorium (TB)‚ in Hamilton. Breckenridge felt that the Superintendent of the Sanitorium might be
interested in sponsoring a clinical pastoral training program as he had been a prime mover in getting the
Hamilton Conference of the United Church to appoint Breckenridge "as the first full time trained
Chaplain to a Public Institution in Canada."88 The emphasis here is on the word trained; there had been
full time chaplains appointed in the federal prison system and on November 1, 1949, the Government of
Ontario had appointed two full time chaplains at the Ontario Mental Hospital at Whitby. Breckenridge
introduced MacLachlan to Dr. Hugo Ewart and he was enthusiastic about the idea. Through the support
of Dean Stewart of McMaster and Dr. Hugo Ewart, Superintendent of the Mountain Sanitorium, the first
clinical pastoral training course in Ontario and Western Canada, supervised by Archie MacLachlan, was
held in the summer of 1952. It was offered by an interdenominational Board of Directors through the
Department of Extension of McMaster University and financed by tuitions and a $750.00 grant from the
Atkinson Foundation. There were three students, one Baptist and two United Church, who each paid a
tuition of $40.00.89
At the end of the first year, the program received a serious blow from which it almost did not
recover. Dean Stewart of McMaster retired and his successor was not very supportive of the program.
Also, MacLachlan's position in Toronto was terminated and he found it necessary to accept a call to a
church in Winnipeg, which meant that for the next three years he had to organize and raise funds for the
program from Winnipeg and use his vacation time to conduct the course in Hamilton every summer. In
spite of these setbacks, the program flourished. The enrollment for the second year was ten students and
they represented a wider spectrum of Christian denominations. In subsequent years, the enrollment
grew necessitating expansion of the program into two general hospitals and the mental hospital in
Hamilton. MacLachlan accepted a call from Dundas Baptist Church near Hamilton in 1955 and from
this location he was able to more adequately promote and direct the pilot project in Hamilton. In 1959,
MacLachlan became the first Chaplain of the Ontario Mental Hospital in Hamilton. That same year a
man named Jack Friesen was appointed Chaplain at the Lakeshore Ontario Mental Hospital. They were
the first‚ trained chaplains to be employed by the Ontario government.90 This was ten years after the
government had appointed the first full-time Chaplains in a government-run institution.
While Archie MacLachlan was the pastor of Dundas Baptist Church, he met Edgar Bull who was
the priest at the Church of the Good Shepherd (Anglican) in Hamilton. Edgar Bull had also done
clinical pastoral training in the Boston area in 1947.91 Edgar Bull trained at Trinity College in Toronto
in the early forties and remembers Charles Feilding, now the Dean of Trinity College, as a major
influence in his decision to undertake this training in Boston. The supervisors and instructors that stood
out for him were Professor Rollin Fairbanks, Ina May Greer, a Jungian psychologist and research
worker, and Joseph F. Fletcher. Bull returned to Canada and was ordained in l948. He maintained his
interest in clinical pastoral training and after meeting MacLachlan in Hamilton became his assistant
supervisor in the second and third year of the program in Hamilton. Edgar Bull also assisted Rev.
Charles Taylor in Nova Scotia who was Archie MacLachlan's opposite number in Eastern Canada as he
had begun a clinical pastoral training program there in connection with the Acadia Divinity College.92
In the Anglican archives, there is a record of a visit to the Sanitorium in Hamilton by Rev. L. F.
Hatfield, successor to Canon Judd as head of the Council for Social Service, on July 18, 1955.
Accompanied by Edgar Bull, Hatfield had lunch with Archie MacLachlan and observed the afternoon
sessions of the clinical training program being held there. At this time, there were four Anglican
students along with several United Church students, one Baptist and one Presbyterian. Hatfield was
impressed with the program but felt that he could not recommend this course until the leaders of the
course were accredited as supervisors according to American standards. He felt that MacLachlan
was‚"competent" to supervise the course. In his account of the visit, Hatfield recorded his response to
an idea MacLachlan shared with him concerning convening a Conference of the Heads of the
Theological Training Colleges in Ontario to make future plans in regard to clinical pastoral training.93
He felt that "it would be a strategic time now to do it in that they were in no immediate need of money
and there would not be any implications that the Conference was being held for that purpose; secondly,
that the emphasis should be made that the program at Hamilton would only be one of many and that it
might be possible to develop a training program in a prison setting, at another centre."94 MacLachlan
indicated to him that he "was the first official representative of any Church Departments to visit their
Course."95
Two years after this visit, the Toronto Institute of Pastoral Training (TIPT) was organized.
Charles Feilding of Trinity College had laboured long to cultivate an interest in clinical training for
pastors among the medical community in Toronto. He had inaugurated discussion groups on this issue
and involved such people as the Dean of Medicine of the University of Toronto and most of his
Department Heads, the Superintendent of the Toronto General Hospital and the Toronto Hospital for
Sick Children, along with such church leaders as Elliott McGuigan of the Jesuits who became a senior
advisor at Vatican II and Harold Vaughan who was the Director of the Board of Colleges and Schools
for the United Church of Canada and an outstanding fund raiser.96
Nevertheless, Feilding was not able to allay the fears of the medical community. In May l957, he
called a meeting at Trinity College and made a presentation to a group composed of the key doctors of
the Medical Faculty, the Dean, the Head of Medicine, the head of Psychiatry, the Superintendent of the
Toronto General Hospital along with a distinguished guest from the Boston Medical Community.
