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TUESDAY, 12 JUNE 2007
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PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
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The House met at 14:03.
The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment
of silence for prayers or meditation.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.
APPROPRIATION BILL
Debate on Vote No 1 - The Presidency:
The PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC: Madam Speaker and Deputy Speaker, hon
Deputy President, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members,
distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much for
affording us the opportunity to address the National Assembly as it
considers the budget of The Presidency.
The Deputy President will address the House on the important areas
that she deals with, including matters such as her role as the
Leader of Government Business, the Moral Regeneration campaign, the
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Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative of South Africa, Asgisa,
the SA National Aids Council and others, while the Minister in The
Presidency will speak on issues of gender, children, disability,
youth and other matters.
As the House is aware, in four days’ time, we will commemorate Youth
Day and once more reflect on the challenges facing our youth today.
This occasion will assume particular significance because three
months from today will be the 30th anniversary of the death of one
of South Africa’s young heroes who, at the age of 30 years, was
callously killed by the apartheid security police, thus denying our
country the possibility to benefit further from the enormous talent
which Steve Bantu Biko demonstrated during the short years of his
life.
A month after Steve Biko was killed, on 19 October 1977, in an
extensive state security crackdown targeting individuals,
organisations and the media, a variety of publications were banned
in a futile attempt to silence the voice of the masses of our people
who demanded collectively that, “The People Shall Govern!”
Recognising that we have broken with that past, and confident that
our democracy fully guarantees freedom of expression, last week the
World Association of Newspapers held its summit meeting here in Cape
Town, meeting in Africa for the first time in its 60-year existence.
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Because the role of The Presidency is to provide leadership as well
as to co-ordinate, monitor and evaluate the work of government, we
have, in the previous Budget Votes of The Presidency, spoken about
whether the democratic state has the required capacity to discharge
its constitutional mandate of transforming our society and ensuring
that the necessary tools exist to help achieve the objective for
which many of our heroes and heroines sacrificed their lives, which
is the attainment of a better life for all.
During the presentation of their budgets, a number of our Ministers
correctly referred to the fact that we remain committed to building
a developmental state. It is in this context that we must understand
the work of The Presidency.
Specifically with regard to the issue of the developmental state,
the hon Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi, who is continuing negotiations
with the unions and is therefore not here today, said in her budget
speech on 5 June:
In any developing society, government machinery is critical in
delivering public services and creating an environment in which
other societal forces such as business and community can flourish
in their own right. In 2005, the World Bank, in its report titled
Capacity-building in Africa, underscored the importance of the
public sector for a developmental and anti-poverty approach.
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She continued:
The state is heavily reliant on the strength and capability of the
system of government successfully to implement the range of
programmes designed to respond to the developmental challenges we
are facing. Excellence in performance across and within the three
spheres of government, underpinned by the availability of capacity
– that is, skills, human capital resources and systems attracting and retaining the right capacity, its location and
optimal use as well as maintaining an ethos of service become of
central concern and importance.
In our presentations to the House on behalf of The Presidency,
normally we do not report on our interactions with the individual
Ministries. However, to underline the critical developmental role of
the state, I would like to draw the attention of hon members to two
areas that are of vital importance to our future.
I refer here to the preparations being made by the state-owned
enterprises, under the leadership of the Ministry for Public
Enterprises, to respond to what the hon Alec Erwin referred to as
“the rapid increase in global demand for capital goods which is
resulting in supply constraints”. As the hon Minister indicated:
Through the competitive supplier development programme, CSDP, we
aim to facilitate the development of South Africa’s manufacturing
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sector and relieve these supply constraints by developing local
capacity ...
... in the production of capital goods. The importance of this in
developing our manufacturing sector and our economy as a whole
cannot be overemphasised.
I would also like to refer to the important work being done by our
science councils and science institutions, under the leadership of
the Ministry of Science and Technology, together with the
universities and the private sector, radically to improve our
performance as a country in the critically important areas of
science, technology and innovation.
Necessarily, because of the importance of these two areas we have
mentioned, as well as others, The Presidency will make certain that
it works closely with the relevant Ministries to ensure that we
achieve the results we need.
Hon members will remember that when I addressed the Joint Sitting of
both Houses of Parliament on 9 February this year, I mentioned that
government would continue with its work to improve the capacity and
organisation of the state. In this regard, government has
implemented several measures to strengthen, especially, the capacity
of our municipalities so that these local government structures can
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contribute to the all-round struggle to defeat poverty and
underdevelopment in our country.
We have, therefore, started implementing the Five-year Strategic
Agenda to support the local sphere of government. This agenda has
three strategic priorities which are: ensuring practical and coordinated hands-on support to municipalities by the national and
provincial spheres of government; refining and strengthening the
policy, regulatory, and fiscal environment of the local sphere of
government; and addressing the structure and governance arrangements
in local government.
I am happy to report to hon members that we are already making
progress in realising the objectives of the Five-year Strategic
Agenda. As the Minister for Provincial and Local Government
indicated in his Budget Vote speech last week, we are beginning to
witness some significant improvements in the capacity of
municipalities that are being supported through Project Consolidate.
For instance, as the Minister indicated, municipalities that are
receiving assistance with their municipal billing systems have seen
their revenue collection increase by an average of 21,4%. Through
Project Consolidate, we are also providing technical capacity to
some of our municipalities in order to support infrastructure
development and, already, there are positive results because of this
intervention.
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We owe the successes we are beginning to see in part to the efforts
of 29 organisations and nearly 300 individuals with specialist
skills who are working together with government to ensure that we
strengthen the capacity of our local government structures. On
behalf of government, I would like to thank all of them and invite
many others to join us in this important partnership so as to
transform our municipalities into efficient and effective
institutions that will help to change the living conditions of all
our people for the better.
I must also express our sincere appreciation to our traditional
leaders for their very constructive engagement with government as
well as with the challenges that face our people. In this regard, I
am happy to congratulate Kgosi Kutama and Kgosi Maubane on their
election last month as Chair and Deputy Chair of the National House
of Traditional Leaders.
We have agreed with the Minister and Deputy Minister for Provincial
and Local Government that they should create a special directorate
within their department which will focus exclusively on matters that
relate to the traditional leaders, further to strengthen the
excellent partnership that has emerged.
Government’s work to strengthen the capacity of the state also
involves recruiting into the Public Service and retaining
individuals with skills. As the Minister for the Public Service and
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Administration reported to Parliament almost a fortnight ago, one of
the ways we are trying to achieve this goal is through introducing
salary structures that are relevant to specific occupations so that
our public servants in those occupations can be appropriately
rewarded for the skills they bring to the Public Service.
Indeed, in the present salary negotiations, among other things,
government is proposing the introduction of a new salary structure
which would appropriately reward professionals in the medical,
nursing and legal fields, as well as educators and social workers.
I therefore trust that worker representatives will utilise the
existing channels to look closely at the proposals on the table in
order to reach an agreement that, inter alia, would benefit the
professionals in the Public Service, and therefore the public whom
they are employed to serve.
In this regard, I would like to reiterate our confidence that, in
time, government as an employer and the Public Service unions will
find one another and bring to a conclusion the current negotiations,
informed by the objectives to realise a wage settlement that
improves the salaries of employees, ensures appropriate rewards for
good performance, and acknowledges the unique contribution of public
professionals, and is at the same time affordable and therefore
sustainable.
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I should, at the same time, express my strongest condemnation, as
would all law-abiding citizens, of the irresponsible element that
has used the negotiation process to engage in unacceptable criminal
activities. [Applause.]
All of us should ask ourselves what kind of society we are building
and what moral lessons we are imparting when insults, violence
against fellow workers and damage to property become the stock-intrade during protests of this kind. Undoubtedly, society does not
benefit from such illegal activities; neither do workers themselves,
in whose name these acts of thuggery are committed.
Better co-ordination and integration of government work across all
spheres is critical, particularly because our programmes can have
the desired impact only if they are carried out in a manner that
obviates duplication and ensures complementarity.
With regard to integrated planning, we have previously stated that
the alignment of the National Spatial Development Perspective, the
Provincial Growth and Development Strategies, and Municipal
Integrated Development Plans is of crucial importance. To this end,
The Presidency launched a series of initiatives.
Firstly, the NSDP, which was originally approved in 2003 by
government, has been updated. Secondly, at provincial level, the
process of aligning the different planning frameworks started with
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the development of guidelines for aligning Provincial Growth and
Development Strategies to the NSDP in 2005. During the last
financial year, all Provincial Growth and Development Strategies
were assessed and, where necessary, reworked to ensure such
alignment.
Thirdly, the alignment of planning frameworks was initiated at
district and metro level with a pilot project involving 13
districts. While the pilot project will be completed at the end of
this month, it is already generating important lessons that will
inform the roll-out to the rest of the country over the remainder of
the term of the present government.
Lastly, to ensure a common base of reference data for spatial
planning, intensive work was undertaken using technical specialists
to develop geospatial profiles that have been disaggregated to the
ward level. These profiles have been made available to districts
that were part of the pilot project, but will also be distributed to
all other district and metropolitan councils.
Prominent among the lessons emerging from the pilot project is that
the nature and quality of co-ordination and interaction between the
municipalities and the national and provincial sectors of government
require improvement so that the development impact on localities can
be maximised.
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Further, we have had to speed up the process of regularising our
land use management system. The existence of a plethora of laws
regulating land use across the country results in inefficient and
inequitable utilisation of this scarce resource, and perpetuates the
spatial patterns inherited from apartheid. To address these
challenges, the Land Use Management Bill will be finalised by
Cabinet in the coming few weeks and submitted to Parliament.
As part of the effort to maximise the utilisation of state resources
and mobilise private sector resources in pursuit of social
development, a comparative study of six middle-income countries on
national strategic development planning was undertaken in 2006.
These countries are Brazil, Chile, India, Malaysia, South Korea and
Tunisia.
The aim of the study was to investigate processes of strategic
planning, the content of such plans and the institutional mechanisms
and so on. The study has been completed and its recommendations will
soon be considered by Cabinet. We are also taking forward the
scenario building process to examine the possible combination of
domestic and global dynamics during the second and third decades of
our liberation towards 2019 and beyond.
We have taken various steps in the past year to strengthen the
government-wide monitoring and evaluation system. These include the
creation of a policy platform for the functioning of the system, led
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by The Presidency, with specialised contributions from the National
Treasury, Statistics South Africa, and the Departments of Provincial
and Local Government and Public Service and Administration.
Co-ordinated by The Presidency, Cabinet continues to receive bimonthly reports from the clusters of departments on the
implementation of our annual programme of action. This, in turn, is
published on the government website, the better to ensure that the
public takes part in monitoring the work of government.
Following the commitment we made during the ten year review,
government will, within the next fortnight, publish an assessment of
progress made during the first half of its term, the mid-term
review, based on a set of 70 development indicators. The publication
will provide an overview of developments in areas such as economic
growth and transformation, employment, poverty and inequality,
household and community assets, health, education, social cohesion,
safety and security, international relations and governance.
Strong monitoring and evaluation capacity within government of
necessity also means checking and rechecking the facts in order
fully to understand the reality in our country, the better to
fashion programmes and responses that help us to move more quickly
towards our objective of building a better life for all. This also
entails reference to independently published research from, and
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interactions with, for instance, academic experts, rating agencies
that advise investors, and market research organisations.
To the doomsayers who have eyes to see but cannot see the strong
performance of our economy, we say, check with all these experts and
you will discover that they know what most South Africans know, that
by September this year, the South African economy will have been
growing for eight solid years, longer than ever before in the
recorded economic history of our country. [Applause.] Our current
rate of growth has remained at a steady high level for longer than
ever before in our history.
Since 2004, real income per person, on average, has risen at around
4% per year. More than half a million new jobs have been created
annually since September 2004. Investment has risen steadily from
14,7% of GDP in the first quarter of 2002 to 19,2% of GDP in the
last quarter of 2006. And in the last quarter of 2006 investment
grew at an annualised rate of 16%, well ahead of our Asgisa target
of 10% per year.
These facts are not contested among experts in the field, except for
those who say that we may be undercounting some of these key
numbers, because the sample frames we use have not kept up with a
changing economic structure. There are also some who assert that
many of the jobs created are in cyclical sectors like retail and
construction, where job security is tenuous. Others point out that a
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considerable number of the new jobs created are in the informal
sector.
Yes, indeed, this is true. But does this mean that we should not
celebrate the fact that we are now creating jobs more rapidly than
ever before in our history? [Applause.] And should we not be proud
of the fact that, unlike most developing economies, most of our jobs
are created in the formal sector? Should we be discouraging the
millions of South Africans who now believe that the commitment to
hard work and getting themselves educated is likely to lead to a
more progressive and prosperous future? Of course not! Indeed, we
should celebrate the fact that the overwhelming majority of South
Africans believe, from their lived experience, that tomorrow is
likely to be better than today, and that their own hard work will
help make it happen.
In addition to the report that the hon Deputy President will provide
on Asgisa, I would like to indicate that the annual Industrial
Policy Action Plan to realise the objectives of the National
Industrial Policy Framework will be finalised by Cabinet in the next
few weeks, focusing on key sectors of the economy, and will indicate
how best to leverage public spending for industrial development. The
action plan will be incorporated into the government’s programme of
action from next year onwards.
