THE ‘BOUNDARYLESS’ CAREER AND CAREER BOUNDARIES: APPLYING AN
INSTITUTIONALIST PERSPECTIVE TO ICT WORKERS IN THE CONTEXT OF
NIGERIA
Afam Ituma and Ruth Simpson
To be cited as:
Ituma, A.N. and Simpson, R. (2009) The 'boundaryless' career and career boundaries: Applying
an institutionalist perspective to ICT workers in the context of Nigeria. Human Relations. Vol.
62, (5): 727–761.
1
ABSTRACT
Drawing from institutional theory, this paper explores ‘boundaryless’ careers and the nature of
career boundaries in the information and communication technology (ICT) industry in Nigeria.
The specific objectives are to explore: (1) whether career mobility in Nigeria reproduces or
challenges contemporary projections of the ‘boundaryless’ career (i.e. as characterized by
increased inter-firm mobility) and (2) the structural boundaries (barriers) that constrain
individuals’ ability to enact boundaryless career in this context. Findings of the interviews with
fifty technical professionals in the Nigerian ICT industry challenge contemporary projections of
‘boundaryless’ careers by providing evidence to support the continuing existence of career
boundaries and traditional career patterns (i.e. as characterised by hierarchical and progressive
movement within a single organization). Findings also suggest that ethnic allegiance, personal
connections, gender discrimination, perceptions of educational qualifications and the nature of
work biography constrain individuals’ ability to enact boundaryless career in the ICT industry.
Overall, the paper contributes the Nigerian perspective on boundaryless careers and career
barriers to the growing consideration of career phenomena in different national contexts.
Key words: Career mobility, boundaryless career, career barriers, developing economy,
Nigeria.
2
Introduction
This paper explores boundaryless careers and career boundaries in the information
communication and technology (ICT) industry in Nigeria. Over the past few years, there has
been a renewed interest among academics and practitioners in the career phenomenon. A
development arising from the increasing interest in this area is the move away from the
traditional conceptualisation of careers as being characterised by hierarchical progression within
the confines of one or two large stable organisations (Kram and Hall, 1989; Lyness and
Thompson, 2000) to a more nuanced re-conceptualisation which acknowledges that careers
increasingly transcend organisational boundaries and are characterised by discontinuity and nonlinearity (Arthur and Rousseau, 1996). The construct ‘boundaryless career’ has been advanced to
make sense of the ‘new’ career thesis. The boundaryless career is defined as “a sequence of job
opportunities that goes beyond the boundaries of single employment settings” (DeFillippi and
Arthur, 1996:11).
The notion that careers have become boundaryless is contentious (Bagdadli et al., 2003) with
some career scholars (e.g., Guest and Mackenzie Davey, 1996; Gunz et al., 2000; Bagdadli et al.,
2003) arguing that careers have not become completely boundaryless. To date, however, few
studies have explored empirically the claim of the shift from a ‘bounded’ career to a
‘boundaryless’ career (Peiperl et al., 2000; Marler et al., 2002). As such, compared to the body of
studies on traditional careers, our knowledge of new forms of careers is somewhat limited
(Mayrhofer et al., 2005). Most studies in this area have concentrated on examining evidence of
boundaryless careers in Anglo-Saxon economies particularly the US and the UK and have failed
to account for the extent of their emergence in non Anglo-Saxon contexts. Major exceptions
exist, however, such as Bagdadli et al.’s (2000) study of careers in Italy. This is an important gap
in the literature given that the universality of the boundaryless career construct beyond Western
contexts has been increasingly questioned (Hirsch and Shanley, 1996; Inkson, 2006). In essence,
while the extant studies on the boundaryless career have undoubtedly increased our
understanding of the changing nature of careers, we still know relatively little about the extent of
“boundarylessness” in countries where the institutional forces are most likely to be different
3
from those that exist in North-America and Anglo-Saxon countries. Perhaps, not surprisingly,
there has been a growing call from career scholars (e.g., Ituma and Simpson, 2005; Gunz and
Mayrhofer, 2007; Tams and Arthur, 2007) for country specific career studies, in order to provide
insight on the generalisability of career models developed primary in the US to other national
contexts.
Drawing from institutional theory, this research responds to the above call by exploring the
‘boundaryless’ career and the nature of career boundaries in the ICT industry in Nigeria. In doing
so, this paper will specifically explore (1) whether career mobility in Nigeria reproduces or
challenges contemporary projections of the ‘boundaryless’ career as evidenced by inter-firm
mobility and (2) the structural barriers that constrains individuals’ ability to enact a boundaryless
career in this context. Empirical exploration of these issues will go some way to deepen our
understanding of the socially constructed nature of careers and provide a more comprehensive
understanding of the generalisability of the boundaryless career thesis beyond the Western
context.
Within the Nigerian context, this research focuses on the information communication technology
(ICT) industry - the equivalent of the US Silicon Valley. The underlying rationale is that the ICT
industry has been one of the paradigmatic industries used to demonstrate the boundaryless nature
of careers in the US (Saxenian, 1996; Arthur, 1994). The ICT sector in Nigeria is also currently
recognised as one of the fastest growing sectors within the economy (Nigeria National Bureau of
Statistics, 2004). This can be set against the diverse cultural heritage of Nigeria, making it an
interesting and hitherto neglected site for empirical work. The focus of this study is particularly
important given that much of the extant work on boundaryless careers (e.g., Inkson & Arthur,
2001; McDonald et al., 2005; Smith and Sheridan, 2006) pays overly attention to agency thereby
obscuring factors that lie beyond the individual realm and making structure a less proclaimed
influence (Pringle and Mallon, 2003). The current study departs from such individual centred
perspectives and contributes to boundaryless career literature by positioning career dynamics
within institutional theory using Scott’s (1995) “institutional pillar” framework. Such a
systematic linkage of careers has rarely been achieved in new career studies, particularly in a
non-western context and allows for a more in-depth insight into the socially constructed nature of
4
careers. The current study also contributes to the debate on the changing nature of careers by
widening the empirical scope and going beyond a Western context, in which the majority of
existing studies are framed, to explore career trajectories in Nigeria and the extent to which
current projections of ‘boundaryless’ careers are reproduced or challenged.
The paper proceeds as follows: The next section draws on broader career literature to discuss
boundaryless careers and career barriers. The second section draws from institutional theory to
locate the paper within the Nigerian context. The third section provides an overview of the
research process that was used to address the research question raised in this study. Section four
presents and discusses the main findings of this research. The final section discusses the
contributions of this paper and highlights the need to recognise the importance of institutional
context in shaping and constraining career development.
Career Perspectives
The study of careers has received significant research attention, with the career broadly
conceptualised as “the evolving sequence of a person’s work experience over time” (Arthur et al,
1989:8). A common thread running through recent career literature is the notion that the nature
of careers is changing - precipitated by globalisation, rapid technological advances, industrial
restructuring and downsizing (Baruch, 2003). As a result, concepts such as ‘protean career’
(Hall, 1976), ‘zig-zag career’ (Bateson, 1994), ‘boundaryless career’ (Arthur and Rousseau,
1996), ‘intelligent career’ (Arthur et al., 1995), ‘spiral career’ (Brousseau et al., 1996), ‘portfolio
career’ (Cohen and Mallon, 1999) and ‘post-corporate career’ (Peiperl and Baruch, 1997) have
emerged. The boundaryless career model in particular has gained currency in recent career
discourse and has increasingly been used as an umbrella concept for ‘new career’ writing that
gives primacy to individual agency in career development (Cohen and Mallon, 1999).