Assisting Feilding in the presentation were Gordon Watson, a college associate, and guests from the
Hamilton project, Dr. J.N. Senn, Superintendent of the Hamilton Psychiatric Hospital and Archie
MacLachlan. Dr. Hugo Ewart, the Superintendent of the Mountain Sanitorium, was unable to attend but
sent a letter strongly supporting the work being done by the Chaplain and training program in the
Sanitorium. This meeting resulted in the acceptance of a proposal by Feilding to form the Toronto
Institute for Pastoral Training which would oversee training programs in the Toronto area. A
Continuing Committee was set to select a supervisor and to make the necessary arrangements for the
launching of a training program in the spring of 1958. There were no Roman Catholics on the initial
Board of TIPT but the way was prepared for them to become involved when the national organization
was formed.97
THE CANADIAN ASSOSCIATION FOR PASTORAL EDUCATION
Edgar Bull served a parish in Cobourg, Ontario in the years 1958 to 1965. During his tenure
there, he brought together those parties that would form the Canadian Association for Pastoral
Education. The initial meeting took place in December 1962 at the rectory of St. Peter's Anglican
Church in Cobourg. Edgar Bull's own experience in clinical training coupled with his discussions with
Kenneth Allen, who had recently become the Chaplain at the local Correctional Institution, prompted
them to take the initiative to call together other interested parties. They invited Merv Dickenson, whose
work in the field of Pastoral Counselling would culminate in the formation of The Toronto Institute of
Human Relations (TIHR), Jack Friesen, the Chaplain of the Lakeshore Mental Hospital, R. John Kerr,
the Anglican Chaplain to Hospitals in Toronto, Barry Cooke, Chaplain at Toronto General Hospital,
Charles Taylor from Nova Scotia and Archie MacLachlan. Their main concern was to establish
standards and a process for assessing facilities, supervisors and programs in clinical pastoral training. A
secondary concern was to maintain a strong relationship between the CPT programs and the seminaries
and to ensure that there not be conflict or duplication of courses in this regard. They did not want this
training to become estranged from the church. They approached Dr. Charles Feilding at Trinity and
asked him to call a Conversat for December 1963 at Hart House on the University of Toronto Campus
and invite those presently engaged in conducting CPT programs and church and seminary officials from
all across Canada.98 The invitation read:•
A Meeting of the concerned to bring together Supervisors of Clinical Pastoral Training programs,
people with some training potential, supervisors and Professors of Pastoral Care.99
Those who attended were:
The Rev. Kenneth Allen
Chaplain at the Cobourg Correctional Centre
Professor Kenneth C. Bolton
Pastoral Care at Huron College, London, Ontario
Professor Greer Boyce
Department of Pastoral Care, Emmanuel College•
The Rev. Jack Breckenridge
Minister, Mount Royal United Church in Montreal
The Rev. Edgar S. Bull
Rector of St. Peter's Anglican Church, Cobourg
The Rev. Barry F. H. Cooke
Chaplain at Toronto General Hospital
The Rev. W.E. Crowley•
Anglican Chaplain at Toronto General Hospital•
The Rev. Mervyn Dickenson•
Pastoral Counsellor in Toronto•
Dean Charles R. Feilding•
Trinity College, Toronto•
The Rev. Maurice Flint•
Wycliffe College, Toronto
The Rev. J.P. Friesen•
Chaplain at Lakeshore Mental Hospital
Professor Delton Glebe•
Practical Theology, Waterloo Lutheran Seminary•
The Rev. A.M. Greenaway
A student at Hamilton from Saskatchewan•
The Rev. R. John Kerr
Anglican Chaplain to Hospitals in Toronto
The Rev. A.J. MacLachlan
Chaplain at Hamilton Mental Hospital•
The Rev. S.M. McDowell•
Chaplain of Douglas Hospital in Montreal•
Professor Charles Taylor•
Acadia Divinity College, Wolfville, Nova Scotia100
There were many concerns raised at this Conversat. A questionnaire had been sent out with the
invitation and the participants responded by expressing some uncertainty about what contribution CPT
could make in theological education. There was some doubt expressed that one organization could serve
as an umbrella for all that was being done, and questions about the relationship between Training
Centres and Seminaries, the goals of CPT and the minimum standards required, the process of
certification and the qualifications of Supervisors were raised. Many felt that these issues must be
addressed before an organization could be formed. There was some discussion as to whether to follow
models that already existed in the United States or whether to attempt to devise a model that would be
more closely related to the Canadian scene. An agreement was reached made up of three items: first,
that certification be done by a peer group on which there would be representatives from theological
schools and parish clergy; second, that Canadian standards must not be lower than American in order to
have reciprocity; and, third, that a Committee of Concern be struck under the leadership of Merv
Dickenson to bring proposals to a further meeting in December 1964.101
On December 16, 1964 a banquet was held. There were fifty-three people in attendance to hear
guest speaker Professor Homer Jernigan of Boston University address the gathering. Proposals from the
Committee of Concern were presented the next morning and a resolution was made and defeated "that
this conference constitute itself as a national organization for the promotion of Clinical Pastoral