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One of the challenges facing us is the nurturing and development of
small, medium and micro enterprises. We have, therefore, taken
measures to stimulate small business development, including
alleviating the regulatory burden on small businesses and reducing
the tax burden. A toolkit is being developed to help municipalities
reduce red tape around municipal regulations that affect small,
medium and micro enterprises in particular.
As hon members may be aware, Cabinet requested The Presidency,
working with the National Treasury, to put in place a Regulatory
Impact Assessment tool, in order to ensure that our regulatory
regime in all policy areas facilitates, rather than hampers, growth
and development. This will be piloted over the next two years.
As government we continue to intensify the fight against poverty on
all fronts. Our initiatives are well known in this regard and for
this reason I would like to focus here on only one specific task
that The Presidency is required to undertake, over and above its
oversight function in respect of the executive.
The House will remember that in 2004 we announced that in order for
us to be able properly to target our intervention in the provision
of services, we needed a better understanding of dynamics in our
households. The National Income Dynamics Study will assist us in
this regard.
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A pilot study on specific households will be undertaken in the next
few months, and the fieldwork will be undertaken between January and
April 2008. The first of the dataset will be available in 2009,
creating the baseline against which we will be able to follow up
changes in income and expenditure among these households for many
years to come.
Combined with the comprehensive antipoverty strategy that I spoke
about during the state of the nation address in February, this
initiative will help us in identifying specific interventions
required in specific households to make the maximum impact. One such
intervention, which deserves special mention, is of course the
provision of income in the form of social grants.
The latest figures, as of March 2007, indicate that more than 2
million people are now accessing these grants, from 2,6 million in
1994 and 6,8 million in 2003. It is as a consequence of this, as
well as greater levels of labour absorption in the economy, that the
extent and depth of income poverty has been significantly reduced,
especially since 2001.
We will continue to consolidate the gains we have already made and
look for further innovative ways of complementing this and other
poverty eradication initiatives such as job creation, skills
development, provision of finance and other forms of assistance to
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small businesses. This we need to do so that we can continue to
accelerate the process of pushing back the frontiers of poverty.
At the same time, however, we should acknowledge the fact that while
incomes of poor people are improving in real and absolute terms,
this is not at the same rate as the improvement in the income of
those who are well off within our society. Thus, we face the
challenge, as a nation, to address the challenge of inequality.
This task, and the broader challenges of accelerating the rate of
economic growth, improving the image of our country abroad,
attending to the specific needs of marginalised sectors of our
society, promoting value systems of self-respect and community
solidarity and strengthening partnerships in the fight against
crime, require the forging of partnerships, both locally and
internationally, across a whole range of areas. In this regard, over
the past year the President and other Cabinet members have had the
opportunity to engage with representatives of various sectors of our
society as well as friends from abroad through the Presidential
Working Groups and other councils.
With regard to economic matters we met, as South Africans, through
the Trade Union, Black Business, Big Business, BUSA, Commercial
Agriculture and the Joint Working Groups. The discussions have
concentrated on the need to accelerate economic growth and to ensure
that the growth generated is shared so as to meet government’s
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objective of halving poverty and unemployment by 2014. Many
important views and concerns were raised in these meetings and
government has incorporated these into the Programme of Action,
including Asgisa.
Through these meetings our social partners have made invaluable
contributions to the common national effort of building a better
life for all. Among other positive developments, business and labour
have rededicated themselves to accelerate the implementation of the
commitments made at the Growth and Development Summit.
These commitments include working together as social partners to
address the challenge of the skills shortage in the country as well
as working together to assist in the growth of the BPO, tourism,
agro processing, and other growth sectors identified in the National
Industrial Policy Framework.
Two recent initiatives in this regard deserve special mention:
Firstly, a special two-day Trade Union Working Group meeting was
held in March this year to discuss globalisation and its effect on
employment and worker organisation, and it was agreed that a threea-side task team would be set up to take the discussions forward and
make concrete proposals.
Secondly, towards the end of last year, the Big Business Working
Group agreed to a closer working relationship with government on
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fighting crime and has allocated resources for this purpose through
the Business Against Crime initiative.
In our engagement with the Presidential Working Group on Higher
Education, we have identified practical ways of ensuring that the
Higher Education sector in our country is further strengthened to
assert its intellectual leadership role in all areas of our life; to
enhance knowledge creation, production and impact through research
and innovation; to develop responsive and innovative curricula,
significantly to improve throughput and graduation rates; to help to
foster critical consciousness and to use knowledge to deepen
democracy and speed up social development.
Through the Presidential Working Group on Women we have had the
opportunity to engage with a cross section of the leadership of
women on the many challenges facing us to improve the lives of
women, both in urban and rural areas. Specific issues for follow-up
in this regard include the proposed retirement fund for women and
the provision of water and sanitation.
Through the Presidential Working Group of National Religious
Leaders, government and the religious sector have agreed on a
memorandum of understanding to work in partnership on Early
Childhood Development, Home and Community-Based Care, especially in
the fight against HIV and Aids, skills development and Adult Basic
Education and Training, and issues of Social Cohesion with special
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emphasis on the area of strengthening youth networks and building
local partnerships in the fight against crime.
Through the Youth Working Group issues such as the role of the
private sector in supporting youth development efforts, evaluating
the responsiveness of the national fiscus to youth needs, and the
finalisation of a revised National Youth Policy have been discussed
and specific tasks undertaken to take our work further.
I cite these specific examples in part to underline the fact that,
as with the rest of government work, our interaction with social
partners is increasingly taking the form of identifying specific
practical tasks for action, rather than a mere reflection on broad
policy matters.
The Presidential Panel of Economic Advisors established last year
assisted us by providing independent and well-informed insights on
various public policy issues relating to the development of our
country and its people.
The same applies to the content of our engagement with the
international partners through the International Investment Council
and the Presidential International Advisory Council on Information
Society and Development.
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We are happy that the izimbizo campaign has developed into an
important and well-established element of our democracy. This is a
catalytic forum that enables communities to be part of a united
national action to change their living conditions for the better.
In the past four years the izimbizo process has helped us to make a
number of interventions that are having a positive impact on the
lives of our people. This includes sharing practical approaches to
addressing barriers to the effective implementation of the programme
of action; identifying practical ways in which other spheres of
government can assist in implementing the Municipal Integrated
Development Plans; identifying and addressing challenges of
technical expertise and professional skills; and strengthening the
partnership between government and the people.
Earlier this year we reviewed and reformatted the izimbizo process
to align it through the spheres of government and improve follow up
on issues raised by the people.
As you know, later this week, President Sepp Blatter of Fifa will be
in our country once again. I am very pleased to say that he will
find us well on course with our preparations for both the
Federations Cup in 2009 and the Fifa Soccer World Cup in 2010.
[Applause.]
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Addressing the media at Fifa Headquarters on 15 May 2007, Sepp
Blatter said:
Back in 1998, I first said I wanted to bring the Fifa World Cup to
Africa and three years from now South Africa will host the
competition. The South African Local Organising Committee is well
structured and we are continuing to monitor the construction of
the stadiums to ensure that all deadlines are met. Plan A is South
Africa, Plan B is South Africa and plan C is South Africa.
[Applause.]
It is my hope that by the end of 2010 the football world will be
experiencing the same highs that we experienced at the end of last
year’s Fifa World Cup in Germany.
I have no doubt that our local organising committee, government at
all levels and everybody concerned will do the necessary work to
guarantee that we host a better tournament in 2010 than the
excellent 2006 German World Cup.
With regard to the important issue of crime, we are pleased that the
business community, religious leaders and our communities in general
are partnering government in a meaningful way. We are also deploying
the resources available in the criminal justice system to combat
especially contact crimes at the places and times they are most
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likely to occur. We also continue to work to ensure proper coordination throughout the criminal justice system.
When we addressed this House last year on the occasion of the Budget
Vote of The Presidency, we made a point that the accomplishment of
our development goals was inextricably linked to the success of
similar efforts in our region, our continent and the rest of the
world. Accordingly, we asserted that a discharge of our
international obligations would remain an important part of the work
of The Presidency as well as the rest of our government.
One of our immediate and continuing challenges is the steadfast
pursuit of our African agenda, and within that the acceleration of
the process of the political and economic integration of the
Southern African Development Community, including progress towards
the establishment of a free trade area.
We will also play our role in the implementation of the programmes
of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, Nepad, and ensure
that the partnership agreements that we forge with other countries
and regions are translated into practical and tangible programmes
that promote real transformation in the lives of the peoples of our
continent.
Further in this regard, we, together with China, India, Brazil and
Mexico, have agreed to participate in a structured dialogue with our
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G8 partners over the next two years as well as strengthen the Nepad
G8 follow-up mechanisms. As hon members are aware, the report of the
African Peer Review Panel will be submitted to our peers during the
days when the AU will be holding its summit meeting in Accra next
month.
In a couple of weeks in Accra we will participate in what the AU has
described as the Grand Debate, whose main focus will be
consideration of the proposal to advance towards the formation of a
united African government. This will offer us an opportunity to
address real challenges that should be addressed to promote African
integration and unity.
I would like to take this opportunity once more to acknowledge our
sons and daughters in uniform who continue to make a contribution to
the peace process in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi,
Sudan and the Comoros. [Applause.]
The same appreciation is due to individuals and organisations, both
in the public and private sectors as well as non-governmental
organisations, who have responded in a commendable manner in
offering assistance in electoral processes and other undertakings in
the DRC, Nigeria, Burundi and other countries.
We have been mandated by SADC to assist the leadership of Zimbabwe
to find a lasting solution to the challenges that they face. We
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intend to move with speed in executing this mandate and are
encouraged in this regard by the positive attitude evinced by the
protagonists in that country, who we are certain do recognise that
the people of Zimbabwe expect of them nothing less than concrete
action to extricate them from the difficulties they face currently.
Our election to the United Nation’s Security Council as a
nonpermanent member has accorded us the privilege and honour of
serving the international community and indeed our continent in
search of peace, stability and a secure environment for the citizens
of the world. We shall do our best to fulfil the expectations of
humanity in this regard, informed by the UN Charter and the
aspirations of billions across the globe who yearn for an equitable
world order.
These then are some of the major programmes that we have undertaken
during the course of last year to meet our mandate as The
Presidency, to lead the process of planning and implementation in
the executive and the public service. Guided by the programme of
action of government we will continue to strengthen the capacity of
The Presidency to discharge its responsibilities.
Indeed, as the budget indicates, we will make sure that The
Presidency discharges its responsibilities as required by the
Constitution. It is in this spirit that I commend the budget of The
Presidency to the National Assembly. Thank you. [Applause.]
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Nksz N J NGELE: Somlomo, Mongameli weli lizwe, Sekela-Mongameli,
baPhathiswa bonke abakhoyo apha, Malungu ePalamente, zindwendwe
zethu ezibekekileyo, siyanibulisa sinamkela ngale nyanga yolutsha.
Siyakubulela, Mongameli, ngokuthi ube nentliziyo yokubonelela abantu
bonke abahluphekileyo, ungakhethanga bala lamntu.
Ndifuna, Mongameli, ukungqina amazwi akho okhe wawathetha ngenye
imini umi kule ndawo, nangona ndingekhe ndiwathethe ngendlela
owawathetha ngayo. Kodwa wathi: “Ndlala ubalekile.” [Kwahlekwa.]
Ndifuna ke ukungqina ukuba umntu osenekati elala eziko uyathanda.
Mongameli, kulo nyaka uphelileyo, kulaa ndawo idolophana yakhona
inguMthatha, ilali iyiBhaziya, ibingeso sivuno ibiyindyebo yodwa.
Andisathethi ngamathanga, ayegilana emasimini, imixoxozi ityiwa
ziinkomo ingasavunwa ngenxa yendyebo ebikhona phaya.
Oku kubangelwe kukuhlangana kwabantu norhulumente esinaye – nditsho
kuwe ke, Mongameli. Uthe wasihlanganisa nabantu ukuze balime,
belinyelwa ngurhulumente, izichumiso, wena ntoni, bezinikwa
ngurhulumente. Yiyo loo nto ke kuye kwabakho isivuno esingako. Yonke
loo nto ibingekho, siyayiqabuka. Andisathethi ngootamkhulu
noomakhulu.
Ewe, Mongameli, ndikhumbula kakuhle ukuba ukukhula kwam yayikhona le
nto ikhetha ibala. Umama wam wayerhola iirandi ezingama-200
ngenyanga yesithathu. Kodwa yayikhona into ethi abantu abalolunye
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uhlanga badlala ngemali, abarholi yinyhikithya. Kodwa wena
awuyenzanga loo nto. Uye wathi unyaka nonyaka wayonyusa imali
yezibonelelo zikarhulumente. [Kwaqhwatywa.]
Abantu abanezigulo ezinganyangekiyo ubabonelele. Abantwana abancinci
ubabonelele. Yonke loo nto ithetha ukusuka kwendlala ebantwini.
Ndikhe ndasibona, Mongameli, isitiyanyana esingangale tafile emzini
womntu, umntu esilimile esitya kuso. Lo mntu wayekwazi ukupha
nommelwane, ngenxa yeentshumayelo zenu ezithi: Yibani nezitiya
emizini yenu khon’ ukuze ningadliwa yindlala.