Arthur and Rousseau (1996) point out that “the boundaryless career does not characterize any
single career form, but rather a range of possible forms that defies traditional employment
assumptions” (p.3). They outlined six key meanings of the boundaryless career as follows:
movement across separate employers, external validation of market worth from outside the
present employers, connectedness to external networks or information, non-hierarchical
5
reporting relationships, refusal to take employer-offered job changes because of personal
circumstances and perception of a boundaryless career prospect despite structural constraints.
Although Arthur and Rousseau’s work on boundaryless careers focused on the permeability of
the traditional organizational boundaries, Fieldman and Ng (2007) note that the use of the term
has broadened and “the term has commonly been used to convey notions of unbounded,
limitless, or infinite possibilities” (p.368).
However, Arthur (1994) argues that of all the varied meanings of the boundaryless career, the
“most prominent is when a career, like the stereotypical Silicon Valley career, moves across the
boundaries of separate employers” (p.296). Along similar lines, Sullivan and Arthur (2006) note
that “most studies have operationalized boundaryless careers in terms of physical mobility”
(p.21). In essence, an ideal type boundaryless career is commonly characterized as involving
physical movement across the boundaries of separate employers (Inkson, 2006; Arthur, Khapova
& Wilderom, 2005; Bagdadli, et al., 2003; Pringle & Mallon, 2003; Van Buren, 2003; Gunz et
al., 2000).
Although evidence of the extent of boundarylesseness in careers is mixed (Guest and Mackenzie
Davey, 1996; Jackoby, 1999), the enactment of boundaryless careers seems to be growing
particularly in the U.K and U.S. For instance, in an early study of UK managers’ mobility,
Clement (1958) found that 34 percent of managers had worked for a single employer while only
13 percent had worked for four or more employers. By contrast, Alban-Metcalfe and Nicholson’s
(1984) later study of a comparable sample of British managers found that only 9 percent had
worked for a single employer with 43 percent found to have worked for four or more employers.
More recently, the average job tenure of U.S workers (between 1996 and 2006) was found to be
4 years (U.S. Bureau of Labour Statistics, 2006). Other research that has provided evidence of
high incidence of job switching among different employers reflective of the boundaryless career
trajectory, includes Saxenian’s (1996) research in Silicon Valley California (SV) and Jones
(1996) research in the US film industry. These studies suggest that the traditional career model
may be gradually fading, particularly in the U.S and U.K. The boundaryless career seems to be
suitable for knowledge based industries, particularly the IT industry due to the pressure for
companies in the industry to remain competitive by creating and exploiting knowledge,
increasingly viewed as a source of competitive advantage (Brown and Hesketh, 2004; Saxenian,
6
1996). Other factors include an increase in the number of new firms, giving more room for
mobility; the portability of more generalisable occupational skills and the desire for marketability
through a diverse work experience. As Saxenian (1996) has demonstrated in the context of SV,
boundaryless careers evidenced by inter firm mobility bring in new professional knowledge and
may be crucial for innovation and success through movement of skills and knowledge flow.
Although the boundaryless career construct has advanced new career thinking, scholars (e.g.,
Jackoby, 1999; Guest and Mackenzie Davey, 1996; Cohen and Mallon, 1999) argue that its
enactment is exaggerated and that conclusive empirical evidence is yet to emerge. The
theoretical base of the boundaryless career construct has also been critiqued as being woolly
(Feldman and Ng, 2007), seductively simple and misleading (Craig and Kimberely, 2002) and
paying overly attention to agency at the expense of structural factors that circumscribe careers
(Pringle and Mallon, 2003). In essence, the boundaryless career construct is intuitively
appealing, but when subject to critical analysis it lacks theoretical rigour and offers limited
empirical evidence. This paper addresses some of these concerns by positioning career dynamics
within institutional theory, discussed below. Moreover, it widens existing empirical scope by
going beyond a Western context, in which the majority of existing studies are framed, to explore
career trajectories in Nigeria and the extent to which current projections of ‘boundaryless’
careers are reproduced or challenged.
Barriers to Career Mobility
Consistent with the discussion above, one research perspective that needs greater attention is
barriers to career mobility. Career barriers have attracted considerable interest of scholars and
career counsellors because of their ability to interfere with the process of turning career interests
into choice goals and goal-directed behaviour. However, the interest in this area has not been
matched with equivalent empirical work. Much of the research has focused on the barriers faced
by women (e.g., Farmer, 1976; Fitzgerald and Crites, 1980; Powell, 2000), by ethnic minority
groups (Blancero and DelCampo, 2005) and by college students of colour (e.g., McWhirter,
1997). Career barriers can be conceptualised as “events or conditions, within the person or in his
or her environment, that make career progress difficult” (Swanson and Woitke, 1997: 434). From
7
a slightly different perspective, Gunz et al. (2000) describes barriers as “labour market
imperfections driven by the reluctance of selectors to allow certain kinds of people to make
given moves” (p. 8.). Common to these views is the notion that a career barrier is any factor that
constrains career development.
Existing literature on career barriers (e.g. Farmer, 1976; Harmon, 1977; Powell, 2000) suggests
that there are two main types: “person centred” that is internal states that make the achievement
of career goals difficult (e.g. lack of confidence, low motivation) and “situation centred” that is
external states located within the socio-cultural environment that make the achievement of career
goals difficult (e.g. lack of access to education, sex stereotype, racial discrimination). The impact
of career barriers on career development is supported by Lent et al.’s (1994) social cognitive
theory. This suggests that personal, contextual and experiential factors can mediate the
relationship between turning career interests into career choice-related behaviour and that
“people are less likely to translate their career interests into goals, and their goals into actions,
when they perceive their efforts to be impeded by adverse environmental factors (e.g.,
insurmountable barriers or inadequate support systems)” (Lent et al., 2000:38).
Recent work by Gunz et al. (2000) has provided valuable contributions to our understanding of
career boundaries. They argue that career boundaries have a subjective dimension (perceived
barriers to career progress) and objective dimension (real barriers to mobility) and that
boundaries can “be imposed by specialisation, industry, the firm, occupation, educational level,
experience, geography, professional qualification, organisational membership and to a lesser
degree (although nevertheless real), age, race, ethnicity, sex, and religion” (p. 62). Similarly,
King et al. (2005) argue that “careers are bounded by prior career history, occupational identity,
and institutional constraints imposed by “gatekeepers” to job opportunities” (p.881). In the
context of small Italian based internet companies, Bagdadli et al. (2003) provided additional
empirical evidence of the existence of boundaries in the form of functional background, industry
experience and professional network constraints. Other barriers that have been found to limit
career mobility and development include: difficulty in finding a mentor (Friedman and
Krackhardt, 1997); education attainment (Gomez et al., 2001); lack of social capital (Braddock
and McPartland, 1987) and discrimination (Hsieh and Kleiner, 2001).