Education." 102 Instead, a committee was elected to develop a Constitution, By-laws, and Standards for
a Canadian Council on Clinical Pastoral Education. The third Conference was held December 15-17,
l965 and at this conference the Canadian Council for Supervised Pastoral Education was formed with the
Rev. A.J. MacLachlan as President.103 This organization was later named the Canadian Association for
Pastoral Education‚(CAPE), in 1974.104
THE CANADIAN COUNCIL OF CHURCHES AND THE ONTARIO PROVINCIAL
INTERFAITH COMMITTEE ON CHAPLAINCY
The Canadian Council of Churches through its Department of Social Relations under the banner
of the Christian Social Council of Canada showed its interest early in the progress of chaplaincy in
Ontario government institutions. Canon Judd, who supported the MPWA in its goal to place chaplains
in Ontario institutions, was one of the founders of the Canadian Council of Churches and presided over
the Christian Social Council of Canada (CSCC). In May, 1954, a report was issued by the CSCC on
"Chaplains in Mental Institutions". This report begins with the following paragraph:
For many years, the Christian Social Council of Canada has maintained a keen interest in the
question of the appointment of chaplains to the various mental institutions across Canada. In this
connection, approaches have been made by our Council to provincial governments urging that
serious consideration be given to a plan to add full-time chaplains as members of the staffs of the
several mental hospitals under their jurisdiction. Thus far, we regret to report, the response has not
been too enthusiastic 105
•
It then reproduces two items, the first of which is a report entitled "The Work Of The Chaplains
In The Ontario Hospital, Whitby", prepared by the Rev. T.H. Floyd and the Rev. F.K. Lee, the Protestant
and Roman Catholic Chaplains respectively, which was first presented at the April 26, l954 meeting of
the Mental Patients Welfare Association. The summary of the report gives an indication as to the impact
that the first full-time chaplains were having in this particular institution. It reads,
The work of chaplains in this mental hospital (leaving personalities aside) is a great boon and morale
builder to the patients, to the relatives, and to the staff. The morale of the Ontario Hospital at Whitby
has been raised considerably and it has reached the point where many who have the misfortune to
have mental illness in the family seek to have their patient sent to Whitby because of the Chaplain
Service available there.
The chaplains' job in a mental hospital is at times a difficult and lonely one as he feels himself cut-off
from former Church associations. But we believe that the work of the chaplain in a mental hospital
is of the utmost importance as a means of caring for the souls of the patients, building up their
morale, and playing a part in restoring them to soundness of health. There is a direct relationship
between intelligent religion and good health.106
•
The inaccessibility of the archival material has hampered my investigation of the extent of the
role played by the Canadian Council of Churches (CCC) in this matter thus making it necessary to try to
piece together what that role was from information obtained from related organizations that were in
dialogue with the Canadian Council of Churches.
The May 1954 report indicates the Council's interest in chaplaincy services from the early fifties
and its interest in the work of the chaplains procured by the Mental Patients Welfare Association.
Interestingly, even those early untrained chaplains espoused a belief in the connection between
intelligent religion and good mental health.107 However, the bulk of my information on the activities
of the Council in this regard comes from the early seventies and concerns its involvement in helping to
establish the Ontario Provincial Inter-Faith Committee on Chaplaincy (OPIFCC).
On March 6, 1970 the Associate Secretary of the Canadian Council of Churches, the Rev. Canon
Maurice P. Wilkinson, wrote to the Rev. J.T.L. James, President of the Canadian Correctional Chaplains
Association, informing him of the intention of the Council to enter into discussions with the Ontario
government, at its invitation, to set up an interfaith committee on chaplaincy similar to the one in the
Federal Penitentiary Service. In this letter, Canon Wilkinson mentioned that "the Canadian Council of
Churches Committee on Certification of Chaplains in Public Institutions has had long standing
discussions and working relationships with the Department of Health with respect to Chaplains in the
Ontario Hospitals."108 James, on March 16, 1970, wrote to the three Correctional Chaplains who were
the Ontario Regional Directors of his association urging them to represent the association on the InterFaith Committee at the provincial level.109 This was the beginning of negotiations that would
eventually lead to all chaplaincy services being brought under the umbrella of one organization, the
Ontario Provincial Inter-Faith Committee on Chaplaincy.
Tracing how this committee came about has to be pieced together from correspondence found in
a file on the history of the development of the OPIFCC. The evidence is not extensive but there is
sufficient to put together this scenario. It begins with a letter dated April 21, l970 from the Premier of
Ontario, the Honorable John P. Robarts, to the Secretary of the Canadian Council of Churches, the Rev.