Uyakwazi ukukha imifuno nayo yonke into oyityalileyo, uhlanganise
utye ukuze ube sempilweni. Kule ndawo ndihlala kuyo – zininzi wena
ezi ndawo ndihlala kuzo, Mongameli – kwesikaTshwane, ukhe
wasihambela. Ndifuna ukuthi ukuvela kwakho ebantwini yenye into
eyenze ... uyazi, xa ubona uMongameli engena endlwini yakho
uyahlutha nokuba ubulambile. [Kwahlekwa.] Yenye yezinto eyenze ukuba
abantu babe nethemba xa uthetha, ukuze elo themba ulifezekise.
Sithe xa singena tyotyombeni lithile, nanjengokuba wawutshilo ukuba
simane sibavelela abantu, safika satsala isitulo, sathi xa siza
kuhlala kwathiwa: “Uxolo, ningakhe nihlale kwesi situlo. Esi situlo
sasihleli uMongameli. Andifuni kuhlale mntu kwesi situlo.”
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Ndifun’ ukuthi ke, Mongameli, yonke loo nto siyibopha ngebhanti
enye, sikubulela ngendima oyenzileyo phakathi kwabantu, uzama
ukuphuhlisa ususa indlala. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs
follows.)
[Ms N J NGELE: Madam Speaker, hon President, Deputy President, hon
Ministers who are here today, Members of Parliament and our
distinguished guests, I greet you all and I welcome you in this
youth month. We thank you, hon President, for addressing the plight
of the poor, regardless of race.
Mr President, I want to agree with you and support what you said one
day when you were standing at this podium. Although I may not be
able to quote you verbatim, you said something like, “Poverty, you
are no more. “ [Laughter.] I want to emphasize that anyone who is
still languishing in poverty prefers it that way.
Mr President, last year in Mtata in a village named Bhaziya, the
harvest was plentiful. There were lots of pumpkins and melons, to
the extent that the melons were not even harvested but were left for
the cows. That is how plentiful the harvest was.
This was all as a result of the partnership between the people and
the government - and I mean you, hon President. You brought us
together with the people so that they could work the land, using
agricultural implements and fertilizer and many other means which
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were provided by the government. That is why there was such a
plentiful harvest. We had never had this before; it is new to us, let
alone to our grandfathers and grandmothers.
And I remember very well, Mr President, that when I was growing up
there was discrimination on the basis of a person’s colour. My
mother used to earn a mere R200 after three months. However, it was
said that people of other races were earning far more than that. And
our hon President did not do that. Instead he has increased the
government grants on a yearly basis. [Applause.]
The government also provides for people with chronic diseases. And
there is also a grant for young children. All this adds up to the
alleviation of poverty.
I once saw a small garden, as small as this table, at a certain
person’s home. I learnt that that garden produced vegetables which
this person even shared with neighbours. I think this all happened
because of your encouragement, to the people to have gardens at
home, so as to avoid being victims of poverty.
Once a person has her own garden, she will have vegetables which,
once produced, will provide a healthy life. You visited the area
where I reside - I reside in many places, hon President - in
Tshwane. Your visit to our homes, Mr President, brought hope to
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people who were poverty-stricken. Even if you were hungry, you
immediately became full. [Laughter.]
I remember when I visited a certain family that stays in a shack and
went inside the shack – as you often say that we should visit people
- I took a chair, but when I was about to sit on it, someone yelled
at me not to sit on it because it was used by the President and he
therefore did not want me to use it.
Therefore, I want to say to you, hon President, that we bring all
these issues up to express our appreciation for the role you have
played among the people, trying to develop them and alleviate
poverty.]
I just want to remind this House of what the ANC has been saying
regarding poverty alleviation in South Africa. In 1994 we said: “A
better life for all.” In essence we said that most people in the
rural areas, the majority of whom are women, live in poverty.
Central to the development programme will be job creation, through
industrial development and opportunities for small businesses,
alongside land reform. We will focus on the provision of water,
clinics, schools, toilet facilities, etc. Indeed, the ANC-led
government has lived up to that, even though what we have achieved
so far is outweighed by what we must still hope to do.
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During the 1995 local government elections we said: “Let’s make it
happen where we live.” We indicated this as we saw a need for
community involvement as a key to ensuring more security and
building stable communities.
We also said: “Together, we will tackle poverty, crime and disease
that have undermined our community values and brought fear and
insecurity.” Through the ANC, we have brought new strength and the
determination to solve these problems.
During the 1999 elections we said: “Together, in every sector,
fighting for change.” The ANC-led government shares your experiences
of poverty, disease and underdevelopment. That is the reason, since
1994, we have delivered electricity, clean water, etc.
While we register these monumental achievements, we know that many
of you, especially in the rural communities, still don’t have
adequate and affordable housing, water, electricity or transport. In
2004 we said: “A people’s contract to create work and fight
poverty.”
We’ll ensure that all those who are eligible for social grants,
including poor children up to 14 years of age, receive these grants,
which increase at least at the rate of inflation. In 2005 we said:
“A plan to make local government work better for you.”
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In our election manifesto we pledged ourselves to a vision to build
a better South Africa by 2014, during the second decade of freedom.
The ANC believes that by working together in the next 10 years, we
can build a South Africa where a growing economy will enable us to
reduce unemployment and poverty by half.
The economy will have the skills it needs to grow, and our people
will have the education they need to find employment. Everyone will
have access to water, electricity and sanitation. Every South
African will be able progressively to exercise his or her
constitutional rights. There will be a fairer distribution of land;
there will be compassionate government services to the people;
health services for all will be better; serious and priority crimes
will be reduced; and so will the time for accused persons to await
trial.
Our country will be a force to be reckoned with in international
relations and contribute to peace and development in Africa, as well
as the creation of a better world.
Ndikhumbula, Mongameli, omnye uMphathiswa, endingazi kumbiza
ngegama. Lo Mphathiswa ukhe wathi ebetyelele eIndiya. Ndiza ke kulo
mba wezibonelelo zabadala nezenkxaso yabantwana. Uthe uMphathiswa
ufike eIndiya kusithiwa ewe, kulungile ukube benzelwe ezi zinto.
Kambe ke nabo mabakhe babe nento abayenzayo ukubonisa umbulelo wabo.
Futhi ndinethemba lokuba aba bantu banombulelo kakhulu kwaye
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bayafuna ukubonakalisa ukuba yonke le nto nisenzela yona
siyayibulela. Mhlawumbi, Mongameli, nokuba singathi ngemini yezipho
...
SOMLOMO: Inzwi! Ixesha liphelile, mama. (Translation of isiXhosa
paragraphs follows.)
[This reminds me of a certain Minister who visited India, whose name
I am not going to mention. In addressing the issue of grants to the
elderly and children, the Minister in question said, people in India
had agreed that people should be provided with these services.
However, it was said that they, in turn, had to do certain things to
show their appreciation. Furthermore, I hope these people do
appreciate what is being done for them and that they do want to show
that they are grateful for everything that you, Mr President, have
done for them. Perhaps Mr President, on a prize-giving day we can
maybe ...
The SPEAKER: Order! Your time has expired, madam.]
Ms N J NGELE: Madam Speaker, I fully support this budget. I thank
you. [Applause.]
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, Mr President, hon
Deputy President, Members of Parliament, the DA will support the
President’s Budget Vote. [Applause.] We sincerely wish the President
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to succeed with his ambitious strategic plan for South Africa. For
this he needs two things: The allocation of adequate resources and
opposition to hold him to account. We will give him both.
I have no doubt that we share most of the aims expressed here today.
We want a country that works. It is a country that works but we want
it to work even better. Our economy, under the stewardship of the
President, as he has pointed out, remains buoyant, underpinned by a
rational macroeconomic policy that fosters growth and not decline.
Despite considerable pressure from within his own ranks to change
direction, he has succeeded in putting us on the road to prosperity.
I am particularly aware of this when I sit in a Cape Town traffic
jam hemmed in by new cars. The economic activity in this country is
bursting at its seams. Clearly, many, though by no means all, South
Africans previously excluded from ownership of our economy now have
access to it. Most of all, I find myself sharing the same irritation
at the slow flow of traffic, loudly criticising drivers who are on
their cellphones until mine rings, listening to the same loud music
– something like, “De la Rey, De la Rey” – or the never-ending talk
shows; perhaps most of all, looking each other in the eye as equals,
not caring about who is white or black, only that you don’t cut in
in front of me. Although coming from a deeply fractured past, I can
confidently say, we share a deepening sense of togetherness. We are
in here together and for the duration. [Applause.]
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It would be wrong of us to become complacent and self-congratulatory
because our country today is so much better than it was 15 and 30
years ago. [Applause.] We cannot do this while daily deprivation is
still the norm for so many of our citizens and the biggest strike of
our new democracy is happening outside. We must rightly question
ourselves: Have we served South Africans as well as we should have
over the past 13 years?
Does our daily life’s expectancy in any way relate to that, let us
say, of a young girl from a poor family growing up in rural South
Africa today? Let us place her in the hills near Lusikisiki – it
cannot be the hills near Viljoenskroon, because it is very flat
there. Let us picture her coming into this world in the month we
attained our freedom, April 1994. Today that girl has just passed
her 13th birthday. If she had been given the opportunities the state
has committed to providing for her, she is contemplating secondary
school and thinking about her future.
My question is this: Have we, after 13 years of freedom, succeeded
in offering this young girl a reasonable chance to become the woman
she wants to be, to fulfil her own potential and to realise her
dreams? This is a very serious question because in our view it goes
to the heart of the purpose of government in a country like ours,
which must confront the future against the backdrop of vast
deprivation and underdevelopment.
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Has our girl from Lusikisiki grown up with access to even basic
health care or has she had to travel far to wait in long queues and
then receive indifferent service from the overworked and underpaid
health care professionals in our clinics and hospitals? Does she
have a birth certificate? What will she experience if she has to
visit a police station? Is her father employed or a job seeker? Does
he have an ID? Must she study by candlelight?
In fact, has she been able to attend a primary school near to her
home, where the teachers are committed to excellence and can draw on
the books, stationery and other facilities needed to attain that
excellence? The answer, and we all know it in this House, and it was
also stated by the previous speaker, is a “yes” for some, but for
very many a sad and resounding “no”.
I want to single out health and education in the story of the girl
from Lusikisiki, because I believe we have not done nearly as well
as we could have in either of these fields. I actually believe we
have failed the young girl from Lusikisiki; that her ability to grow
into the woman she wants to become and direct her own life has been
seriously compromised.
We have not succeeded - not because of financial constraints but
because the health and education policies of this government and its
predecessors have been ill-conceived. Its management has been
deficient and it has displayed scant ability to learn from its
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mistakes. Sadly, she is not alone. The future of boys and girls all
over South Africa remains in jeopardy because they lack the
wherewithal and the opportunity to succeed in life.
The present Minister has indicated that she will call on education
MECs to account for the results in 2007. This is a step in the right
direction for the experts’ view. However, at the root of the problem
is the generally poor quality of teaching. What we need is an urgent
reassessment and overhaul, once again, of the education system, just
as we do in other critical areas of delivery, and to concentrate on
a system of meaningful incentives for excellent teachers, if we are
to head off a national crisis.
But why have we not lived up to the full promise of our enormous
potential? Why have we only delivered to some? The past can indeed
be blamed, but 13 years on, the reasons must also be sought
elsewhere and basic to our delivery failure, we believe are two
things: It is the ANC’s narrow definition of transformation, which
in many instances has taken on the guise of racial nationalism.
Secondly, there is the ANC’s belief that it must control all the
levers of power in the state and society.
Gone are the meritorious arguments for affirmative action to which
the DA fully subscribed. Enter transformation by demographics,
seeking to promote the interests of one group of South Africans over
those of all the others. The fact is, I think that at heart, the ANC
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like all nationalist organisations, cannot distinguish itself from
the people, not the voters, the people, by which it means very
specifically, black South Africans.
Here, Mr President, are two unfortunate recent examples of how the
policy of racial nationalism divides our people and compromises
service delivery. Just two weeks ago, the choices for three top
medical posts at two Western Cape hospitals were rejected by the
provincial health department. Why? The candidates chosen by the
institutions involved were white.
The result is a double loss to South Africa, because one of the
candidates has given up hope and is now going, as it were, into
voluntary exile in Australia. This, while disadvantaged South
Africans dependent on the hospitals in question, are having to wait
longer to get the treatment they need, because the posts are now
vacant.
I cannot for a minute believe that this is the intentional outcome
of what you would like to achieve. It is the outcome and, Mr
President, you must take responsibility for it.
These distortions are also rife on our playing fields.
Ons weet dat sport in Suid-Afrika nog altyd ’n politieke speelbal
was. Die politieke opofferings wat die Watsonbroers vir ’n rasse-
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ideologie gemaak het, is nog vars in my geheue. Vandag is die spel,
met Luke Watson as die ongelukkige pion, in presies dieselfde
posisie as dié waaraan ons probeer ontsnap het en nie weer in wou
vasval nie.