8
Overall, with some notable exceptions referred to above, the demographic focus of much of this
work (i.e. on women and ethnic minority workers) may hamper our understanding of the barriers
faced by other occupational groups and individuals in different national contexts – a gap this
paper sets out to address. Consequently, a further aim of this research is to explore the structural
barriers that constrain individuals inter-firm career mobility in the ICT industry in Nigeria. The
next section draws from institutional theory to locate this research within the Nigerian context.
The Institutional Approach
A major stream of research from which this paper draws is institutional theory. This theory is
anchored in notions of adaptation, conformity and convergence to institutional environments.
The institutional approach has been adopted by different disciplines and the extant literature on
institutional theory is too extensive to be adequately summarized here (for more comprehensive
review see Hodgson, 1994). The theory focuses on “the processes by which structures, including
schemas, rules, norms and routines, become established as authoritative guideline for social
behaviour” (Scott, 2005: 460). Although institutionalists vary in terms of emphasis, the central
theoretical claim is that organisations operating in similar environment are likely to seek
legitimacy and recognition by adopting practices, processes and structure prevalent in their
environment (Fogarty, 1996).
A particularly useful conceptual framework for understanding how careers are shaped and
constrained by institutional setting is Scott’s (1995) “pillars” of institutional processes. Building
on DiMaggio and Powell (1983)’s work, which suggests that organizations seek homogeneity
through, for example, laws, regulations and professional norms, Scott argues that “institutions
consist of cognitive, normative, and regulative structures and activities that provide stability and
meaning to social behaviour” (p.33). The first pillar- regulative- refers to the “existing laws and
rules in a particular national environment, which promote certain types of behaviours and restrict
others” (Kostova 1997 p.180). It involves “rule-setting,” “monitoring,” and “sanctioning”
activities (Scott, 2008, p.2). The second pillar –normative- refers to “a prescriptive, evaluative,
and obligatory dimension into social life” (Scott 2008: 54), based on social interactions, social
obligations and shared understanding of what is appropriate (Wicks, 2001). The third pillar9
cultural cognitive-refers to “shared conceptions that constitute the nature of social reality and the
frames through which meaning is made” (Scott 2008: 57). The content of these pillars may
change but the presence of each of the pillar is usually steady (Caronna, 2004). Moreover, from
Aguilera et al. (2006), the pillars are not mutually exclusive, i.e. they can interact, and the
significance of each is likely to be context dependent. The framework therefore provides a
relatively stable yet potentially flexible heuristic for highlighting how the institutional
environment impacts on firms and individual behaviours.
Overall, the implication of institutional theory for career studies is that individual career
trajectories and organisational career management practices will mirror and mimic societal
conventions embedded in the institutional setting is which careers are enacted. In essence, we
should not think of career development as primarily driven by individual free choice, but should
take into consideration the wider contextual factors that create opportunities and barriers for
individual career development. The next subsection presents an overview of the Nigerian context
and draws from Scott’s three institutional pillars to discuss the key factors that shape and
constrain careers.
Institutional Theory and the Nigerian Context
As the most populous country in Africa and with an economy overly dependent on crude oil,
Nigeria is generally characterized by uncertainty, absence of an established welfare system, low
wages, high inflation rate and high unemployment levels in comparison to developed countries
(Okonjo-Iweala and Osafo-Kwaako, 2007). The general unemployment figure in 2003 was 11.9
percent (Nigeria National Bureau of Statistics, 2004). Human capital also remains
underdeveloped due to the decline in the quality of Nigerian academic degrees (Turner, 2000);
with employers often complaining that university graduates are poorly prepared for the world of
work (Ovadje and Ankomah, 2000). In order to address these economic issues, the Federal
government of Nigeria has embarked on wide-scale economic reforms with an emphasis on
strengthening the macroeconomic environment, returning the economy to a path of sustainable
growth, development and poverty reduction as well as fighting corruption (Okonjo-Iweala and
Osafo-Kwaako, 2007). These efforts have resulted in the write-off of about $18 billion of
10
Nigeria’s debt representing 60% of the foreign debt profile of the country by the Paris Club of
Creditors (Okonjo-Iweala, 2008).
In terms of socio-cultural context, Nigeria is a very diverse country made up of over 200 ethnic
groups that speak about 354 languages (Uzoigwe, 1989). The major ethnic groups are the Hausas
in the north, the Yorubas in the southwest, the Ibos in the southeast and minority groups in the
middle belt and southern parts of the country. There are usually tensions between the different
ethnic groups and this led to a civil war in the country from July, 1967- January, 1970 (Uzoigwe,
1989). Ethnic conflicts of different sorts have been a continuing feature, and individuals often
treat those from other ethnic groups with suspicion (Uwazie, 1989). The basis of most
ethnic/regional conflict concerns claims of marginalization on the part of particular ethnic groups
and claims that specific groups enjoy the proceeds from oil revenue more than others (Frynas,
1999; Idemudia and Ite, 2006). This perceived inequality led, in 2007, to the kidnapping of about
150 expatriates working in the oil field by youths in ‘marginalised’ areas in a bid to get the
federal government to allocate more resources and provide more jobs (CNN, March 4, 2008).
Within the Nigerian context, ICT is seen as one of the fastest growing sectors of the economy –
growing an average 37.5% between 2002 and 2005 (National Bureau of Statistics, 2006) and
reflecting both the general increase in the acquisition and use of IT in many sectors of the
economy and the deregulation of the telecommunication sector and granting of licences to
companies for Global System for Communication (mobile phone) services. The ICT sector is
considered one of the most rewarding and attractive sectors after oil and banking in terms of pay
and employment conditions (average graduate salary is about $600 a month compared with
average public sector earnings of $190). The industry is largely male dominated with only
25.53% of their workers female (National Bureau of Statistics, 2006). The industry consists of
about fifteen big ‘players’ (with nation wide reach) and a large number of small and medium
enterprises (SMEs), mostly less than ten years old and clustered in a technology region in Lagosthe financial hub of Nigeria. Like Silicon Valley, this geographical concentration is favourable to
the enactment of high levels inter-firm mobility. The industry can be referred to as an employers
market given the high level of unemployment in the country.
11
The majority of the big companies typically recruit directly by adverting in national newspapers
(rather than using employment agencies as is common in the West) with only a few using
consulting firms that provide recruitment services. Individuals usually start with a temporary
contract which is converted to a permanent full time job based on satisfactory performance. The
big companies often offer a development programme and career structure as well as, unlike
SMEs, a pension scheme. SMEs rely mainly on word of mouth, friends and relatives in filling
vacancies, providing on the job training and informal mentoring rather than a formal career
advancement route. Taken together, the sparse use of employment agencies and the emphasis on
informal recruitment practices particularly in the SMEs reflects the relationship orientated nature
of Nigerian society, discussed below.