Dr. T.E.F. Honey, responding to the CCC's request urging the inclusion of chaplains in the Ontario
Public Service bargaining unit. In this letter, Robarts discusses a meeting that took place that included
representatives from the CCC and the Minister responsible for the Civil Service Commission, the
Chairman of that Commission, and a representative from the Department of Civil Service. Matters were
discussed which Robarts characterizes as being "of more fundamental concern" than the inclusion of
chaplains in the Ontario Public Service bargaining unit. He also indicated that the Ministers responsible
for the Department of Health and for the Department of Correctional Services were informed of the
meeting and would be included in future meetings.110
The next development is recorded in a letter dated July 23, l970 which Robert Welch, The
Provincial Minister and Minister of Citizenship, wrote to the Rev. Dr. M.S. Flint, Director of Chaplaincy
Services for the Department of Correctional Services, confirming his appointment as committee
chairman of the Inter-Departmental Committee on Chaplaincy Services of the Ontario Civil Service. He
suggested in this letter that his committee should prepare a report recommending the terms under which
chaplains would be engaged, keeping in mind that these terms should apply to chaplains employed in
both the Department of Health and the Department of Correctional Services. He further suggested that
the recommendations include: the relationship of the chaplains to the departments involved; the
recruitment of the type of clergy suited to the work to be done; the interests of the churches from whose
ranks the chaplains would be recruited; and the pension implications on remuneration of chaplains. He
recommended that the committee include representatives from the Department of Health, the
Department of Correctional Services, the Civil Service Commission, and the Canadian Council of
Churches possibly including representatives from various denominations.111
This committee was formed by Dr. Flint with representatives from the above named assemblies
plus the Roman Catholic Church. This committee issued its report on July 31, l971, "recommending
ways by means of which the Canadian Council of Churches and the Canadian Catholic Conference and
other Faith and Inter Faith bodies will have a greater involvement in the chaplaincy services in the
Ontario Government."112
A memorandum, D-197, dated December 23, 1971, from W.A.B. Anderson, Chairman of the
Ontario Civil Service Committee, concerning Chaplaincy Services was circulated to all Deputy
Ministers. The proposals outlined in this memo were drafted at the September 16, 1971 meeting of the
Inter-Departmental Committee on Chaplaincy Services and they read as follows:
1.
•
2.
Chaplaincy services will be carried on through the employment of clergy who are specially
trained in chaplaincy work, and others who provide pastoral services on a volunteer basis.
There is to be a close continuing relationship with the churches on matters affecting the
chaplaincy services and the Ontario Public Service. To bring this about, the Civil Service
Commission is forming an Inter-departmental Committee on chaplaincy services consisting of
representatives of the Department of Health, the Department of Correctional Services, the
Department of Civil Service, and, in the future, any other Department which may utilize the
services of chaplains.
•
The terms of reference of the Committee are to establish channels of communication whereby
matters pertaining to chaplaincy services can be raised by or with individual churches and InterFaith bodies.
•
3.
•
The Canadian Council of Churches and the Canadian Catholic Conference and other Faith and
Inter-Faith bodies have been invited to create an Ontario Provincial Inter-Faith Committee on
chaplaincy in the Ontario Public Service. This Committee has undertaken to provide a service to
the Ontario Government by advertising vacancies as requested, screening and nominating
applicants for vacant positions in the Ontario Public Service, and submitting lists of eligibles
from which departmental management may select employees.
4.
The Inter-Departmental Committee on chaplaincy services and the Ontario Inter-Faith
Committee will be jointly responsible for setting up a review procedure to assess the
effectiveness of individual ministries. This will be particularly important where there is some
evidence that the full potential of a chaplain's ministry is not being utilized.
•
The results of such a review procedure will be made available to the Deputy Minister of the
employing department with whom the decision will lie for implementing corrective measures.113
•
On January 13, 1972, Canon Wilkinson, the Associate Secretary of the CCC wrote Anderson
acknowledging receipt of a copy of memo D-197 and indicated that the CCC was willing to constitute a
Provincial Inter-Faith Committee that would include representatives from various religious bodies to
collaborate with the Ontario government's Inter-Departmental Committee on Chaplaincy Services. The
Executive Director of the Department of Civil Service was named as the chairman of the latter
committee and Dr. Maurice Flint, as Secretary and liaison to the Provincial Inter-Faith Committee.114
The Ontario Correctional Chaplains were not happy with some of the developments that had
taken place in implementing the recommendations of memorandum D-197. The Rev. A. A. Bethune,
Secretary of that organization, wrote to D. Sinclair, the Deputy Minister of the Department of
Correctional Services in August 1972 to bring to his attention "both the nature of and the numerous
implications for chaplaincy in the recent reorganization of the Ministry of Correctional Services of the
Province of Ontario."115 This began a series of correspondence between Bethune and Sinclair that at
times became quite heated. Bethune felt that the restructuring had disrupted the chaplains' line of
authority in relation to the government. The correctional chaplains were upset that the office of Director
of Chaplaincy Services had been terminated. Bethune charged that the newly formed Inter-Faith
Committee was not interfaith nor directly representative of the denominations and, further, the
correctional chaplains had been separated from that committee due to government bureaucracy.116
Bethune informed Sinclair that he would be circulating a position paper through the Inter-Faith
Committee.117 We do not have access to that paper but it seems to have been quite critical of
government restructuring judging by Sinclair's response to it. In a letter dated September 27, 1972,
Sinclair stated "my primary concern is with your reference to `a paternalistic attitude' and your statement
regarding `a failure to take the responsibility of the church seriously', since in my view this wording is
unwarranted and regrettable."118 Bethune's response indicated that he would circulate a copy of this
letter to his chaplains.119 At the Federal/Provincial National Chaplains' Conference held in Montreal
October 3-5, 1972, an official protest was drafted which read,
In as much as we share a common Ministry with the former Director of Chaplaincy Services;
we, the full time Correctional Chaplains, who minister as representatives of the Church to
Correctional Institutions under the administration of the Province of Ontario deplore the way in
which changes were implemented affecting the termination of his office. We maintain that the
Ministry of Correctional Services has placed program before people in recent restructuring which
has also affected other Staff - professional, clerical and correctional. We believe the dignity and
worth of these people has been demeaned, therefore, we register this Protest.120
•
There is no indication how this problem was resolved.