Is daar enige land ter wêreld waar die afrigter van ’n nasionale
span ’n vergadering met die President moet probeer reël? Gelukkig is
hy nie mnr Koos van der Merwe wat ’n jaar gewag het nie. Hy is onder
druk om bepaalde spelers, suiwer op grond van ras of bande met die
regerende party in sy span in te sluit. Terselfdertyd is ons
onderwerp aan ’n verwante, maar meer sinistere uitbarsting deur die
Voorsitter van die Portefeuljekomitee oor Sport, wat dreig om op eie
gesag die paspoorte van die lede van die nasionale rugbyspan terug
te trek en om hulle te verhoed om aan die Wêreldbeker deel te neem,
omdat hulle wit is. ’n Ware demokrasie dreig nie om grondwetlike
regte op te skort om ’n party se ideologie te dien nie. Speaker, ons
behoort nie toe te laat dat hierdie miskenning voortduur nie.
[Applous.]
As ons iets uit die geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika kan leer, is dit tog
sekerlik dat dit onregverdig is om tweedeklasburgers te skep, en dat
dit ’n renons kweek wat in weerstand uitloop. In stowwerige
townships, ver van goedversorgde sportvelde, sien ons dat dieselfde
ontnugtering in burgerlike verset uiting vind. Selfs hier word die
ongelykhede deur dieselfde beleid vererger.
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Geregtigheid vereis dat ons die wanbalanse van die verlede eerste
moet regstel, maar dit vereis ook dat ons dit só doen dat dit nie
die leuen laat voortleef dat sommige meer gelyk as ander is nie, en
dat iemand se vooruitsigte in die lewe weer eens, nogmaals, deur
velkleur bepaal word nie.
Ons stem dus geheel en al saam met die President se mening, soos
berig, dat ’n kritiese heroorweging van regstellende aksie
versoening en maatskaplike samehang sal bevorder, en die
vooruitsigte dat benadeeldes bemagtig sal word, sal verbeter.
Dit sluit egter ook in ’n einde aan die volgehoue beleid dat ANClojaliste, as kaders bekend, in posisies aangestel word waar hulle
veronderstel is om van partybeheer los te staan. Dit bevoordeel
miskien enkeles, maar vir verreweg die meeste Suid-Afrikaners is dit
duur, dit werk nie en dit moet einde kry. (Translation of Afrikaans
paragraphs follows.)
[We know that sport in South Africa has always been a political
football. The political sacrifices made by the Watson brothers in
the face of a racial ideology are still fresh in my memory. Today,
the game, with Luke Watson as the unfortunate pawn, is in exactly
the same position as that we tried to escape from and did not want
to get stuck in again.
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Is there any country in the world where the coach of a national team
has had to try and arrange a meeting with the President?
Fortunately, he is not Mr Koos van der Merwe who had to wait a year!
He is under pressure to include certain players in his team solely
on the basis of race or ties with the ruling party.
At the same time we are subjected to a related, but more sinister
outburst by the Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Sport and
Recreation, who threatens to use his authority to withdraw the
passports of members of the national rugby team in order to prevent
them from participating in the World Cup, because they are white.
A true democracy does not threaten to suspend constitutional rights
in order to serve the ideology of a party. Speaker, we should not
allow this disregard to continue. [Applause.]
If we can learn something from the history of South Africa, it must
surely be that it is unfair to create second-class citizens, and
that this cultivates an aversion that in turn leads to resistance.
In dusty townships far from well-kept sport fields one sees that the
same disillusionment is being expressed in civil resistance. Even
here, the inequalities are aggravated by the same policy.
Justice requires of us to, firstly, correct the imbalances of the
past, but it also requires that we should do it in such a manner
that it does not perpetuate the lie that some of us are more equal
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than others, and that somebody’s prospects in life will once again
be determined by his skin colour.
We therefore agree wholeheartedly with the President’s view, as
reported, that a critical reconsideration of affirmative action
would promote reconciliation and social cohesion, and that the
prospects that the disadvantaged will be empowered, would be
improved.
However, this also includes an end to the continued policy that ANC
loyalists, known as cadres, are appointed in positions where they
are supposed to be detached from party control. This may be
benefiting a few people, but for the vast majority of South Africans
it is expensive, it does not work and it must come to an end.]
Indeed, recent history already bears out our point, because the
state’s management and delivery capacity has continued to
deteriorate as power has steadily been accumulated in the centre,
and particularly in the Office of The Presidency. Yet the government
seems increasingly determined to locate more and more power in the
centre, the wrong prescription founded on a faulty diagnosis of the
problem. We are in principle opposed to the two great issues of
centralisation currently under consideration: the first being a
decrease in the number of provinces, and the second the introduction
of a single Public Service.
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We are of the firm belief that decentralisation creates
accountability by elected politicians, where they are directly
responsible for appointed officials. Despite your assurances in this
House a few weeks ago, Mr President, that it is not government’s
policy to push through Parliament a decrease in the number of
provinces, there is clearly support for the idea in government and
ANC circles. Coupled to this is the unpalatable idea of a single
Public Service, the clear consequence of which would be to discount
the choice of the voters and their ability to hold elected
representatives to account.
I said earlier that the government’s diagnosis of the problem, its
failure to deliver, is faulty. The problem is not the autonomy of
provinces and councils. We can centralise power as much as we like,
but unless we begin to appoint officials on the basis of their
ability to do the job and then hold them to account for their
performance, the delivery problem will never go away.
[Interjections.] Centralisation will not change this. Judicious
appointments, capacity-building and skills development will.
Mnr die President, ek het die Parlement se toenemende internasionale
rol van naby aanskou, en u s’n van ver af. U het heel tereg lof
verdien vir die indrukwekkende rol wat u Presidensie in buitelandse
sake gespeel het, veral in Afrika, en ons aanvaar die verdienste van
daardie uitbreidende interaksies geredelik. In die afgelope maande,
egter, het ons morele gesag in wêreldsake ’n knou gekry deur die
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regering se oënskynlike dienstige beleidsposisies oor Myanmar,
Somalië, Iran en Nigerië, en knaend oor Zimbabwe, ons buurland na
die noorde.
Mnr die President, ons sal geduldig wees met u in u poging om namens
die SAOG ’n nuwe onderhandelde skikking tussen die mededingende
politieke organisasies in Zimbabwe te bemiddel, al is daar oor die
naweek oor ’n terugslag berig. Daar is egter werklike kommer dat
president Mugabe nie in goeder trou aan hierdie samesprekings sal
deelneem nie. Die feit dat hy die grondwet eensydig gewysig het,
terwyl u juis daaroor onderhandel, bewys maar net weer dat hy u
pogings minag.
In die lig hiervan sal u ons sinisme begryp oor die feit dat die
Parlement ’n tweede keer ’n debat oor die ingewikkelde maar afgeleë
probleem van die Palestyne aangevra het, terwyl ons versuim het om
selfs maar een keer teen menseregtevergrype in Myanmar, Soedan,
Haïti of Somalië, en natuurlik in Zimbabwe, ons opinie uit te
spreek.
Ons moet dringend in ons buitelandse beleid na die konsekwente
beginsels van besorgdheid oor die waardigheid, regte en vryheid van
alle mense op aarde terugkeer. Dit is beginsels wat ons self
voorstaan. Ons moet moedig genoeg wees om te sorg dat ander
dieselfde beginsels in ere hou, veral terwyl ons nuwe take aanpak.
(Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
12 JUNE 2007
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[Mr President, I have observed Parliament’s increasing international
role from near and yours from afar. You have rightly earned praise
for the impressive role that your Presidency has played in foreign
affairs, especially in Africa, and we accept the rewards of those
expanded interactions freely. However, our moral authority in world
affairs has suffered a knock in recent months through the seemingly
servile policy positions of the government towards Myanmar, Somalia,
Iran and Nigeria, and consistently towards Zimbabwe, our
neighbouring country to the north.
Mr President, we will be patient with you in your attempt to mediate
a new negotiated agreement between the competing political
organisations in Zimbabwe on behalf of SADC, even if a setback was
reported over the weekend. However, there is real concern that
President Mugabe will not participate in these discussions in good
faith. The fact that he has amended the constitution unilaterally,
while you were negotiating about exactly that, once again proves
that he is disregarding your attempts.
In the light of this, you will understand our cynicism about the
fact that Parliament has requested a second debate on the difficult,
but distant problem of the Palestinians, while we have neglected to
voice our opinion at all on the transgression of human rights in
Myanmar, Sudan, Haiti or Somalia, and, of course, in Zimbabwe.
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We should urgently return in our foreign policy to the consistent
principles of concern about the dignity, rights and freedom of all
people on earth. These are principles which we advocate ourselves.
We must be brave enough to ensure that others honour the same
principles, especially while we are tackling new tasks.]
For all these reasons, Mr President, I respectfully but seriously
contend that there are crucial respects in which we could have done
better, no matter how many things we have done extremely well, and
in which we absolutely have to do better over the next 13 years. To
succeed in this, we must internalise the vision and the values of an
inclusive and open-opportunity society, in which every individual
has the right, the space and the opportunity to be himself, to
develop herself, and to direct his own life.
This means we must promote tolerance of difference and dissent in
our society, and in our public discourse. In fact, it means we must
deepen the debate, and it means that we must get serious about
promoting opportunity by crafting a role for the state in which it
facilitates but does not direct the activity of citizens; in which
it seeks to expand choice for people, not determine their choices
for them; and in which citizens themselves determine their
development needs and take personal responsibility for the outcomes
of the choices and opportunities provided.
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In an opportunity society, the question is not whether the state
plays a role in development. Of course it does, but the question is
what the nature of that role is, and in a country like ours, which
is seeking to overcome a legacy of underdevelopment and
discrimination, the state’s role must be to ensure access to
education and skills development, to capital, to the labour market
and health care, and to facilitate economic growth through the
provision of infrastructure and a competition-friendly regulatory
environment.
We need to find our way back to the path that we saw in the
beginning, that leads to this open-opportunity society, to recommit
ourselves to the vision of our Constitution, our document of
destiny, for ourselves and for our children, and for the girl from
Lusikisiki. Thank you. [Applause.]
Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Madam Speaker, His Excellency the President of
South Africa, Her Excellency the Deputy President, hon members, I
wish to address crucial issues relating to The Presidency, speaking
not from a party-political viewpoint or even as the IFP president,
but as a South African citizen concerned about our institution of
government, The Presidency.
Over the past two years, I have expressed my concerns in this House
that our constitutional system is being weakened by the attacks and
controversies which have undermined the dignity and effectiveness of
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our Presidency. This is not a party-political issue, but a matter
which should concern every South African, as the President is the
face of South Africa.
The Presidency, as an institution, should represent the entire South
African nation and be above reproach, attack and political
controversy. Because our head of state is also our head of
government, it becomes unavoidable for the entire Presidency to be
drawn in, and tarnished by the mud-slinging which often
characterises politics, in other words, the hurly-burly of politics
and the arduous task of governing a democratic country.
No democratic government has been spared a constant stream of
attacks. Such cut and thrust is the essence, in fact, of democracy.
But ours is not a consolidated and mature democracy. As we can see,
too much vitriol and venom is being splashed on The Presidency in
the process than is warranted, by ordinary politics, all in the name
of democracy, of course. Our people need a point of reference which
they may respect at all times.
What is happening on the streets of South Africa speaks volumes.
There are many who feel that they are striking and rebelling against
the President, who in fact carries the final executive
responsibility of all actions of our government.
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On this note, we are all seriously concerned about the impact of the
strikes upon the nation. Whilst one recognises that both the
strikers and government have a legitimate case, we are all praying
that there will be a meeting of minds. The settlement must be rooted
in reality as far as the human needs of civil servants are
concerned, but at the same time, it should not compromise economic
stability or, in other words, kill the goose that lays the golden
eggs.
Most of the established democracies in both the Eastern and Western
world are constituted in the form of a parliamentary rather than
executive system. In a parliamentary system the president, as the
head of state, rules, but does not govern. The day-to-day activity
of government is left to a prime minister. Such a system prevails in
Namibia and Mozambique.
The executive Presidency was foreign to our South African tradition
before it was introduced before 1994. South Africa had a president
and a prime minister. In a certain sense this tradition seemed to
have continued, although not in so many words, under the presidency
of President Mandela, who used to say candidly, even jocularly
sometimes, to foreign dignitaries and friends alike, that he was
only the de jure President while the de facto President was the then
Deputy President Thabo Mbeki, who presided over most Cabinet
meetings and conducted most of the business of government. I was in
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the Cabinet and know this to be so. That arrangement created a
balancing effect which we all noticed and now miss.
Unless we take action now, the crisis in which The Presidency is now
engulfed may continue into the future. This is not an issue about
the present or future incumbents, but about the Office of President.
This Parliament has the responsibility of addressing present and
foreseeable future problems before our country is damaged further.
I do not presume to have any power to lead this Parliament in any
direction, but I humbly offer my action as a catalyst which takes
the hot potato from the fire for others to eat. [Laughter.]
[Applause.] This action can no longer be delayed.
Acting not just as the president of the IFP, but as one of South
Africa's senior leaders, I have tabled today the 17th Constitution
Amendment Bill, which is a Private Members’ Bill, to amend our
Constitution to separate the Head of State from the head of
government so that from the next elections, we may have both a
President and a Prime Minister.
The details of this separation are not new. This schema has been
tried and tested and is in force in the great majority of the
democratic constitutions.
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The proposal is that the President would be performing a balancing
role in the functioning of our institutions and in the dynamics of
politics by operating above politics itself. He or she will
represent our country both in respect of ceremonial functions and,
when the occasion demands, in international affairs. The President
will have the power to appoint the prime minister, subject to
parliamentary approval. He or she will also play a significant role
in making crucial appointments to offices that ought to be above
daily party politics.