In terms of Scott’s (2008) three pillars, the federal character principle represent the most salient
regulative element (regulative pillar) that is likely to shape and constrain careers of individuals in
Nigeria. The “Federal Character” principle which is contained in section 14(3) of the 1979
constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria stipulates that: “The composition of the
Government of the Federation or any of its agency and the conduct of its affairs must be carried
out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote
national unity also to command loyalty thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of
persons from a few states or from a few ethnic groups or other sectional groups in that
government or any of its agencies”. This policy was introduced in the public sector as a panacea
for reducing ethnic tension and ensuring proportional representation to reflect the linguistic,
ethnic, religious, and geographic diversity of the country (Adamolekun et al., 1991).
Key normative factors in Nigeria that are likely to shape individuals career mobility (the
normative pillar) include the extended family (kin) system and personal ties. In the case of the
extended family system, Nigerians are connected in a network of social relationship based on
lineages and genealogical lines (Ituma and Simpson, 2007). Within the kin system there is an
emphasis on interdependence, sharing and reciprocal obligations. There is widespread emphasis
on personal ties and social exchanges that generate mutual obligations largely based on trust
(Smith, 2001). This network has multifaceted dimensions (e.g. gift giving, financial support, care
for children) and is commonly built along ethnic lines.
12
A particular cognitive pillar that can affect career development and mobility in Nigeria is the
gender role stereotype that perceives women as the ‘weaker’ sex. Nigeria is a masculine society
and there are traditional sex-based differences in role allocation (Udegbe, 2003). Women are
primarily defined through child care and domestic responsibility while men are viewed as bread
winners and as such their career is generally given more priority (Chovwen, 2006).
RESEARCH APPROACH
This study is rooted in the phenomenological research approach which emphasises individuals
lived experience (Maykut and Moorehouse, 1994) and adopted a qualitative method involving
semi- structured interviews. The rationale is that this approach provides an appropriate means for
an in-depth understanding of hitherto under researched phenomenon (Cresswell, 2003) and leads
to the discovery of “richly detailed narratives of the lived experiences of individuals”(Fassinger,
2001:279). Moreover, Gunz et al. (2000) have called for a more qualitative approach in the study
of career issues in order to develop ‘thick’ descriptions and make sense of the changing nature of
careers. The semi-structured interviews allowed for a deeper pursuit of emergent topics and
themes and is consistent with the approach adopted in some earlier studies of career barriers
(e.g., McElwee and Al-Riyami, 2003; Schinnar, 2007).
The Interview
A total of 50 semi-structured interviews were conducted involving 35 men and 15 women with
an age composition ranging from 25years to 45 years. Participants’ experience in the industry
ranged from 4years to 9years. The participants were drawn from the membership list of a
Nigerian computer society (30participants) and the researcher’s personal networks (20
participants) through a snowballing process. This involved asking participants to recommend
other people within or outside their organisation who may have different career experiences
(Babbie, 1986). The snowballing approach was considered useful due to the general apathy for
research in Nigeria which can limit participation activity. The snowballing approach has been
found particularly useful for accessing hard to reach populations (Myers and Pringle, 2005;
Cornelius and Skinner, 2008) and it is considered acceptable for exploratory studies (Green et al.
1995). The demographic profile of the participants is presented in appendix 1.
13
Each interview commenced with an introduction of the aims and objectives of the research and
establishing issues of confidentiality. The interviews were conducted in-person at various
locations, depending on the subject’s choice of venue. The interviews lasted between one hour
and two hours thirty minutes. An interview guide was used to explore the structural barriers the
participants have experienced in their career mobility and were designed on the principles of
work biography drawn from Schein’s (1990) life history template. The participants were asked to
trace their career history noting important transitions. The extent of inter- firm mobility was
explored by coding each participant for the number of moves the individual made between
employers. The participants were also asked to reflect on the factors that may have impeded their
inter-firm mobility. Representatives of the questions asked are: “Are there any structural factors
in Nigeria that have posed a hindrance for you moving freely from one organisation to the other
in the industry? “Are there any factors that you think have made employers reluctant to select
you for a job that you feel you have the necessary competence to perform?”. The interview
schedule is presented in appendix 2.
The questions were intentionally open-ended with prompts used to expand discussion and to
further elicit the views and opinions of the participants (Cresswell, 2003). Participants were
encouraged to report ‘critical incidents’ (Flanagan, 1954) which have impeded their career
mobility. Probes were developed to clarify and explore key issues in depth, and signalling to the
interviewees the expected level of depth. The semi-structured interview was flexible and iterative
and interviews continued until “theoretical saturation” was achieved (Flick, 1998). At this stage,
it was perceived that an adequate number of interviews have been conducted, and further data
collection will reveal no new themes.
Data Analysis
To facilitate the process of analysis, all interviews were tape-recorded (with the permission of
the interviewee) and transcribed verbatim (with the help of a research assistant). After postinterview transcription, interview documents were returned to each participant to enable the
individual to review their statements and correct any misrepresentation of their views. Data
analysis followed closely grounded theory approach (Strauss and Corbin, 1990). This involved
three key stages. Firstly, open coding involved reading the transcripts carefully and indexing of
14
the transcripts (i.e., labelling of phenomena found in the transcript). This resulted in the creation
of a large number of codes. The units of coding were individual statements made by the
participants. Secondly, axial coding involved the development of categories based on common
characteristics between codes. A number of the codes developed in the first stage were seen to be
dealing with the same concepts (sharing similar properties) and were amalgamated to form
categories. Examples of categories developed include: ethnicity, favouritism, educational
qualification, pregnancy, nepotism, sexual prejudice, experience, sponsorship. Thirdly, selective
coding involved further refining of the categories by investigating interconnections between
them with the aim of integrating and developing core categories. For instance, the following
categories (ethnicity, ethnocentrism, tribalism, my state of origin) were linked together to form a
core category (ethnic allegiance). From this last process five dominant categories emerged and
these were treated as core categories around which other smaller categories were draped. To
enhance the validity of these processes, independent coding on a random sample of the transcript
was undertaken by two researchers, both familiar with the objectives of this research and with
significant past experiences in applying qualitative coding procedures. Data were analysed
separately and then corroboration given to emerging themes. Discrepancies in the interpretation
of the meanings of the statements were discussed and resolved by third party mediation
involving another researcher with significant coding experience.
RESEARCH FINDINGS
Analysis of the mobility data finds that thirty of the fifty participants (60%) have not changed
employer since they started working in the industry, nine of the participants (18%) have changed
employer only once, eight of the participants (16%) have changed employer between 2-4 times
while three of the participants (6%) have changed employer up to five times. Women were less
mobile than men. Only three out of the fifteen female respondents had changed employer and
none had made more than two moves. By contrast, eighteen out of the thirty five male
participants (51.4%) have engaged in inter-firm mobility and some of the men participants
(8.6%) have changed employers up to 5 times. There was no consistent pattern of differences
based on age, educational level or tenure in the industry. Overall, the result suggests that
although there is some evidence of boundaryless career enactment in the industry, it is not on the
15
scale and frequency that has been projected in the career literature. Findings also suggest that
male IT workers were more mobile than there female counterpart.