The next correspondence that we have is a letter dated February 12, 1973 written to the
Honorable Wm.G. Davis, the Premier of Ontario by F.M. Ward, the Chairman of the Ontario Provincial
Inter-Faith Committee on Chaplaincy. This letter outlined the recent developments concerning the
question of the policy of the government of Ontario in regard to chaplains in its employ. He quoted
item #3 from memorandum D-197 (cited earlier in this essay) and stated that the Ontario Inter-Faith
Committee brought about by the Canadian Council Churches in response to that item had begun meeting
on March 9, 1972 with the writer as its chairman. He informed Davis that the Civil Service Commission
approved in principle in June 1972 the recommendations put forward by The Inter-Departmental
Committee on Chaplaincy Services of the Ontario Civil Service in their report dated July 1971; and, that
they were pleased to learn that Dr. Flint was loaned to the Civil Service to assist in preparing the precise
recommendations for implementation of this report. He asked Davis, "When is the Government of
Ontario going to act to fulfill its part of the policy proposals outlined in the 1971 report?", as its lack of
action was making the work of the OPIFCC more difficult.121 Davis responded first on February
21, l973 but this letter is not available, and secondly, on April 24, 1973. The April letter indicated the
existence of the first letter and outlined the action he had taken in response to Ward's letter of
February 12, l973. Davis stated that he was prepared to act as follows: by instituting a New Series for
Chaplaincy personnel in the Ontario Public Service; by transferring Dr. Maurice Flint to the Civil
Service Commission as Coordinator of Chaplaincy Services of the Ontario Public Service; and, by
giving Dr. Flint the responsibility of reviewing the recommendations of the 1971 report and
recommending the feasibility of its implementation.122 In this letter, he also commended the ability of
the Churches to unite so effectively to enlarge its ministries to those in Ontario government institutions
and expressed his hope that the changes he had made "will help facilitate effective pastoral ministry to
so many to whom pastoral care and the insight of religion could be so helpful."123
This committee became solely responsible for chaplaincy services in Ontario government
institutions. Changes took place in the decade 1976 to 1986 as to its mandate. It is in this period that
the OPIFCC became truly interfaith instead of being mainly Judeo-Christian in character. The role of
the Provincial Coordinator of the OPIFCC changed between 1976 and 1979. In 1976 he had no line of
authority over the regional coordinators but by 1979 he had this authority; in 1976 he had no policy
involvement but by 1979 he became responsible for initiating, developing and monitoring policy; in
1976 he oversaw chaplaincy training but by 1979 he had full responsibility for the training of chaplains;
and in 1976 his influence was restricted to certain designated institutions (psychiatric and correctional
facilities) but by 1979 his jurisdiction was expanded to include other facilities. The regional
coordinators of the OPIFCC began to work across ministry lines in 1979 instead of reporting to the
three government ministries involved separately.124 On July 1, 1986, Chaplaincy Services was
officially transferred to the Ministry of Community and Social Services.125 The OPIFCC works in
conjunction with the Canadian Association for Pastoral Education (CAPE) in regard to standards for
training and certification of chaplains for service in the institutions which they oversee.
•
CONCLUSION
During the interview I had with Archie MacLachlan, I remarked that it was amazing how much
of what occurred in this century in regard to pastoral care was brought about by individuals who shared
their insights concerning human motivation and behavior with others who then carried on and promoted
the message with their colleagues wherever they went. He reminded me of the vision that Ezekiel saw
of wheels within wheels recorded in Ezekiel 1:15 ff. We both agreed that this phrase aptly described the
pastoral care movement in this century. Both in the United States and later in Canada, the pastoral care
movement grew in a pyramid fashion. The initiators of programs interested some to become their
students who in turn interested others to become involved in what became a movement. The Religion
and Health movement was almost evangelical in character. The individuals concerned sought to convert
others to their cause. The converts wholeheartedly embraced the message and their enthusiasm for it
was infectious. It was also amazing to realize how fortuitous it was that certain people's paths crossed at
just the right time. Archie MacLachlan, Jack Breckenridge and Edgar Bull all took clinical training
independently of one another in the United States. They were all serving churches and institutions in the
Hamilton area at the time Dean Stewart was at McMaster University and together these men brought
clinical pastoral training to Canada. Coincidence? Providence?
I believe the latter.
The first section of this essay demonstrated the influence Freud had on those who would become
the founders of the Religion and Health movement. Freud's insights and the popularity of "healing
cults" influenced Elwood Worcester to found the Emmanuel Movement. Anton Boisen's motivation
grew out of his own experience with mental illness and his insights into his own condition he found
confirmed in his reading of Freud. These individuals attempted in their own way to redress the failure of
the religious establishment to address the need of people for healing and wholeness. The movement
grew slowly, but it did grow. It grew through the students that Boisen trained. As more students were
trained the network expanded and came to include such distinguished people as Helen Flanders Dunbar,
Philip Guiles, Seward Hiltner, Paul and Hannah Tillich--the list goes on. The Religion and Health
movement laid a foundation on which others could build. Clinical Pastoral Training was built on this
foundation. Canadian students became involved in training programs in the United States in the late
thirties and early forties. One of Anton Boisen's first students, Charles Feilding, became a professor and
later dean of a prominent Canadian theological college, Trinity College, in Toronto, and during his
tenure there promoted clinical training to his students. Most of the other students who undertook clinical
training in the United States responded to speakers from the Institute of Pastoral Care that barnstormed
through the various theological colleges promoting the training programs.