The prime minister will serve at the will of the parliamentary
majority. This will make our government more accountable and
strengthen the centrality, power and relevance of our Parliament.
The prime minister will be stronger in carrying out the business of
government, both on account of the support of Parliament and the
President and because he or she will have more time, since the
ceremonial roles and international relations will be attended to by
the President.
I speak merely as a concerned South African. We have no time left.
Like many other Private Members’ Bills, the Bill I have introduced
could lie in the Private Members’ Committee for two years and lapse
at the end of the legislative session after earning the derisive
chortles that it has earned as I was speaking. On the other hand,
this Parliament has repeatedly adopted important urgent
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constitutional amendments in a matter of weeks when it wanted to do
so.
I believe that we need an urgent national debate on whether South
Africa would be better served by a President and prime minister
rather than by a Presidency which combines both roles. To be
relevant, this debate needs to reach its conclusion soon enough to
create a path for the ongoing political decisions and processes.
I suggest that we all need to step back, just a little bit, and look
at the problems confronting us from a different perspective. We must
not underestimate the growing peril and fomenting social upheaval which I do not need to spell out - which all of you are aware of. We
need to show courage which matches the challenges ahead.
I am reminded of my mentor Nkosi Luthuli, who always got inspiration
from that hymn, “Stand up, stand up for Jesus,” when he often spoke
of courage rising with danger, and that is what we should do if we
do not wish to be remembered as those who failed to act when we had
a chance to do so.
As for other matters, I wish I could stretch my 11 minutes, but
unfortunately I cannot. And because of the seriousness, also, of the
matter that I am putting before Parliament, Madam Speaker, hon
members, I would like to say that the IFP supports The Presidency
Budget Vote. Thank you. [Applause.]
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Mr B H HOLOMISA: Mhlekazi, siphi esi sithuba sobunkulumbuso, ukuze
uze kubeka mna? [Kwahlekwa.] [Speaker, where is this premiership
position, so that you can give it to me. [Laughter.]]
Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members,
the UDM supports Budget Vote No 1. The Presidency has in the past
couple of years been focusing on economic and foreign policy issues,
particularly in the context of the African agenda. In those
instances we have to commend it for doing exceptionally well.
Notwithstanding what the hon President has said here today, social
issues seem to have been granted a lower status. The implementation
of social policies in general has been left to members of the
Cabinet and directors-general. For instance, the policies for social
issues, such as education and health, seem centred around the
political head and not on long-term goals.
Thus we have seen changes upon changes as Education Ministers come
and go. The Department of Health has been characterised by conflicts
and differences between the top political and administrative
management personnel; hence the problems and controversies that
undermine service delivery by the department.
It has been a long time now since the hon President announced that
the directors-general would be investigating the general structure
and performance of the entire government bureaucracy. The concerns
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that led to the hon President’s announcement don’t seem to have gone
away. So if such a study has been completed, it would please this
House to view its findings.
The remainder of the President’s term in office is a vulnerable time
owing to the looming change of the guard. There will be those
Ministers and directors-general who would be hesitant to propose
restructuring, or other difficult but necessary reforms, because
they do not want to rock the boat and perhaps upset a future
employer.
This is also a time fraught with the danger that some people might
decide that this is the last opportunity to loot resources or secure
lucrative government business. There is a need for The Presidency,
in the remaining two years of this term, to turn its focus inwards
upon the bureaucracy itself to ferret out the numerous stumbling
blocks to proper policy implementation.
By doing so, the hon President would be proactively addressing the
concerns of many communities who have taken to the streets in
protest about poor service delivery. Such an approach would help
government to undermine any strategies that may be afoot to portray
South Africa as an unstable country.
In conclusion, there has been a tendency in government to use
spokespersons and media statements to comment on matters of serious
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concern. Sometimes these statements even contradict each other. When
you see that there are signs of low intensity warfare and
destabilisation, then it is important for the spin doctors to step
aside and the national leadership to speak directly to the people.
While each successive president may have a different style, there
are times as a South African that I long for a voice of reassurance
and authority from The Presidency. At times all of us South
Africans, irrespective of political affiliation, want a national
leadership that condemns unequivocally some of the lawlessness that
we have seen in recent years and reaffirms our mutual ownership and
sense of pride in our country. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr M R SONTO: Madam Speaker, Your Excellencies the President and the
Deputy President, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, in his
inauguration speech on 10 May 1994 President Nelson Mandela said,
and I quote:
We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of
the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall
build the society in which all South Africans, both black and
white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their
hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity - a
rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.
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It is the thorough management of that covenant by government, at the
apex of which is The Presidency, that our democracy is where it is
today.
To harness that covenant, in his 2006 state of the nation address,
the incumbent President of the Republic, President Thabo Mbeki
declared that: “Our country has entered its age of hope”. Because of
that hope, citizens of this great country are defining for
themselves what they want to make of their shared destiny.
The interaction between communities by way of izimbizo called by The
Presidency, Ministers, MECs and municipalities, and through all
other forms of person-to-person communication, gives meaning to this
“democracy of the people, for the people, by the people”.
These gatherings have become effective tools of co-ordination,
through which government interacts directly with the electorate as
it allows people to interact directly and freely with the lawmakers.
Community development workers, community policing fora, school
governing bodies, ward committees and other structures are examples
of initiatives taken by government under the co-ordination of The
Presidency to ensure people’s participation in governance.
Programmes such as the Integrated Development Plan, local economic
development, public hearings in Parliament, and taking Parliament to
the people - as was the case in Kliptown and Oudtshoorn - served as
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a strong link between izimbizo and these programmes. These have
maximized the input of the people in matters that directly affect
them.
The 50th anniversary of the Freedom Charter, an historic event of
the people, as well as Africa Day and other great moments that we
celebrated, are an epitome of this government’s commitment to
promoting people’s participation.
In the past our people were never involved in decision-making
processes and their views and inputs on issues of governance were
never taken into account. Buildings, streets, airports, and public
places were named after people whose origins are foreign in our
country. As those decisions were taken in boardrooms, they were
never agreed on by our people.
Those who had authority over such undemocratic processes are not
even apologetic about what they put us through, as we grapple to
rewrite our history. They challenge every democratic move of redress
the government takes, and this makes one wonder as to where their
allegiance is. Their understanding of democracy can be likened to
that of Joseph Schumpeter, who once said:
Democracy does not mean and cannot mean that the people actually
rule in any obvious sense of the terms 'people' and 'rule'.
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Democracy means only that the people have the opportunity of
accepting or refusing the men who are to rule them.
What a direct attack on participatory democracy as he could only
think of democracy as representative democracy, a belief that
suggests that it is enough for people to be consulted only about who
should lead them.
That is the understanding of those who would oppose, for the sake of
opposing, anything that government, through The Presidency, is
doing. Our democracy is underpinned by that demand of our people
made in 1955 in Kliptown - where the Freedom Charter was adopted when they said that: “The people shall govern”. Through that demand
government, overseen by The Presidency, created an enabling
environment where all people are entitled to taking part in the
administration of the country, the benefits of which are seen
through Mama Nhlapo from Mpumalanga, who received a house for the
first time at the age of seventy-eight years.
In the Overberg there are two projects of particular importance that
our people have benefited from. While government has succeeded a
great deal in addressing most of the ills in our society, more needs
to be done in gearing the Public Service towards following up on
people’s problems and solving them.
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The delivery backlog we inherited made it impossible for us to reach
anyone. The huge advances we have made cannot be overshadowed by
that lack of follow-up. I must stress that prophets of doom and
gloom will never stop portraying a negative picture of the
government and The Presidency. However, the resolve to achieve our
objective of a better South Africa cannot be doubted. I support the
budget. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mrs P DE LILLE: Thank you, Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy
President. Mr President, I want to use this opportunity to pay
tribute to your commitment to the development of the African
continent. We recognise your efforts in highlighting the plight of
the African people and elevating the African agenda globally.
However, a lot of work still needs to be done if we are serious
about achieving the millennium goals.
In the words of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, hon Ban
Ki-moon, and I quote: “How Africa fares in reaching the Millennium
Development Goals is a matter of life and death.” Therefore, I call
on you, Mr President, to increase the pressure on African states to
fulfil their obligations in achieving the MDGs.
Quite frankly, Mr President, the African continent is not poor, but
it is poorly managed. Mr President, you are not alone in this noble
quest. As a member of the steering committee of the newlyestablished Arab-Africa Initiative, chaired by Tokyo Sexwale, we
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have been actively lobbying Arab governments, the Arab corporate
sector and civil society of Arab nations to make a meaningful
financial contribution to the achievement of MDGs. We cannot just
rely on the empty promises of the G8.
This initiative is aimed at building partnerships between Africa and
the Arab world, governments and civil society, with United Nations
co-operation that includes Mr Jeffery Sacks, Economic Adviser to the
Secretary-General of the United Nations. It is similar to our own
Asgisa, which is trying to raise finance for development. The ArabAfrica initiative will therefore soon engage with the Deputy
President on Asgisa.
I have just received an invitation from the President of the General
Assembly, Haya Rashed Al Khalifa, to attend a meeting titled:
“Financing Development to achieve the Millennium Development Goals”,
in Doha, Qatar.
Mr President, on the home front, looking through your three-year
strategic plan and previous budget speeches, it is clear that your
government is weak on policy implementation, monitoring and
evaluation. It is clear that to achieve our ambitious developmental
objectives, the state and the market alone are not enough. We need
people-centred development in South Africa that unlocks the capacity
and creativity of our people and communities. The ID supports the
budget. I thank you. [Applause.]
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Rev K R J MESHOE: Madam Speaker, hon President, the ACDP will
support this Budget Vote and welcomes the President’s strong
condemnation of violent actions by striking public servants. We are
equally concerned about the cruel actions of some strikers who are
intimidating and victimizing patients seeking medical treatment at
public hospitals. Reports about paramedics being prevented from
giving emergency medical care to desperate patients are deplorable.
Such unacceptable behaviour will not advance the workers just cause
for better wages.
While we understand government’s frustration and decision to fire
striking nurses, we want to know what government is planning to do
about nurses who do go to work, but choose to watch television in
staff rooms, rather than attend to patients. Yesterday, The Star
newspaper reported about the shocking conditions they found when
they did spot visits to Baragwanath and Johannesburg hospitals.
Among others, they found bleeding patients at Baragwanath lying
unattended in outdoor courtyards, and corridors of uncollected
hazardous medical waste. We wonder what happened to the policy of
Batho Pele and a caring society that government has spoken so much
about.
A few thousands soldiers who have been deployed to government
hospitals and schools to help patients and to protect those who want
to access medical care, don’t seem to be coping with the work load.
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Reports that seven private hospitals in Gauteng and three in
KwaZulu-Natal were closed last week because of intimidation by
people alleged to be striking public sector workers are annoying.
That’s why the ACDP appeals to the President to do everything in his
power to ensure that private hospitals and schools that are still
open and under threat, are protected from a potential invasion by
angry strikers who do not care about the constitutional rights of
others. Government must also ensure that children who want to write
their mid-term exams are not victimised or even assaulted by
undemocratic strikers.
Our greatest concern, Mr President, is the threats by the police and
prisons civil rights union and some members of the Metro Police
Services that they would join the strike in sympathy with public
servants. Popcru president, Zizamele Cebekhulu, is reported to have
said that unmanned prisons and police stations are a possibility.
This, to say the least, should worry all law-abiding citizens.
Besides urgently applying for a court interdict, we want to know
what government is going to do to prevent such threats from becoming
a reality. We do not want to see soldiers confronting armed police
officers who are on strike. A clash of armed forces must be avoided
at all cost.
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While the nation appreciates press conferences by government
ministers to keep them informed about the latest news regarding wage
negotiations, we nevertheless believe the President is the best
person to give concerned citizens the assurance that an amicable
solution to the impasse will be found within the next few days, and
that this costly strike will not be allowed to get out of hand. I
thank you.
Dr P W A MULDER: Hon Speaker, hon President, after the Anglo Boer
War Emily Hobhouse said of the Afrikaners and the women in the
concentration camps, and I quote:
An Afrikaner Boer can live on a plate of mealies a day, as long as
he or she has hope. If you take away hope, the food is too little,
and you die.
This is true of all people. South Africa and Africa need hope. We as
leaders have to give people hope. Why do many people and leaders not
give hope? Because they are selfishly busy looking after their own
interests.
If I look at the strike, I get this message. The FF Plus had
expressed its support for better salaries for teachers and nurses.
The way in which trade union leaders are now acting sends out a
message of selfish own interests. This is while many poor South
Africans, who are unemployed, observe the strikes. What is worse is
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that it now becoming clear that the Cosatu leaders are abusing
thousands of public service employees to fight their bigger
political battles against President Mbeki and the government. These
employees are losing their jobs and millions of rands as part of
this.
’n Ander rede waarom leiers nie hoop gee nie, is omdat hulle so
besig is met die dag-tot-dag-probleme, dat hulle die groter ideale
uit die oog verloor. Ons is so besig om die klippe reg voor ons in
die pad te vermy, dat ons vergeet om op te kyk na die horison ver
voor ons. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Another reason why leaders are not giving hope is that they are so
involved with the day-to-day problems that they are losing sight of
the bigger ideals. We are so busy trying to avoid the stones right
in front of us in the road that we forget to look up at the horizon
in the distance.]