A plausible explanation for the somewhat low level of inter-firm mobility among the participants
concerns the high level of unemployment, uncertainty, insecurity and the lack of an established
social welfare system in Nigeria which may have made individuals risk averse and more
committed to organisations that can guarantee job security. This view is consistent with
Fujiwara-Greve and Greve’s (2000) observation that the enactment of inter-firm mobility is
contingent on the availability of jobs in the labour market. Another plausible explanation, is that
the collectivist nature of the Nigerian society may mean that career decisions and choices are not
principally influenced by individual career anchors (i.e. self-perceived attitudes, values, needs
and talents) as theorised by Schein (1990) rather, the burden of obligations to provide support for
immediate and extended family members (e.g. distant cousins and their spouses and children)
may exert greater influence on mobility decisions. Put together, the low mobility experienced by
the participants in this study run counter to the dominant Anglo-Saxon assumptions of a major
shift from ‘bounded career’ to ‘boundaryless career’ and provides empirical evidence to support
Guest and Mackenzie Davey (1996, p. 25) claim that the “end of organisational careers” have
been over stated.
In terms of structural barriers that constrain inter-firm mobility, analyses of the data uncovered
five key barriers: ethnic allegiance (twenty four participants), personal networks (eighteen
participants),
gender
discrimination
(twelve
participants),
perception
of
educational
qualifications (eleven participants) and nature of work biography (eleven participants) with some
individuals experiencing multiple barriers. Demographics of the sample, listing of barriers and
number of cases is attached as appendix 1. Each of the factors uncovered is discussed below.
Ethnic Allegiance
Ethnic allegiance in this context refers to preferential treatment in recruitment, promotion and
privileges based on ethnic affiliation. As we have seen, Nigerian society is deeply organised
along ethnic lines, such that employers are more favourably disposed towards individuals of
similar ethnic background. Twenty four of the participants pointed out that, although this is not
16
as pronounced in the ICT industry (companies in the industry place more emphasis on technical
competence) as it is in other sectors of Nigerian economy, it nevertheless exists. The following
quotations typify the shared views of the participants:
…..where a Yoruba, Hausa or Ibo is in charge of recruitment or employment, either of
them is likely to fill any openings in their respective organisation with a member of their
tribe or ethnic region not minding whether there is a more qualified person from another
ethnic group who has applied for the same position (Female, 36yrs, SME, zero inter-firm
mobility).
…….. the IT department of my company is headed by a Yoruba man. Now what it means
is that if you come to my company, the IT department is predominately dominated by the
Yorubas,… this is because the first three people hired were Yorubas and the Yoruba
managers naturally had to hire subordinates. Now the benefit is that they are
empowering their people (Male, 45yrs, SME, 4 inter-firm mobility).
Reflecting a lack of trust between ethnic groups, Nigerian employers often prefer to hire their
relatives (or people from the same ethnic groups) that can protect their interest. As the first quote
above from one of the respondents indicates, and as Obi (2001) contends, ethnic considerations
can outweigh economic rationale resulting in the exclusion of many talented and capable
individuals. This is because individuals in senior positions have a strong social responsibility in
Nigeria, as in other parts of Africa, to provide jobs for their kith and kin (Nyambegera, 2000).
The findings of this study are consistent with previous studies which have found that ethnicity is
used for countering social isolation in the work place (Blunt, 1982) and often used as a basis of
allocating resources (Marger, 1994). Nigerians are generally committed to maintaining the
sovereignty of their ethnic affiliation in the workplace and within the wider society – a situation
that can limit the movement of highly qualified professionals from exploring different career
opportunities. Overall, the accounts provided by the participants suggest that the Federal
Character principle which was intended to be only applicable to the public sector (as noted in the
context section), has
had a ripple effect in the private sector by further heightening the
awareness of ethnic identity and widening ethnic cleavages it was designed to resolve. The
17
resultant effect is that individual employment prospects and career advancement is largely
dependent on ethnic identity/ state of origin.
Personal Networks
This refers to the connection with influential members of society. This is commonly referred to
in Nigerian parlance as ‘man know man’ while in the Western career literature, this phenomenon
is generally referred to as personal networks (Fernandez and Weinberg, 1997). Nigeria can be
referred to as a “relationship oriented society” in that relationships underpin most business
transactions as noted in the context section. Eighteen of the participants pointed out that the key
recruitment method in the industry (particularly among the SMEs) is word of mouth and referral
from friends and relatives and that recruitment decisions tend to be influenced by relationships
between the employer and the potential employees (or the referrer) rather than by objective
evaluation of the suitability of the applicant. Some of the participants noted that hiring decisions
were sometimes made to cement relationships and express gratitude for past and/or anticipated
favours. These connections were normally facilitated by the extended family system or other
networks and underpinned by an exchange of favours. As they explained, most successful
entrepreneurs in Nigeria are members of the aristocratic social class and prefer to recruit from
that class (or people who have been referred by them) because they might in the future be able to
take advantage of the contacts of these employees - particularly important for sourcing
organisational IT contracts with clients. Some of the participants noted that the business
opportunities in Nigeria are limited to a few industries (e.g. banking, oil and gas, telecoms) and
within these sectors there is stiff competition among companies for survival. Companies
therefore tend to prefer to employ individuals with good business contacts. Some of the views
expressed by the participants are presented below:
In this industry it is a case of big man talk to big man. If you have connection and you are
able to get a letter from an influential politician or business magnet that will open the
door for you. If not you will really suffer before you get a job (Male, 30yrs, SME, 1 interfirm mobility).
18
There is a pervasive level of godfatherism in this profession. ….even the appointment of
senior managers is often influenced …. the son of whom you are ….I want to move out to
a better company but I feel trapped in this company because I don’t have the necessary
connection and people from my ethnic group are not in the right positions in the industry
(Male, 31yrs, SME, zero inter-firm mobility).
The views expressed above suggest that individuals with restricted networks are less likely to
engage in inter-firm mobility. Further, the achievements of senior personnel are normally
evaluated by their kindred/respective community based on their success in helping relatives and
other members of their networks. As Lewis (1955) notes, in such a kin system “…a strong sense
of family obligation ... may cause a man to appoint relatives to jobs for which they are
unsuited...it may be fear, rather than affection, which drives them to nepotism” (p.114).
Individuals who excel in this area gain social prestige and are usually regarded as ‘illustrious
sons and daughters’ (true representatives of the people), occasionally rewarded with chieftaincy
titles (e.g., Agunachemba-the strength of the town). Individuals who fail are usually stigmatised
as ineffective and could be socially alienated. Findings suggest the continued relevance of
Scott’s normative pillar in terms of the impact of social obligations on career related decisions.
The emphasis in Nigeria on relationship building is consistent with the general African
collectivist orientation commonly referred to as ‘Ubuntu’, meaning “people are people through
other people” (Browning, 2006). These findings resonate with studies in other contexts which
have found that networks affect recruitment of an individual (Petersen, et al., 2000) and increase
inter-firm mobility (Granovetter, 1995; Bagdadli et al., 2003). However, the nature of personal
networks found in this study can be seen to be a strong institutional driver, reflecting their
strength and interdependence, the deep emphasis on normative behaviour that confine people to
culturally endorsed social obligation and particularism along ethnic lines. This is somewhat
different from Whitley et al.’s (1996) observation that network ties in the Anglo-Saxon cultures
are characterised by “arms length” contractual relationship and low mutual dependence (p.409).