In the aftermath of World War II, the interest in methods of pastoral care burgeoned. Greer
Boyce in an essay entitled "Reflections on Four Decades of Pastoral Care: 1945 - 1985", explains why
this was so. People were grieving the loss of loved ones in the war and were afraid of what the future
would hold in light of the atomic bombs that had been detonated over Japan. People were looking
inward seeking inner resources that would enable them to cope with the physical and emotional
exhaustion that they were experiencing.126 Many clergy had served as chaplains overseas and when
they returned they were very aware of the emotional and psychological needs that cried out to be
addressed.
It was precisely at this time that the Mental Patients Welfare Association was formed. The
connection between this association and the Religion and Health movement can only be established
through its interest in the work of Dr. Karl Menninger and its rather tenuous connection to Canon
Maurice Wilkinson, Associate Secretary of the Canadian Council of Churches, who became involved in
discussions with the Ontario government with respect to Chaplains in the Ontario Hospitals. The
MPWA, with some limited support from the mainline denominations, succeeded in persuading the
Ontario government to appoint paid chaplains to the Ontario Mental Hospital at Whitby. The chaplains
began their employment on November l, 1949. These men were not clinically trained chaplains but their
work was appreciated and paved the way for the government to expand its services in this area.
The way was further paved by the work of the Canadian Association for Pastoral Education
and the Ontario Provincial Inter-Faith Committee on Chaplaincy. Many of the individuals mentioned in
this essay were involved in the foundation of both of these organizations. These committees at present
work together to ensure that fully qualified personnel are selected to serve in the institutions that the
Ontario government has responsibility for. They also work with private institutions such as hospitals
and nursing homes providing expertise to help them select qualified professionals for their chaplaincy
services.
•
William Temple, Archbishop of Canterbury, stated,
Nine tenths of the work of the Church in the world is done by Christian people fulfilling
responsibilities and performing tasks which in themselves are not part of the official system of
the Church at all. 127 and,
Next to the work of the Church done through its members in ordinary human relationships and
in ordinary avocations, we may consider its work done through its members in their capacity
as citizens shaping the political decisions which affect the national life and destiny. 128
These statements accurately describe the process by which chaplaincy services become a part of most
public institutions. Individuals interacted with civic and ecclesiastical authorities to accomplish what
they perceived to be the work of the church in the world. Chaplains are addressing the spiritual needs of
those who inhabit government institutions. Chaplains still feel that they are not taken as seriously as
they would like to be within those institutions and that they are second-class as far as the various
denominations are concerned. They may still have much to accomplish in providing the kind of service
that they wish to provide, but chaplaincy has come a long way in the forty years since the first
government-paid chaplains, the Rev. Thomas H. Floyd, Protestant, and the Rev. Matthew Darby, Roman
Catholic, were appointed, and, hopefully, the future will provide opportunities for chaplaincy to expand
its sphere of influence in the public sector.
ENDNOTES
€
1. Allison Stokes, Ministry after Freud, (New York: The Pilgrim Press, 1985),
pp. xi-xii.
2. Ibid., pp. xiv-xv.
3. Ibid., p. 10.
4. E. Brooks Holifield, A History of Pastoral Care in America: From Salvation to Self
Realization,(Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1983), pp. 201-202.
5. Stokes, pp. 24-25.
6. Holifield, p. 203.
€
7. Stokes, p. 24.
€
8. Ibid., pp. 22-27.
•
9. Holifield, pp. 204-207.
•
10. Ibid., p. 207.
•
11. Stuart Mews, "The Revival of Spiritual Healing in the Church of England 1920-26", Studies in
Church History, ed. W.J. Sheils, Vol. 19, The Church and Healing, (Oxford: Basil Blackwell for
The Ecclesiastical History Society, l982), p. 310.
12. Percy Dearmer, Body and Soul, (London: Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons Ltd., 1910), pp. 220-226, 230,
324-327.
13. Mews, "Revival", pp. 299, 312.
€
14. Stokes, p. 39.
€
15. Ibid., pp. 39-40.
€
16. Ibid., pp. 44-49.
€
17. Ibid., pp. 53-54.
€
18. Ibid., p. 71.
€
19. Ibid., pp. 83-84, 87-89.
•
20. Ibid., pp. 106-107.
•
21. Ibid., p. 144.
•
22. Ibid.
€
23. Ibid., pp. 145-147.
•
24. Minutes of the General Meetings and Executive Meetings, 1948-1952, The Mental Patients Welfare
Association (MPWA),•Toronto, Ontario, November 22,
25. Ibid., December 6, 1948.
26. Ibid., January 17, 1949.
•
27. Ibid.
•
28. Ibid., February 21, l949.
•
29. Ibid.
•
30. Ibid.
•
1948.
31. Ibid.
•
32. Ibid.
•
33. Pastoral Care and Pastoral Training: Sixtieth Anniversary, (Pamphlet: Whitby Psychiatric Hospital,
Whitby, Ontario, 1979).