What are the essentials of genuine statesmanship? Scott named two,
and I quote:
Rare combination of idealistic – the horizon in the distance; and
the severely practical – the daily stones in our way.
Idealistically, the FF Plus dreams of a Southern Africa with a welldeveloped infrastructure, and a place in the sun for everyone. It
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consists of roads, rail network and an environmentally friendly
power network which could provide the whole of Africa with power.
Inga III and IV - the gigantic hydro-electricity project in the
Congo River, could provide all countries in South Africa with more
than enough power.
With such infrastructure, we can eventually begin to beat poverty.
Is it a pipe-dream? Perhaps it is like that. But the wise person
said: make no small plans because they have no magic to stir men’s
blood.
Hierdie idealisme bring hoop, maar baie VF Plus-ondersteuners se
hoop word deur verskeie praktiese sake vernietig, wat ek ’n ruk
terug met die President bespreek het. Regstellende aksie is een. Dr
Hermann het met navorsing die effek van regstellende aksie op 5 000
werkers van Eskom bepaal. Hy het bevind dat 80% van hulle meen dat
regstellende aksie nie korrek toegepas word nie; 93% voel dat
bevordering deur harde werk en op meriete vir hulself buite die
kwessie is; 75% dink daaraan om Eskom te verlaat omdat hulle daar
geen toekoms sien nie. Hy het gesê dat Suid-Afrikaners hoop nodig
het en dat ook hierdie wit werkers hoop nodig het.
As Minister Manuel die stigtingsverklaring van die Pan-Afrika
Infrastruktuurontwikkelingsfonds teken, bring dit hoop dat ons die
infrastruktuurdrome wat ek hierbo genoem het, wel kan realiseer.
Maar u moet ook hoop gee aan die duisende wit werkers wat tans geen
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hoop het as nie gevolg van die wyse waarop regstellende aksie
toegepas word. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[This idealism brings hope, but the hope of many FF Plus supporters
is being destroyed by several practical matters which I discussed
with the President a while ago. Affirmative action is one of them.
Dr Hermann has established, through research, the effect of
affirmative action on 5 000 workers at Eskom. He found that 80% of
them are of the opinion that affirmative action is not being applied
properly; 93% feel that promotion for themselves through hard work
and merit is out of the question; 75% are contemplating leaving
Eskom as they don’t see a future for themselves there. He said that
South Africans need hope and that these white workers also need
hope.
When Minister Manuel signs the founding statement of the Pan-African
Infrastructure Development Fund, it brings hope that we can indeed
realise the infrastructure dreams I have mentioned above. However,
you also need to give hope to the thousands of white workers who are
presently without any hope due to the manner in which affirmative
action is being applied.]
Remember that in history it is the dreamers that move the world;
trying to do things that cannot be done, that makes life worthwhile.
Ek dank u. [Applous.] [I thank you. [Applause.]]
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Mr I VADI: Madam Speaker, Ilana Mercer, a South African living
abroad, had this to say about her former homeland: “A decade after
democracy the city of Johannesburg looks like Mogadishu, streets are
strewn with garbage, gun battles are commonplace and shopkeepers
often sit behind iron bars”.
Emphasising that ordinary South Africans are fed up with crime, she
adds that they are foolishly organising protest marches to present
petitions to President Mbeki. She then declared that President Thabo
Mbeki would take note, mind you, if the once-mighty Afrikaners took
to the streets with their weapons, not with petitions and scented
candles.
It might well be that Mercer’s call to arms was inspired by Bok van
Blerk’s song De la Rey. Whilst I do not believe that the song aims
to incite treason, Mercer’s article does reflect a dangerous
mindset. It so glibly calls on Afrikaners to take up arms against
the democratic government. It ignores the fact that violent crime in
our country is decreasing.
However, both the ANC and The Presidency recognise that this
downward trend provides little comfort to ordinary South Africans as
crime is still at an unacceptably high level in our country. It is
disappointing that Mercer’s articles came only days after President
Thabo Mbeki had dealt with the issue of crime at the ANC’s 95th
anniversary celebrations, where he declared that crime is a scourge
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that continues to bedevil our young democracy and that it impacts
negatively on the quality of life of all our people - and that
includes Afrikaners.
This view was reiterated in the President’s state of the nation
address in which he stated that we certainly cannot erase that which
is ugly and repulsive and claim the happiness that comes with
freedom if communities live in fear, closeted behind walls and
barbed wire, ever anxious in their houses, on the streets and on our
roads, unable freely to enjoy our public spaces. Obviously, we must
continue and further intensify the struggle against crime.
He then urged all of us to address the socio-economic conditions
that feed crime. He called for the active participation of all
communities, including Afrikaners, to build a united front against
crime. These assertions from The Presidency are reassuring. They
must galvanise all of us to fight criminals and to take charge of
our communities.
Mr President, I am pleased to report that this is precisely what we
are doing in our constituency. On Saturday, 16 June 2007, members of
the SA Police Services from three areas in Lenasia, Ennerdale and
Lenasia South, together with the CPFs and other community
organisations, are going to embark on a joint anti-crime campaign.
This programme will see the staging of roadblocks, joint operations
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in crime hotspots and a massive community campaign against drug
dealers.
It is activities such as these that inspire hope in our people, and
that also contribute towards safer communities. The possibility of
joint police operations across precinct areas raises another
important question: Can we enhance the level of co-operation and coordination among the different arms of the security, intelligence,
judicial and correctional services?
We are aware that under this Presidency, government has opted for an
approach of clustering departments. It has established a natural
security council and more clearly defined the functions of the
National Intelligence Co-ordinating Committee. Yet, the question
must still be posed: Do we have the desired levels of co-operation
and co-ordination within the peace and security cluster? Are we
minimising turf battles? Are we sharing information and expertise?
Are we really joining hands to safeguard the overall security of our
nation and its people?
Madam Speaker, this leads me to another question. How do we propose
to deal with threats to our national security, particularly the
threat of international terrorism? In the past this House welcomed
the President’s condemnation of internal terrorist attacks on the
African continent and elsewhere in the world. This principled view
is inspired by our own struggle for national liberation and the core
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values of our Constitution. While the President has pledged South
Africa’s co-operation in the fight against international terrorism,
he rejected acts of vengeance directed at individuals, communities
or nations simply because of their faith, language or colour.
It is, however, disturbing that the US-led “war on terror” is
increasingly being perceived as a “war of terror” against the
weakest states in the Muslim world. Of equal concern is that some
Western powers are exerting enormous pressure on smaller states to
join in this obsession with the fight against international
terrorism at the expense of the fight against poverty, illiteracy,
underdevelopment and disease. One wonders if our own country is also
coming under this spell.
I say this as in the recent past several conferences have been held
in our region to discuss the threat of international terrorism in
Africa and in Southern Africa, specifically. For example, in January
this year a dialogue sponsored by the US National Intelligence
Council and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research of the US
Department of State, brought together African and American policy
makers and analysts to consider terrorist threats in Africa, the
extent of the so-called threat by radical Islam on the continent and
the relationship between religious and political radicalism and
terrorism in Southern Africa.
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Similarly, a Combating and Preventing Terrorism in Africa Conference
was hosted by the International Quality and Productivity Centre in
August last year in Johannesburg, involving antiterror experts who
previously have had close links with the Israeli Defence Force and
the US Defence Department. South Africa must be mindful of such
events. It should not allow itself to be pushed into driving and
extending agendas at the expense of its own national and security
interests.
Lastly, I wish to examine the question of changes in political
leadership within African states. I have raised this issue because
the succession of leaders, either through a military course or
democratic processes, has emerged as a source of instability within
many Africans societies.
If one were to scan the African continent in this regard, three
trends become apparent. The first is the well-known but unacceptable
factor of having a president for life. Here is an African leader,
committed to a strong man culture and he uses all means - fair or
foul - to remain in power either for life or as long as possible.
This is the case whether or not he enjoys popular legitimacy.
At the other end of the spectrum we have seen the emerging of a
positive trend of changes in political leadership though legitimate,
democratic and peaceful processes. The changes in Mozambique and
Namibia, as in South Africa in 1999, represent the best examples of
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 72 of 176
well-managed exercises within the context of recognisable democratic
norms and standards.
In between these two trends we have had cases of bitter and often
violent contestation over the presidency. One can think of the Ivory
Coast and the Democratic Republic of Congo, and to a limited extent
Nigeria, as pertinent examples of succession battles leading to
political instability and social insecurity.
Madam Speaker, South Africa has been a leading example of the best
that African can offer in this regard. As we come closer to our
fourth national democratic elections, let us reject any notion of a
street revolution or undemocratic procedures from any quarter to
resolve the succession question in our country. Let us also be alert
to sinister tricks of covert forces, both national and foreign, that
might want to exploit the moment for ulterior purposes.
Being vigilant we can remain the brightest southern star on the
African continent. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC: Thank you very much, Madam
Speaker. Hon President, Madam Deputy Speaker, hon members, ladies
and gentlemen, I’m honoured to have an opportunity to engage with
you on the occasion of the annual debate on The Presidency’s Budget.
This budget debate takes place during a special month; our youth
month.
12 JUNE 2007
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When we talk about the people of South Africa and Africa, we are
talking about a population that is essentially young. In Africa
close to 30% of people are below 35 years of age. In South Africa,
41% of our population is below the age of 35 years. This presents
our continent and country with an opportunity to shape the next
generation, depending on what we do. We can invest in a more
prosperous generation.
In the 2007 state of the nation address, the President announced
that we need to look into the matter of the wage subsidy, which is a
facilitated entry into the labour market for first time entrants the
majority of whom will be youth, precisely because we need greater
certainty about youth absorption into the labour market and their
soft landing in the world of work. I noted with appreciation that
the Minister of Finance touched on this in his Budget speech.
This is as we build the fabric of a great nation, restoring its soul
and brightening its future. Unlike the youth of 1976, this
government is on the side of the young people. We are partners in
reconstruction. The unfolding process to renew the Youth Development
Policy led by Minister Pahad will intensify how we confront these
vexing issues; many of them are those from the throes of our
inherited tragic history.
12 JUNE 2007
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We need our young people. Their needs are not abstract or pie in the
sky. They are very real. Most of the youth in South Africa just need
somebody to give them “a break”.
We also know this economy will never reach its full potential
without the full engagement of our young citizens, our women and our
black people in general, and of course, all South Africans. These
are the people on whom growing the economy faster and more equitably
equally rests. An estimated four million of them are out of school,
unemployed, and with only 10 or less years of schooling. They too
are part of the young population that must be empowered to make our
future brighter. They need our attention very soon. It is for this
reason that we are focussing on the development and the revisiting
of our youth policies.
It is estimated that there is R7 billion that is spent by the
private sector focussing on youth development. This indeed is what
we are seeking to look into, so that we can work collaboratively
with the public sector to ensure that these resources are better
targeted.
Our own programmes as government, we feel, are not sufficiently
targeted to some of these needy groups, so this week we will meet
with the private sector so that we can decide and discuss how we can
design plans and target these young people using our collective
programmes as well as resources.
12 JUNE 2007
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We talk about the young people in our communities, abo Trompies e
Mitchells Plain, abo Ntokozo Emlazi kwa V, abo Bra Tshepo e Qwaqwa,
[Trompies in Mitchells Plain, Ntokozo in Umlazi V section, and
Tshepo in Qwaqwa] just the average young people that are not in some
of the logical places that we’ll turn to work. They are young, ablebodied and unskilled, but trainable. Qha. [That is all.] They should
not be left to form the next generation of citizens in the second
economy.
Thankfully, our democracy has opened possibilities for millions of
our youth who are slowly but surely making their presence felt in
the public sector, in community service, in the economy, in the
sciences, in education and in many other fields.
It is important for us not to define success to our young people
only in terms of business and wealth accumulation, but also in terms
of professionalism, service and academic excellence, all of which
are of equal value and in some cases of greater virtue.
When many of you left school, some of the careers and industries in
the market today did not even exist. Ndibhekisa kwaba baphuma kudala
esikolweni. [I’m referring to those who left school long ago.]
[Laughter.]
Of the careers and industries that will emerge in the next few
years, some will be new industries, which will require new
12 JUNE 2007
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qualifications and skills, and, of course, the young and the old
will need to train themselves for this new reality. In the work we
do in the Joint Initiative on Priority Skills Acquisition, Jipsa, we
align the economic growth trajectory with school requirements.
We have already enabled at least 5 000 young graduates in training
and employment placement in South Africa and almost a thousand
overseas. These placements are driven by the Independent Development
Trust, assisted by the Umsobomvu Youth Fund, foreign embassies and
many departments, including foreign affairs, that in future will an
even play a more significant role in facilitating this programme of
international placements.
We have been pleasantly surprised to find many young black rural
women with amazing qualifications, eagerness and intellect. Some, we
have placed where they can fast-track their acquisition of
experience and skills, and I’d like to thank many companies in South
Africa and abroad who have assisted us in this work.
For young adults, on the margins, our Adult Basic Education and
Training programme will also play a significant role when it comes
into full steam, especially technical Abet. The National Youth
Service also, will give, and is already giving, some of our young
people “a break”.