Overall, the research findings reveal that within the ICT industry, firms (particularly SMEs) rely
largely on informal mechanism in recruiting people which makes it difficult for individuals to
obtain employment based on merit without having contacts with ‘significant others’ at the
application stage.
19
Gender Discrimination
Studies of the career development in Nigeria have shown that women experience severe
discrimination in terms of job choices and career attainment largely because of societal sex role
stereotypes (e.g., Udegbe, 2003; Chovwen, 2006). The findings in this study confirm these
earlier works, with some of the participants pointing to the difficulties faced in recruitment and
employment as IT professionals. As reported by female interviewees, it is not uncommon for
recruitment decisions to be based on family circumstances – on the grounds that childcare
responsibilities are seen to signal lack of dedication to the job. Others reported that male
colleagues were given preference in developmental assignments while female IT workers were
given the routine work. Female IT workers therefore have comparatively limited opportunity for
developing competencies that will enhance their career mobility. The statements below illustrate
the effect of gender discrimination.
With women it is different. You know we are looked at as ‘weaker sex’ in Nigeria. During
my interview they continued asking me are you sure you will be able to work in the cell
site. It is so unfair. You know I had four female friends that studied engineering with me
in the university and none of them got a job in the industry. After so many trials they
decided to take up marketing jobs in the banking sector (Female, 26yrs, SME, 2 interfirm mobility).
I have been in this job for 6 years. I want to move to another company but no way.
……you see my case is complex because apart from being a woman I do not come from
the main ethnic group. I am from Edo (a minority ethnic group in Nigeria) and most of
these companies are owned by Yorubas. On top of this me no (sic) get connection. I am
just waiting on God for breakthrough (Female, 30yrs, SME, zero inter-firm mobility).
All female participants shared the view that traditional stereotypes suggest that women are less
committed than men to careers. Women are generally expected to support their husband’s career
rather that their own. This notion may be seen to be somewhat different in other national
contexts. For instance, Derr (1997) found that 60 percent of male European managers consider
their wives’ careers when making career mobility decision. However, the findings concur with
20
Cannings (1998) and Tharenou et al. (1994), who suggested that the dual role of women in terms
of domestic responsibility and professional careers pose a key barrier to career development.
Most of the barriers faced by these women reflect Nigerian perceptions of women’s secondary
income-earning role. These findings suggest the continued relevance of Scott’s cognitive pillar in
terms of the impact of the perception of women as ‘weaker sex’ on career related decisions.
Overall, the interviews revealed a dominant view that women are not considered to be ‘as good
as men’ for most technical jobs. The common idea that femininity can be undermined by energy
intensive work prescribes ‘correct’ behaviour and affects women career choices and decisions.
Such stereotypes are used to deny women access to job opportunities.
Perception of Educational Qualification
The positive role of education for career development is widely acknowledged (e.g., Tharenou,
2001; Baruch, 2003). Research on the impact of education shows that the quality of the
educational institution affects career success by increasing the individuals’ human capital
(Swinyard et al., 1980; Judge et al., 1995). Similar results emerged from the current study.
Eleven of the participants pointed out that employers place a high premium on individuals’
quality of education. They further explained that there is a general perception that polytechnic
graduates are inferior and of lower social status to university degree holders. This can be
attributed partly to the nature of the course contents and the lower entry requirements set by
polytechnics. Perceptions of lower academic performance affect the career prospects and career
mobility of individuals who attend polytechnics. From a slightly different perspective, some of
the participants noted that it is easier for individuals with technical degrees and certificates
obtained overseas to get good jobs and advance into managerial positions than their counterparts
with locally obtained degrees. This can be attributed to the decline in the standards of education
in the country (Turner, 2000). Some of the participants pointed out as follows:
….. If you have a degree from a university you already have an edge over an individual
with a polytechnic degree. I did a HND programme in Oko Polytechnic and I couldn’t get
a graduate job. After trying for 2 years I went back to the University of Lagos to do a
degree. I think that helped me too much in getting the job I am doing here (Male, 38yrs,
big enterprise, 2 inter-firm mobility).
21
The truth is that these big companies don’t trust the quality of our certificate and you
know Nigerians believe in foreign things. That was why I travelled to London and did a
masters degree in Information Systems. I got this job from London when I finished my
course. The process was just automatic. …some of my secondary school mates that went
to university in Nigeria are still working for the small companies and they can’t get my
kind of job even with their experience (Male, 38yrs, big enterprise, 5 inter-firm mobility).
In sum, the institutionalised downgrading of polytechnic education and its products in Nigeria
and the societal perception of international certificates as superior to the locally obtained
certificates shape and constrain the career mobility opportunities available to individuals in the
ICT industry.
Work Biography
A number of the participants shared the view that work biography can constrain inter-firm
mobility. They conceptualised work biography in terms of the number of years spent in the
industry, number of employers worked for, the nature of companies worked for (local or
international), the kind of projects worked in, changes in work roles, hierarchical levels attained,
key achievements and years of full time work experience. Some of the participants pointed out
that part-time work experience are generally not viewed in a positive light and that part time
workers are often seen as lacking commitment to their careers. They further pointed out that
SMEs are more flexible in offering individuals with limited experience the opportunity of
employment. This is partly because the salary package is lower than what can be obtained in the
big companies. As such, individuals tend to work for the SMEs for an extended period to gain
experience before moving on. A number of the participants expressed frustration with consistent
reference to work history. Some of the views expressed by the participants are presented below:
Because most of the roles within IT are hands on, there is normally a requirement that
one obtains the requisite experience if you are looking to take up roles in strategic levels
within organizations. The big companies do not like taking chances and will not give you
a job (Male, 35yrs, SME, 5 inter-firm mobility).
22
You see in this industry, the big companies look for already made human materials and
the small companies cut and sew their own human materials. The big companies pay
good money and are not ready to mess about and you need to have significant experience
to get in there. Before getting a job here, I had 5 years experience working in a small IT
training centre, if not I couldn’t have got this job (Male, 38yrs, big enterprise, 3 interfirm mobility).
The findings of this study that work biography typified by career mobility and work experience
enhances career success and employment opportunities confirm results from previous research
studies (e.g., Hambrick and Mason, 1984; Cawsey et al., 1985; Vardi, 1991). However, it is in
contrast to King et al.’s (2005) U. K study which found that prior career mobility and long term
experience in the labour market reduces IT professionals’ chances of gaining permanent
employment. Similarly, the findings of the current study somewhat conflict with the assumptions
of some human capital theorists (see, Munasinghe and Sigman, 2004) that inter-firm mobility is
detrimental to career success and earning due to the limited opportunity it confers on individuals
to accumulate firm specific expertise that are rewarded with high wages overtime. In the Nigeria
ICT industry, skill sets seems to be largely standardised and portable. This enhances individuals’
career capital and positive career outcome. This view is consistent with broader literature (e.g.,
Bruderl et al., 1991; Rosenbaum, 1979) that recognises that career history affects individual
career development. In sum, the views expressed by the participants suggest that due to the
sensitive nature of IT roles, particularly at senior levels (i.e. the sensitivity of data handled, the
high cost of the infrastructure), companies generally require that prospective candidates for such
roles demonstrate a reasonable level of competence and proficiency usually conceptualised in
terms of extensive work history and the amassing of human capital.