34. Ibid.
•
35. The Rev. Canon W.W. Judd to J.E. Long, Esq., Secretary-Treasurer, Great Chapter, Rural Deanery
of East York, November 9, 1948. Anglican Church of Canada: General Synod Archives, GS 75106 Box 10, Chaplaincies: Mental and Penal Institutions File.
•
36. Ibid., Report of Investigating Committee, David M.Rose, October 20, 1948 attached to letter cited
in note 34.
37. Ibid., Note in Canon Judd's writing dated February 19,1949 about this meeting.
€
38. Ibid., Canon Judd to Hon. Russell T. Kelley, February 22, 1949.
•
39. Ibid., Hon. Russell T. Kelley to Canon Judd, February 24, 1949.
•
40. Minutes of Superintendents' Conferences, Province of Ontario: Provincial Archives, RG 10 20 A1,
File No. 2, February 25, l949, Item No.10.
€
41. Anglican Archives, GS 75-106, Box 10, Letters from Canon Judd to the Ontario Diocesan Bishops,
March 22,1949.
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid., Letters from the Bishops of the Dioceses of Ontario, Toronto, Huron and Niagara to Canon
Judd, March 23 and 24, l949.
€
44. Interview with the Rev. Bernie Wilson, Priest, St. John the Evangelist Roman Catholic Church,
Whitby, Ontario, February 17, l989.
€
45. The Canadian Who`s Who, A Biographical Dictionary of Notable Living Men and Women, Vol. IX
1961-63, (Toronto, Canada: Trans=Canada Press, 1963), p. 632.
€
46. MPWA, November 22, 1948 to June 20, 1949.
47. Ibid., September 30, 1949.
€
48. Ibid., April 25, 1949.
•
49. Hendrika Vande Kemp, Psychology and Theology in Western Thought 1672-1965, collaborator H.
Newton, Bibliographies in the History of Psychology and €
Psychiatry, A Series, ed. Robert H.
Wozniak, (Millwood, New York: Kraus International Publications, 1984) p. 293.
€
50. MPWA, April 25, 1949.
•
51. Ibid., May 16, 1949.
•
52. Ibid., September 30, l949.
•
53. Ibid., April 25 and May 16, 1949.
54. Ibid., February 21, 1949.
55. Ibid., May 16, 1949 and September 21, l949.
56. Ibid., August 2, 1950.
•
57. Ibid., September 21, 1950.
•
58. Ibid.
•
59. Ibid., September 29, 1950.
•
60. Ibid., November 24, 1950.
•
61. Ibid., highlights from 195l and 1952 meetings.
•
62. Interview with the Rev. Bernie Wilson.
•
63. Gerald Lewis Caplan, "The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation in Ontario, 1932-1945; A
Study of Socialist and Anti-Socialist Politics", Master's thesis, University of Toronto, 196l, p. 44.
•
64. Ibid.
65. Ibid., p. 47
•
66. MPWA, November 22, 1948.
67. Ibid., December 13, 1948.
•
68. Caplan, "Cooperative Commonwealth", pp. 48-51.
•
69. Ibid., p. 44.
•
70. Ibid., p. 130.
•
71. The Church of England in Canada, The Council for Social Service Report to General Synod, 1947,
(Anglican Church of Canada: General Synod Archives), p. 43.
•
72. The Church of England in Canada, The Council for Social Service Report to General Synod, 1949,
(Anglican Church of Canada: General Synod Archives), p. 37.
•
73. Stokes, p. 147.
•
74. Seward Hiltner, ed., Clinical Pastoral Training, (Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in
America: Commission on Religion and Health, 1945), p. 1.
•
75. Ibid., p. 17.
•
76. Ibid.
•
77. Ibid., pp. 17-18.
•
78. Ibid., p. 18.
•
79. Ibid., p. 9.
•
80. Ibid., pp. 5-7.
•
81. Ibid., p. 19.
•
82. Ibid.
•
83. A.J. MacLachlan, "History of Pastoral Care in Canada", (submitted to Dictionary of Pastoral Care
and Counselling), unpublished paper, pp. 1-2.
•
84. Interview with the Rev. A.J. MacLachlan, retired, Mississauga, Ontario, March 15, 1989, and,
MacLachlan, "Pastoral Care in Canada", pp. 2-3.
€
85. MacLachlan, "Pastoral Care in Canada", p. 3.
•
86. Ibid.
•
87. Ibid., pp. 3-4.
•
88. Ibid., p. 4.
•
89. Ibid.
•
90. Ibid., pp. 4-6.
•
91. Interview with the Rev. Edgar Bull, retired, Toronto, Ontario, March 14, 1989.
•
92. Ibid.
•
93. Report of visit of Rev. L.F. Hatfield to Clinical Training Programme - McMaster University,
Hamilton, July 18, 1955. Anglican Church of Canada: General Synod Archives, GS 75-106 Box ll,
Clinical Pastoral Training 1954-55 File.
•
94. Ibid.
•
95. Ibid.
•
96. MacLachlan, Pastoral Care in Canada, p. 7.
•
97. Ibid., pp. 7-8.
•
98. Ibid., pp. 15-16.
•
99. Ibid., p. 16 .
•
100. Ibid.
•
101. Ibid., pp. 16-17.
•
102. Ibid., p. 18.
•
103. Ibid., p. 19-20.
•
104. Ibid., p. 1.
•
105. "Chaplains in Mental Institutions" from The Christian Social Council of Canada, Department of
Social Relations of the Canadain Council of Churches. Anglican Archives, GS 75-106, Box 11.