12 JUNE 2007
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We are glad that the National Youth Service will meet the target set
by the President in the state of the nation address. I’d like to
thank the many departments who have allocated resources to the
National Youth Service, NYS, who have already started implementing
the programmes. I’d like, for instance, to thank the Departments of
Public Works, Defence, Housing, Home Affairs, Water Affairs and
Forestry, municipalities and many more.
The training of artisans by both the government and the private
sector and state-owned enterprises is another very direct response
to the demand for skills and gaps identified by Jipsa in our growing
economy. With the R415,8 billion government expenditure committed
for infrastructure, our government is delivering on a key Asgisa
objective, which has also raised the investment levels in the
economy to significant new heights.
As the President has stated, gross fixed capital investment, much of
which is in infrastructure, rose from 14,7% of GDP in 2002 to 19,2%
of GDP in the last quarter of 2006. SOEs are making progress,
Eskom’s power stations have been approved and tenders for
Independent Power Producers have been approved. The National Public
Transport Plan has been finalised and approved and the Airports
Company SA, Acsa, is on schedule. Transnet orders for locomotives
and rolling stock are also in the pipeline. This progress is a
relief, because the infrastructure budget was the biggest in the
work that Asgisa was supposed to facilitate.
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 78 of 176
We in The Presidency therefore also have a dedicated person who is
monitoring and liaising with colleagues who are working in the
infrastructure arena, and of course, we also work with the private
sector. So, that is why I’m a bit puzzled by the hon Botha who
thinks that we’re centralising. We actually work with lots of people
in The Presidency, especially on many of these macro initiatives
that we have.
We are worried about the implications for the capital goods industry
as our infrastructure programme evolves and I would therefore like
to thank the Department of Trade and Industry, which has done a
study on the exact capital goods requirements. The study is now
being discussed with the stakeholders so that they can assist.
Again, another collaboration with greater stakeholders and not the
President working alone, bantu! [Please people!]
We assist with issues of poverty and we are putting greater emphasis
on eradicating poverty in a predictable manner. To date, even our
worst critics agree that government’s outreach to more than 12
million beneficiaries is a significant outreach to the poor. These
are the poorest of the poor and this unprecedented outreach to the
poor in a country and economy of our size is indeed unheard of.
Our outreach is reaching households, poor families, poor children,
gogos [the elderly], disabled persons and of course, even our
critics also agree that our social wage is very generous.
12 JUNE 2007
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It is indeed, also, again I must emphasise, unprecedented in a
developing county. That is why we also know how to identify the
unserved groups in the second economy who do not receive any grants,
education or are pre-pensioned adults who are also not receiving our
pensions.
We’ll therefore target these groups that are falling between the
cracks in our comprehensive anti-poverty strategy, such that we’ll
be able to assist them to exit the cycle of poverty into selfreliance. It is not true, therefore, that government does not care
and maybe government cares too much, but that we are not apologetic
about. [Applause.]
We have not manufactured the more than 12 million beneficiaries of
our support. Who else in this country is doing so much, with such
dedication and is still determined and committed to do more? Our
government will implement an interim anti-poverty campaign while it
is developing the comprehensive anti-poverty strategy and we will
identify households and individuals who live in dire poverty. Again,
this work is being done with NGOs, with professional bodies, with
researchers and with communities. Again, the government
collaborating, not centralising power and responsibility!
We are committed to intervening, in collaboration with families,
through a strategy where each family and individual will be looked
at regarding their status and situation in relation to poverty. In
12 JUNE 2007
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that process, we will seek to empower families to take
responsibility to end poverty in their own respective families for
generations to come. The social cluster and our Policy Co-ordination
and Advisory Services in The Presidency, PCAS, are seized with this
work which will lead us to empowerment of the family in the fight
against poverty.
Our commitment to end gender-based poverty which persists at the
bottom end of the poverty pyramid is also part of the challenges and
areas of focus. These women and people in general are the people who
do not have jobs. They are not fortunate enough to be in positions
like you and me and many others who are employed by government or
the private sector or are in self-employment and have an income.
Our responsibility as this government is to ensure that state
resources are spent in a manner that is not biased against the
poorest of the poor, because they depend only on us for health care,
pensions, child support, free education, free water and basic
infrastructure. They have no bargaining power and they have nobody
to bargain with.
Those of us who have been elected by these people, such as the ANC –
my party - have the responsibility to ensure that the legitimate
needs of the working class do not in any way lead us to compromise
on the very legitimate and urgent needs of the bulk of the poorest
of the poor.
12 JUNE 2007
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We made a commitment to achieve universal access to basic services
earlier this year, and we also made a commitment to achieve some of
our targets even before the timeframe set in the Millennium
Development Goals. Our targets are for 2014 and, in fact, they are
more ambitious than those of the MDGs. Regarding energy, water,
sanitation, of course we are seized with focusing on delivering on
those targets.
We would like to defy the prediction that all of Africa will not
meet the MDGs targets. This is not an option for us in South Africa.
We believe it is possible for us to meet our targets but we need to
make sure that, in government, we get rid of our red tape. That is
the greatest threat. It’s not resources that will stop us from
delivering on MDGs.
Madam Speaker and hon President, I am now convinced that the work
done by the Department of Provincial and Local Government, DBSA,
Jipsa, the private sector; the excellent progress we have made in
Home Affairs in facilitating permits so that we can recruit foreign
skills; the returning South Africans from the diaspora; the South
Africans that are returning from retirement, are actually paying
off.
With this mobilisation of skills for municipalities, I am convinced
that we will be able to tackle the challenge of a skills shortage in
municipalities. We can even do better with added secondments.
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 82 of 176
However, again, I would want to urge that our own red tape must not
make it difficult for us to utilise the many skills of this kind
that we are now mobilising.
Mongameli, nani nonke malungu ahloniphekile ... [Mr President, hon
members] ... following the provincial visits we have been
undertaking with Director-General Frank Chikane, we have gained
further insight into the challenges faced by provinces and their
commitment to do things right. The process of eradicating the bucket
system remains a priority in all our provinces and impressive
progress is being made. I would also like to thank the Department of
Water Affairs and Forestry for their contribution in this regard.
We have engaged frankly with colleagues in the provinces on the
challenges. To date, we have visited the Eastern Cape, Northern
Cape, KwaZulu-Natal, North West and focused on the performance of
provincial growth and development strategies, Asgisa projects, basic
service delivery, human resource development, youth and women’s
development and safety, social and governance issues. In each
province we have been assisted by the DPLG and the affected province
on the specific challenges that face those provinces.
Some of our general conclusions, at this early stage, from our
visits, include the urgency to ensure that hospital revitalisation
in all provinces is given all the support we can give it, especially
where there are sound business plans that are already agreed to,
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 83 of 176
and, of course, also the support for human resource development in
health.
We have also noticed the need for the provision of quality education
and the great need to ensure support at each of the 30 000 schools
of our country, starting with the neediest schools. We have also
identified the filling of vacancies and the need for better
recruitment, retention strategies and a shared pool of skills,
including secondments as well as the skills that we are recruiting
from retirement and foreign skills as one way of addressing the
vacancy challenges that many provinces are facing. But, of course,
they must also take responsibility in this regard.
Financial management challenges continue to be one of the areas of
concern. However, we have also observed that there is improvement.
The involvement of the National Treasury’s municipal public finance
management unit is beginning to make an impact in those provinces
and municipalities where it is working; qhubekani [continue with
what you are doing].
In local government development, planning capability is also a
glaring challenge. We think there is a need to ensure that local
economic development, LED, is aligned with macroeconomic
opportunities. It must not mean that LED is just about small
projects otherwise we will not be able to deal with high
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 84 of 176
unemployment rates that many municipalities are trying to grapple
with.
We have not seen enough utilisation of some of the government
opportunities to initiate local business, for instance in areas like
waste management. On a positive note, we have noticed improvement
with regard to environmental assessment in most provinces, progress
in the management of HIV and Aids, as well as greater efforts to
manage tuberculosis. There is, however, a greater need for us to
continue to support many in these provinces, as the Minister of
Health explained in her Budget Vote.
There are pockets of improvement in infrastructure roll-out in
almost all the provinces. Intergovernmental relations are much
better and there is improved food security, especially because of
the social grants. We noted the provinces’ progress regarding Asgisa
projects such as the Dube Trade Port in KwaZulu-Natal, Umzimvubu in
the Eastern Cape, the industrial development zone in the North West,
and I am also aware that there is progress on Moloto Road as well as
in the Northern Cape, concerning their diamond beneficiation
initiative.
Jobs for Growth is an attempt to grow jobs at a very grass-roots
level, with an ambitious target of creating jobs especially for
women. We are thankful to the Independent Development Trust again
for its support in this work. In this initiative, we have initiated
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 85 of 176
training and we are now proceeding with developing the capacity to
produce commercial articles by co-operatives and microenterprises.
The majority of these enterprises are in agriculture. We therefore
need to diversify while we continue to grow more business in
agriculture. This programme compliments the work of the DTI. The
work in the area of SMMEs has to be in much larger scale than it is
now, so that it can have the desired impact.
Sectors in the national industrial strategy and large businesses are
a necessary link in the development of small businesses. We are
waiting for the work on the set-asides for SMMEs and BEE projects
from government, as well as work on the timeous payment of SMMEs by
government to be completed as that will also enhance our work in
this area.
Like the President, I find it hard to believe that our economy is
not growing faster than the statistics indicate. Just the demand for
energy tells its own story. I am sure these people need this energy
for real use. However, I must add that we need to promote energy
efficiency.
As we grow, the challenge, however, is that of unleashing growth
opportunities for the people who live in the second economy in the
most direct, quickest and most sustainable manner. As hon members
know, the Office of the Deputy President is assigned to work on the
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 86 of 176
complex matter of the second economy, together with all clusters in
government, as this work cuts across all of government. This work is
in progress and we will share with this House more details once it
is ready. That does not stop us from continuously addressing the
problems as we know them currently.
I am particularly pleased to see how, for instance, ICT companies
are drawing in young people from rural areas and poor communities
and providing them with cutting-edge skills in ICT. That enables
many of these young people to buy their way out of poverty.
In the ensuing collaboration approach within Asgisa, we are seeing
more companies and provincial governments intensifying training of
engineers, artisans, project managers, ICT and financial
professionals. These initiatives will augment the number of
graduates expected from our universities as per the work done
through the Department of Education.
I would like to thank the Jipsa secretariat for collaborating with
our departments in this work. I would also like to thank the
departments that are participating in the different initiatives of
Jipsa. Let me thank in particular – in relation to artisans - the
Department of Labour for the progress that we are now making. We
must sustain the pace in relation to the regulations that will
define what an artisan is so that we are able also to take advantage
of the many opportunities that are there for training artisans. We
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 87 of 176
must also bring to a close the issue of the national qualifications
programme review so that we are able to enhance the pool of skills
that is immediately available to us.
We also encourage all of you, hon members and the people in your
communities, to participate in the mentoring activities, under the
theme, “every child is my child” where young people and adults
mentor young people and children. One such programme is the Big
Brother and Big Sister programme driven by the Umsobomvu Youth Fund
and the National Youth Commission. We have a big shortage of adult
mentors in this programme, bantu [people]. The young boys have asked
us to find them good male role models. Can all the good men in this
House stand up and be counted? [Applause.]
We also encourage corporates to initiate their own mentoring schemes
where their employees will become “the big” and we will supply them
with “the small”, together with Umsobomvu and the many NGOs who are
working in this area. All our children, especially the vulnerable
and orphaned ones, need somebody to take special care.
We need more middle-class people to embrace this programme. We are
greatly heartened by the number of people in our townships who are
in this programme – ordinary mothers, ordinary “gogos” and many
young people who are playing the role of big brother and big sister.
Ngicela
nibashayele
[Applause.]
izandla.
[Clap
your
hands
for
them
please.]
12 JUNE 2007
As
the
PAGE: 88 of 176
Leader
between
the
of
Government
executive
and
Business,
we
Parliament.
I
provide
thank
an
interface
members
of
the
executive and presiding officers for raising sharply the issues that
continue to bedevil effective co-ordination in this area of our
work. We are all committed to solving these problems in both Houses
in order to work better, especially where there is legislation that
needs
collaboration
between
different
departments
and
therefore
different committees, and to shorten the time it takes to process
such legislation.
I thank you for passing the Sexual Offences Bill in this House and
we must also use the lessons we learned in the process of processing
this Bill to work better and quicker. We must especially use that
experience to expedite the Child Justice Bill, which the Department
of Justice is bringing back for further consideration. Bridget asked
me to make sure that I don’t leave this one out - but I share her
concern and anxiety.
We appreciate the interest members show in the work of government
through the questions posed to the executive, the President and me
in the House. There is room for improvement to ensure that the
questions
greater
that
public
are
tabled
good.
I
am
serve
a
pleased
useful
purpose
that
Parliament
finalising its approach to its oversight work.
and
is
serve
close
the
to
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 89 of 176
More work needs to be done from the executive side in ensuring that
the
executive
responds
to
issues
raised
by
Parliament
in
their
oversight work and particularly in reports that are adopted in the
House. However, we must also make sure that as we table the reports
for adoption we work closely with the members of the executive. The
Leader of Government Business unit in the Cabinet Office will be
crucial in ensuring that we achieve these objectives.
I
wish
to
thank
Mrs
Vanessa
Calvert
and
Judy
Cornish
from
the
support office in Parliament of the Leader of Government Business
for
the
important
work
they
quietly
do
in
this
area.