Discussion
This study set out to explore the boundaryless career and the nature of career boundaries in the
ICT industry in Nigeria. This marks one of the first systematic studies exploring boundaryless
careers in the non-Western context of Nigeria. We found that despite the companies in the ICT
industry in Nigeria being largely clustered in a defined geographical space and consisting of a
23
large number of small firms (akin to Silicon Valley), which is posited by Gunz et al. (2000) as
enhancing inter-firm mobility, a significant number (60%) of the participants in the current study
were unable to engage in inter-firm mobility within the industry. Findings also suggest that there
are some gender differences in inter-firm mobility with men being more mobile than female
counterparts. This is surprising given that women have been theorized to have ‘feminine’ traits
that can equip them to enact boundaryless careers more than men (Fondas, 1996). Thus, the
current findings are in contrast to those of many extant studies in Western developed economies
(e.g., Brett and Stroh, 1997; Schneer and Reitman, 1995) which have found women to engage in
more inter-firm mobility than men. The low level of mobility can be partly explained by the
cognitive institutional pressures embedded in the Nigerian context which support the view of
women as the ‘weaker sex’ and as oriented towards domesticity.
Further, the findings provide evidence for the continued significance of the traditional career
rather than reflecting the fluidity of careers in the U.S (particularly Silicon Valley), thereby
rendering problematic the widespread claim of a shift to a ‘free actor career model’ (Dany,
2003). This model may fit an individualistic, Western-based liberal democratic context (e.g., U.K
and U.S) with relatively stable economic conditions (Ituma and Simpson, 2007) as opposed to a
developing economy such as Nigeria characterised by high levels of unemployment and a more
‘collective’ orientation. This highlights the need to go beyond the individual and consider the
socially constructed nature of careers.
This research represents one of the few empirical studies that have explored the barriers to interfirm mobility in a non-Western national context (Nigeria). This research found that ethnic
allegiance, personal networks, gender discrimination, perceptions of educational qualifications
and the nature of work biography constrain individuals’ ability to enact an ideal type
boundaryless career in the industry. This findings further substantiate the claims by scholars
(e.g. DeFillippi and Arthur, 1996; Gunz et al., 2000; Bagdadli et al., 2003) that careers have not
become completely boundaryless. Although some of the barriers found in the current study
seems to be consistent with the broad dimensions of career barriers that have been found by
Bagdadli et al., (2003) in Italy, King et al. (2005) in U. K. and Hsieh and Kleiner (2001) in the
U.S., the manifestation (the way it plays out/ specificities), the scale (pervasiveness/intensity)
24
and the contextual underpinning of the barriers in Nigeria provides a distinct empirical
contribution. Ethnic allegiance, for instance, was found to be the most prominent barrier. This
may not be so in other national contexts such as the US where the implementation of affirmative
action and the prohibition of discrimination based on race, ethnicity and colour seem to be
moving the country towards an ‘egalitarian’ society.
The barriers found in the current study could be argued to be largely subjective “constructed in
the head of those people experiencing it” (Gunz et al., 2007: 478) and not necessarily ‘objective
reality’ (real barrier to mobility). However, it can still affect individual career related decision
(e.g. job mobility, low aspiration) and career related outcome (e.g., dissatisfaction, intention to
quit). The frequency by which some of these barriers were mentioned by the participant (e.g.,
ethnic allegiance- twenty four participants) suggest that some of these barriers are being “hooked
up” (to use Gunz et al.’s, (2007) term) in the sense that they are being ‘widely shared’. This
implies the likelihood that these barriers are becoming objective boundaries which Gunz et al.
(2007) theorizes “appears when a critical mass of people agree that it exists” (p. 481). In essence,
the barriers found in this study are not a result of irrational thoughts of the gate keepers held only
at the individual level or aberrations but rather they are ingrained in the Nigerian psyche and are
largely the outcomes of the institutional framework embedded in the Nigerian context.
While most studies have identified barriers as independent control factors (e.g., Gunz et al.,
2000; Powell, 2000), the findings of this study suggest that individuals can experience multiple
barriers simultaneously. A significant number of the participants (40%) in this study pointed out
that they could not pin down a single factor that constrained their career mobility in all
situations. Rather, they could experience multiple career barriers. Some of the participants noted,
for instance that gender discrimination interacted with the lack of connection and ethnic
allegiance in constraining their inter-firm mobility suggesting that barriers can be interwoven,
can function in multiple dimensions and can interact in complex ways. This calls for a more
nuanced conceptualisation of career boundaries that acknowledges its dynamics and multifaceted
nature.
25
Despite the importance of the institutional context in shaping career experiences of individuals,
institutional theory remains underdeveloped within career studies. This is not to suggest that the
institutional perspective has been totally ignored. Economic, political, social and environmental
factors have all been highlighted as significant in shaping careers (Tams and Arthur, 2007), but
career dynamics have rarely been connected directly to the institutional processes that shape
them particularly in a non-Western context. This concern has been expressed by Gunz and
Mayrhofer (2007) in an earlier paper on “particular” careers. This study carefully achieves this
by drawing on Scott’s (2001) three institutional pillars to demonstrate the significance of the
regulative pillar (e.g. through federal character policy), the normative pillar (e.g. through the role
of family obligations) and the cognitive pillar (e.g. perception of gender role) in circumscribing
the careers of individuals in Nigeria. Our analysis has also allowed us to compare our findings to
those obtained in other national contexts (e.g. U.S.) and to hypothesize on possible explanations
for the divergences in career experience by using the institutionalisms as an explanatory lens.
The findings of this study have several implications for management policy. Organisations that
employ ICT professionals should be aware of and subsequently address the barriers to mobility
that individuals face in the industry. The intervention may involve the implementation and
monitoring of equal employment opportunity (EEO) policies and procedures for those companies
interested in enhancing their technological innovation and getting the best qualified candidates
for each of their jobs. This view is in line with Sen’s (1992) capability theory, which advocates a
focus on individual capability in normative evaluation and the creation of opportunities for
individuals to fully function. However, beyond the moral imperative of such an approach lies
the business case. The implementation of EEO will help provide organisations with the best
available workforce and by so doing enhance their competitive advantage (Barney, 1991) and the
‘regional advantage’ of the firms in the industry (Porter, 1990).
Contributions notwithstanding, this study has some limitations which also provide promising
new direction for further research. Firstly, due to the institutional theoretical approach informing
this study, the findings give the impression that individuals have little or no agency. However,
that was not exactly the case. Some of the participants have developed resilience and confronted
some of these barriers successfully. While an exploration of such strategies was beyond the
26
scope of this paper, we recognize that future research may explores the interplay between agency
and structure in the enactment of boundaryless careers and so provide a more complete picture
of the career experiences of individuals. Secondly, the participants were asked to provide
retrospective accounts of their career experiences and we cannot completely eliminate the
possibility that some participants may have better (or more selective) memories than others.
Although, the interviews were carefully designed to facilitate memory recall, there is scope for
further research that takes a longitudinal approach in exploring this phenomenon over time.