•
106. Ibid.
•
107. Ibid.
•
108. The Rev. Canon Maurice P. Wilkinson to the Rev. J.T.L. James, Ontario Provincial Inter-Faith
Committee on Chaplaincy (OPIFCC), Toronto, History File, March 6, 1970.
•
109. Ibid., Rev. J.T.L. James to Ontario Regional Directors Canadian Correctional Chaplains
Association, March l6, 1970.
•
110. Ibid., Premier John P. Robarts to the Rev. Dr. T.E.F. Honey, General Secretary, Canadian Council
of Churches, April 21, l970.
•
111. Ibid., Robert Welch, Minister, The Provincial Secretary and Minister of Citizenship to the Rev.
M.S. Flint, Director of Chaplaincy Services, Department of Correctional Services, July 23, 1970.
•
112. Ibid., Memorandum D-197, December 23, l971.
•
113. Ibid.
•
114. Ibid., Canon Wilkinson to W.A.B. Anderson, Chairman, Ontario Civil Service Commission,
January 13, 1972.
•
115. Ibid., The Rev. A.A Bethune, Secretary, Ontario Regional Chaplains, to D. Sinclair, Deputy
Minister, Department of Correctional Services, dated August 1972.
•
116. Ibid.
•
117. Ibid., The Rev. A.A. Bethune to D. Sinclair, September 15, 1972.
••
118. Ibid., D. Sinclair to the Rev. A.A. Bethune, September 27, l972.
•
119. Ibid., The Rev. A.A. Bethune to D. Sinclair, September 27, 1972.
•
120. Ibid., Protest prepared by Ontario Correctional Chaplains at Federal/Provincial Chaplains
Conference, October 3-5, l972.
•
121. Ibid., F.M. Ward, Chairman, OPIFCC, to Premier Wm.G. Davis, February 12, 1973.
•
122. Ibid., Premier Wm.G. Davis to F.M. Ward, April 24, 1973.
•
123. Ibid.
124. Ibid. Report summarizing changes in mandate between 1976 to 1979.
•
125. Ibid.
•
126. Greer Boyce, "Reflections on Four Decades of Pastoral Care: 1945 - 1985", April 1986,
unpublished paper.
•
127. William Temple, Christianity and the Social Order, (Great Britain: Penguin Books, 1942, Reprint
1956), p. 27.
€
128. Ibid., p. 71. €
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€€
€ 1. Anglican Church of Canada: General Synod Archives, GS 75-106 Box 10, Chaplaincies:
Mental and Penal Institutions File.
•
€ 2. Anglican Church of Canada: General Synod Archives, GS 75-106 Box 11, Clinical Pastoral
Training 1954-55 File.
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€ 3. Boyce, Greer, "Reflections on Four Decades of Pastoral Care: 1945 - 1985", not published, April
1986.
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€ 4. Bull, The Rev. Edgar, Retired, Toronto, Ontario. Interview, March 14, l989.
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€ 5. The Canadian Who`s Who, A Biographical Dictionary of Notable Living Men and Women, Vol.
IX 1961-63, Toronto, Canada: Trans=Canada Press, 1963.
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€ 6. Caplan, Gerald Lewis, "The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation in Ontario, 1932-1945: A
Study of Socialist and Anti-Socialist Politics", Master of Arts Thesis, University of Toronto,
196l.
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€ 7. The Church of England in Canada, The Council for Social Service Report to General Synod,
1947, Anglican Church of Canada, General Synod Archives.
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€ 8. The Church of England in Canada, The Council for Social Service Report to General Synod,
1949, Anglican Church of Canada, General Synod Archives.
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€10. Hiltner, Seward, ed., Clinical Pastoral Training, Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in
America: Commission on Religion and Health, 1945.
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Realization, Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1983.
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€13. MacLachlan, The Rev. A.J., Retired, Mississauga, Ontario. Interview, March 15, 1989.
€14. The Mental Patients Welfare Association, Minutes of the General Meetings and Executive
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•
€15. Mews, Stuart, "The Revival of Spiritual Healing in the Church of England 1920-26", Studies in
Church History, ed. W.J. Sheils, Vol. 19, The Church and Healing, Oxford: Basil Blackwell for
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•
€16. Ontario Provincial Inter-Faith Committee on Chaplaincy, Toronto, Ontario, History File.
•
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Pastoral Care and Pastoral Training: Sixtieth Anniversary, Pamphlet, Whitby Psychiatric
Hospital, Whitby, Ontario, 1979.
•
€18.
Province of Ontario: Provincial Archives, RG 10 20 A1, Minutes of Superintendents'
Conferences, File No. 2.
•
€19. Stokes, Allison, Ministry after Freud, New York: The Pilgrim Press, 1985.
•
20.
Temple, William, Christianity and the Social Order, Great Britain: Penguin Books, 1942,
Reprint 1956.
•
21. Vande Kemp, Hendrika, Psychology and Theology in Western Thought 1672-1965, collaborator
H. Newton, Bibliographies in the History of Psychology and Psychiatry, A Series, ed. Robert H.
Wozniak, Millwood, New York: Kraus International Publications, 1984.
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Ontario. Interview, February 17, l989.
€
€
€
€
€
€
€
€
€
€
Church, Whitby,