Thirdly, the extent to which the findings of this research can be generalised may be constrained
by the selected context of the research. Future research may replicate our study in different
national contexts, using different occupation groups and both qualitative and quantitative
approaches to gauge the generalisability. Finally, the nature of the research design which was
based on self-reporting precludes definitive causal claims. Further studies could extend our
exploratory finding by adopting a quantitative approach to examine the relationship between
human capital (e.g., educational qualification, work experience) and career mobility in the ICT
industry. Further extension of this study could also examine the correlation between the barriers
found in this study and personality characteristics (e.g. self esteem, self-efficacy and locus of
control). These limitations not withstanding, the paper provides a sound base on which to explore
the nature and interaction of career barriers and implications for career mobility in different
institutional contexts.
Conclusion
The aim of this study was to explore the ‘boundaryless’ career (i.e. as characterized by increased
inter-firm mobility) and the nature of career boundaries in Nigeria- a neglected context in the
career literature. Findings suggest that a traditional career pattern (i.e. as characterised by
hierarchical and progressive movement within a single organization) is still dominant in a nonWestern context (Nigeria). The study contributes to the larger debate on the emergence of
‘boundaryless’ careers by suggesting that this form of career has been overstated and that it may
reflect an Anglo-Saxon Western based model. Although there is some evidence of boundaryless
career enactment in the ICT industry in Nigeria, it is not on the scale and frequency that has been
projected in the new career literature (e.g. Saxenian, 1996; Arthur and Rousseau, 1996). In this
27
respect we argue that career boundaries still exist even in a context which has previously been
thought to be fluid and characterised by career mobility (i.e. the ICT industry) and that these
boundaries are largely context dependent. Therefore, rather than conceptualising careers as a
personal property (Inkson & Arthur, 2001) they must also been seen as socially constructed. In
so doing, we have demonstrated the importance of institutional theory, largely underdeveloped in
career studies, for highlighting how careers are inextricably embedded in national institutional
frameworks and how they follow particular institutional logics rather than universal patterns.
This points to the need to advance beyond the decontextualised models advanced by the majority
of mainstream career studies to develop a more complex interpretation, which acknowledges the
interaction between individual careers and the wider institutional contexts in which they are
embedded.
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35
Appendix 1
Demographic of the sample with career mobility and career barrier data
Case
Id
Gender
Age
Educational
Qualification
Tenure
In the
Industry
Type of
organisation
currently
working for
Number of
employers
changed
Number of
forced moveorganisation
closed/
employee
dismissed
No of
Barriers
encountered
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
female
male
female
male
male
female
male
male
male
female
male
female
male
male
male
male
male
female
male
male
female
male
male
female
male
female
male
male
male
male
female
male
female
male
male
female
male
male
male
female
male
male
male
male
male
male
female
male
male
female
26
35
32
31
30
26
36
38
30
29
32
30
34
38
27
25
30
40
29
45
36
35
37
29
40
36
35
37
31
35
26
30
40
38
32
26
42
35
32
29
32
30
34
38
27
25
32
37
30
41
B.Sc
B.Sc
B.Sc
HND
IT Certificate courses
IT Certificate courses
M.Sc
M.Sc
B.Sc
IT Certificate courses
B.Sc
M.Sc
B.Sc
B.Sc
B.Sc
Diploma
B. Sc
M.Sc
B.Sc
M.Sc
B.Sc
B.Sc
B.Sc
IT Certificate courses
M.Sc,
B.Sc
B.Sc
B.Sc
IT Certificate courses
B.Sc
B.Sc,
B.Sc
B.Sc
M.Sc
IT Certificate courses
IT Certificate courses
M.Sc
M.Sc
B.Sc
IT Certificate courses
B.Sc
M.Sc
B.Sc
B.Sc
B.Sc
Diploma
B. Sc,
M.Sc
B.Sc
M.Sc
5
7
7
4
5
4
9
8
7
7
8
6
8
7
7
6
8
8
5
8
7
8
6
5
8
9
7
6
7
8
5
7
7
8
5
4
7
8
7
7
8
6
8
7
7
6
5
8
5
6
SME
Big enterprise
SME
SME
SME
SME
SME
Big enterprise
SME
SME
SME
SME
SME
Big enterprise
SME
SME
SME
SME
Big enterprise
SME
Big enterprise
SME
Big enterprise
SME
Big enterprise
SME
SME
SME
SME
SME
SME
SME
SME
Big enterprise
SME
SME
SME
Big enterprise
Big enterprise
SME
SME
Big enterprise
SME
SME
SME
SME
SME
SME
SME
Big enterprise
2
1
0
0
0
0
0
3
1
0
4
0
0
2
0
0
0
1
1
4
2
0
2
0
1
0
0
0
0
5
0
0
0
5
0
0
0
1
1
0
1
3
0
1
0
0
0
5
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
4
1
1
3
2
2
2
1
2
1
1
2
1
3
1
1
1
2
1
2
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
1
3
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
2
2
1
1
3
36
Appendix 2
Interview Reference Number:
Interview protocol
I would like to begin by thanking you for accepting to participate in this research. Your input is very important to
me and I am excited about the opportunity to discuss your career experience. The comments derived will only be
used for academic purpose and will remain anonymous. Please, permit me to tape record the interview.
1.
What areas did you concentrate in your last period of education, why did you choose those areas and
how do you feel now about those choices?
2.
What was your first real job after your education?
3.
What were you looking for in your first job? Why did you make that choice?
4.
What were your ambitions or long range goals when you started your career?
5.
How did the first job work out in terms of your goals? (Did it enable you achieve your goals)?
6.
What was your first major change in job or employing organisation?
7.
How did this come about? Who initiated the change? What were the reasons for the change?
8.
How did you feel about the change? How did it relate to your goals?
9.
I continued to analyze job/career changes until the present, using the preceding format of questions.
10. Have you ever applied for a job in another enterprise without being successful?
11. If yes, where there any factors that you think have made employers reluctant to select you for a job that
you feel you have the necessary competence to perform? (probe)
12. Are there any other structural factors in Nigeria that have posed a hindrance for you moving freely from
one organisation to the other in the industry? (probe)
13. What does it take to get a job in the industry? Are there any factors you think enhances individual’s
chances of getting a job in the industry? (probe)
14. Considering what you have said so far: if you could create an ideal career for yourself, what
characteristics would your ideal career have?
Concluding Questions
1.
Is your career or are your career opportunities turning out any differently than you thought they might
earlier in your career? Please explain. [If necessary - “why do you think this is true?”]
We’ve asked you a lot of questions today and we have found your perspective very helpful! Do you have
any questions for us as we finish the interview?
Thank you so much for your willingness to participate in this project. Please, complete the biographical
information.
2.
37
BIOGRAPHIC INFORMATION
Please, answer the following questions as they relate to you. All responses will be kept confidential.
1. What is your gender?
(a) Male
(b) Female
2. What is your age?..................................................................................
3. What is your highest level of education……………………………………..
4. How many years have you worked in the industry…………………………..
5. What type of enterprise are you currently working for?
(a) SME (less than 50 employees)
(b) Big enterprise (more than 50 employees)
5. IT area of specialisation…………………………………………………..
6. Current position………………………………………………………….
Contact Email (if available): ………………………………………………………….
38