My
Parliamentary Councillor, Mrs Dorothy Motubatse, is on extended sick
leave
and
we
wish
Jeffery,
the
excellent
assistance
her
a
speedy
President’s
and
recovery.
Parliamentary
service
to
me
and
In
her
absence,
Councillor,
to
the
work
John
provides
of
the
President.
Madam Speaker, the fight for a healthier nation free of preventable
diseases continues to be a shared vision of many South Africans.
This has been aptly demonstrated through the vigorously restructured
and reinvigorated standards. I would like to thank the leadership of
the Department of Health, the Minister who was supportive even when
she was on leave, the Minister who relieved her, Minister Radebe,
the other national departments that participated, the professionals,
civil society and all those who have contributed to this process
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 90 of 176
that has led to the consensus that you now enjoy in the adopted
national strategic plan.
Again,
Madam
Leader
of
the
Opposition,
we
work
together.
We
collaborate and we open ourselves up for criticism and that is why
we have consensus on some of these crucial policy documents. I am
certain that in both word and deed members will be found in the
forefront of this battle against HIV and Aids, but in general in the
struggle for a healthier South Africa.
South Africans must also work together on rebuilding our society.
The majority of South Africans are committed to a shared and better
future. We urge civil society and professionals to work for social
cohesion
to
plough
against
the
few
back
in
into
our
the
communities
communities
who
in
order
engage
in
to
fight
criminal
activities. We must support the police in their quest to keep order.
We need to reclaim our neighbourhoods. The MRM initiative in our
communities therefore deserves our support.
Like the MRM, the 2010 Fifa World Cup is rooted in a broader project
of nation-building and social cohesion. Our President remarked in a
letter to Fifa President, Sepp Blatter, that: “The fundamentals of
this bid lie in our resolve to ensure that the 21st century unfolds
as a century of growth and development in Africa.” The fact is that
we
can
report
that
this
Fifa
World
Cup
is
already
the
most
successful World Cup ever. It has generated a massive US$3,2 billion
12 JUNE 2007
in
signed
PAGE: 91 of 176
agreements,
more
than
any
other
World
Cup.
Shayani
izandla. [Clap your hands.] [Applause.]
In
addition,
Fifa
has
donated
US$7
million
towards
the
legacy
programme. Our government has approved infrastructure spending worth
R19 billion and South African companies have invested more than R700
million in this event. We stand in front of you today, proud in the
knowledge that jobs that are being created are benefiting the poor
around the country. Our hearts are warmed by a construction worker
in Port Elizabeth who said that the job she has, building Nelson Bay
Stadium, is her first since 1989. [Applause.] We rejoice in the
statement of a worker at Soccer City who said that he was not just
building a stadium, but that he was helping to build our country.
That is the spirit.
We
will
unveil
opportunities
for
SMMEs
at
the
2010
business
opportunities conference to be hosted on 19 June 2007. Government
will partner with Fifa and LOC in this event. Did you know that we
chose our host cities one year ahead of schedule? Did you know that
you
completed
our
legislative
programme
to
give
effect
to
the
government guarantees much earlier than any other host nation? Did
you
know
process
that
for
we
the
are
nearing
location
[Applause.] I rest my case.
of
the
the
final
stage
international
of
our
selection
broadcast
centre?
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 92 of 176
We will have an opportunity to repay this confidence when the world
descends on Durban in November 2007, when the first big associated
event will be held on South African soil. The preliminary draw will
bring together nations from around the world after they have signed
up in record numbers to participate in the 2010 Fifa World Cup in
South Africa. No fewer than 204 countries have signed up for this
competition – a record in Fifa’s book. [Applause.]
Ladies and gentlemen and hon members, I must also emphasise the fact
that our President and The Presidency interact with a number of
stakeholders. The President has a number of working groups, all of
which
demonstrate
our
commitment
to
consult
and
to
work
in
collaboration. We have a youth working group - we have worked with
young lions; we have a labour working group – we work with labour;
we have a big business working group; we have a women’s working
group;
we
have
international
an
agriculture
working
group;
we
working
group;
have
international
an
we
have
an
ICT
investment
council; we have a black business working group; we have a higher
education
group;
a
religious
working
group
...
what
more!
[Applause.]
In conclusion, I would also like to remind the House that the people
of South Africa have given us an overwhelming mandate to address the
agenda of the poor while we unite the country. Moral regeneration
remains a concern of all our people, rich and poor and the different
race groups. We need to put our efforts together on this agenda.
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 93 of 176
I have no doubt that the work that the Policy Co-ordination and
Advisory Services, PCAS, is doing together with the social cluster
in looking into comprehensive antipoverty as well as the wave of
driving pro employment growth will emerge with second economy
interventions that will respond to the needs of the poor. Nothing is
more important to us than cracking this complex challenge that is
not unique to South Africa.
I thank you, hon members and presiding officers, the Acting Chief
Whip
of
the
ruling
party
for
your
support,
colleagues
in
the
executive, our team in The Presidency led by Reverend Chikane, the
advisory
team,
the
excellent
services
provided
by
PCAS,
led
by
Director-General Joel Netshitenzhe, the protection teams, Minister
Pahad and the chief, our boss, and lastly my family and friends.
Thank you. [Applause.]
Business suspended at 16:25 and resumed at 16:49.
Ms K R MAGAU: Motlatsa motsamaisi wa dipuisano, mookamedi ya kgabane
wa Repaboliki ya Aforika Borwa, Motlatsi wa Mookamedi, Matona, ditho
tsa palamente, baeti, ke a le dumedisa. [Deputy Speaker, hon
President of the Republic of South Africa, Deputy President,
Ministers, members of Parliament, guests, I greet you all.]
International engagement and solidarity is the ANC and South African
people’s longest tradition. It derives from the organisation’s
12 JUNE 2007
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understanding that our fortunes as a nation are intimately
interconnected with those of the region, the continent and, indeed,
of all humanity. This notion is further entrenched in the Preamble
of our Constitution, which says the following: “Build a united and
democratic South Africa able to take its rightful place as a
sovereign state in the family of nations.” It is with this
understanding that we in the ANC believe in the creation of a better
South Africa, a better Africa and a better world.
The Presidency, being the centre of the country’s government system,
as well as policy implementation and co-ordination, has over the
past few years unveiled a series of strategic objectives aimed at
enhancing the manner in which government undertakes its work locally
and internationally. This brief then seeks to highlight
interventions and initiatives undertaken by The Presidency in the
international arena, with special reference to the consolidation of
the African agenda and South–South Co-operation.
Madam Speaker, the consolidation of this agenda serves as a pillar
upon which Africa’s developmental goals will be achieved. These
developmental goals will only be achievable through regional
communities with viable regional economic communities. Our own
regional community, SADC’s agenda, is to promote sustainable and
equitable economic growth and socioeconomic development through an
efficient and productive system, deeper integration and cooperation, good governance, peace and security, in order for the
12 JUNE 2007
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region to emerge as a competitive player in international relations
and the world economy.
It is within regional indicative strategy developmental plans that
Nepad priorities and objectives find expression. We would like to
welcome the commitment by The Presidency to ensure that in almost
all summits the region remains focused and committed to the African
agenda.
We have also seen the critical role played by The Presidency in
conflict resolution within the continent. Examples here would be
Burundi, the Comores Islands and the DRC, and all these have been
undertaken within the framework of the African Union.
We also welcome the current assignment given to The Presidency by
SADC, namely that of engaging with Zimbabwe. We hope that this will
bring fruitful results, because we believe that peace is a critical
ingredient for development.
On good governance, through the African Peer Review Mechanism, Nepad
introduces a voluntary instrument for monitoring compliance with the
Principles, Priorities and Objectives of the Constitutive Act and
other decisions of the AU. It provides a mechanism for peer learning
and the sharing of information and best practices.
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Participation in the APRM is voluntary, 24 countries have thus far
joined and South Africa is presently being reviewed. We await the
report. Continentally, the AU is the vehicle aimed at driving Nepad.
We acknowledge progress made in this regard, that is, key
institutions have been operationalised, namely the AU Assembly, the
executive and permanent representative committee, the Pan-African
Parliament whose headquarters are in South Africa.
Having said that, it is also important to note that there is a lack
of momentum-drivers regarding the development of the efficient
infrastructure and services to facilitate the free movement of
people, goods and services across the SADC region. Also, adequate
attention is not being given to the implementation of all SADC
protocols.
There is also a need to accelerate work which is in progress in
operationalising AU institutions, namely the African Central Bank
and the Court of Justice, for we believe without these institutions
our developmental goals will be delayed.
Mr President, as the head of state, it is perhaps about time that
you give effect to the Constitutive Act which states that after five
years the Pan-African Parliament can be given legislative powers.
This we, believe, will accelerate the consolidation of the African
Agenda and also assist with oversight and the intensification of the
regional integration which we believe is critical.
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A better Africa in a better world is in fact a possibility. The fact
that the G8 countries today regard Africa as a partner is a good
indicator. Thanks to The Presidency for this positive move. However,
a myriad of challenges still remain as far as their commitment
towards Africa is concerned. For instance, the recent G8 Summit held
in Germany concluded without any tangible outcomes towards Africa.
We would then plead with The Presidency to maintain the momentum in
order to ensure that the G8 lives up to their promises towards
Africa.
African Renewal Co-operation is another clear commitment from the
South African Presidency towards driving and championing efforts
aimed at ensuring Africa’s cultural and political renewal as well as
co-operation. Two projects worth mentioning under this underscore
this commitment.
Firstly, there is the South Africa-Mali Project on the Timbuktu
manuscripts. The aim of this project is to preserve the various
manuscripts from the ancient Africa university town of Timbuktu
which was a historical centre of learning in education. The South
Africa-Mali project was declared an official South African
Presidential project as it was endorsed by the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development.
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In this regard, a fundraising campaign to raise funds for the work
towards the construction of the archive centre has begun in order to
ensure, indeed, that African indigenous knowledge is well preserved.
The second important project is the 2010 World Cup which hon Frolick
will elaborate on.
Madam Deputy Speaker, The Presidency has also focused it efforts on
strengthening bilateral relations with other regions of the
continent. This is a means of improving ties for both political as
well as economic interests. In this regard the government has
concluded a number of bilateral as well as bi-national commissions.
It is true that through these relations with other countries and
other regions that initiatives such as Asgisa will pave the way for
the betterment of the lives of South Africans. We also believe that
our ambassadors in all these other countries will be able to take
this responsibility.
We also believe that there is a need for us as a country to identify
anchor states - states that will walk the walk with us to give
meaningful effect and desired outcomes to such relations in
different international forums.
The President has played a leading role in the creation of the
India-Brazil-South Africa forum –IBSA - a forum which brings
12 JUNE 2007
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together three key countries of the South, which are all grappling
with common challenges of poverty, economic development and social
inequity. It is hoped that through the IBSA important issues in
global governance, such as further reforms in the United Nations on
which we are a nonpermanent seat holder, should be advanced. These
reforms must be introduced to ensure that the United Nations is the
most universal and most representative organisation in the world.
IBSA members are aware of the growing sense of exclusion amongst
some of the smaller developing countries that have long been
marginalised from the global system. This then gives us hope that
this forum will become a vibrant force to advocate for further
reforms in the international institutions like the monetary
institutions.
Despite recent studies showing improved economic performance in subSaharan Africa, over 40% of sub-Saharan African people live below
the international poverty line of one US dollar a day.
Thank you. The ANC supports Budget Vote No 1. [Time expired.]
Ms M M MDLALOSE: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President
and hon members, moral regeneration is one of The Presidency’s
special projects. We, as Nadeco, believe that this project requires
more visibility as it is focused on enhancing the morality of our
society.
12 JUNE 2007
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Thirteen years after the birth of democracy we, as a country, are
collectively struggling with what it means to be a South African and
trying to create a national identity that is both humane and
inclusive.
Last year, The Presidency released its report on South Africa’s
macro-social status entitled “A nation in the making”. This report
posed the question of whether we can forge a common vision for South
Africa given the extent of inequality within our society.
We can form a common vision for this country if we conduct it on a
shared moral background. The restoration and strengthening of the
moral fibre of our society can be achieved by ensuring that this
project focuses on the youth, who are the future of South Africa.
Madam Speaker, we are all aware that the month of June is Youth
Month and 2007 marks the 31st anniversary of 16 June. Young people
today face another struggle - poverty. According to the statistics,
the number of discouraged work-seekers is 3,7 million. Officially,
the number of unemployed people is 4,3 million.
At the Expanded Public Works Programme National Youth Service
Programme launch on 14 April 2007, the Deputy President stated that
48% of the unemployed are youth. This is indeed an issue of great
concern, which requires government, business and civil society to
work together to tackle the programme.
12 JUNE 2007
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I would like to read a poem by Sandile Dikeni, a South African
youth. The poem is entitled “Love poem for my country”:
My country
Is for unity
Feel the millions
See their passion
Their hands are joined together
There is hope in their eyes
We shall celebrate
South Africa has great policies in place. However, these policies
and their intentions are in vain if they are unable to protect the
most vulnerable members of our society - women and children.
Women in all regions of the Third World do worse than men in terms
of health, nutrition and education. Rural women are the most
vulnerable. They are adversely affected by poverty, unemployment,
lack of financial and capital resources and lack of technical and
professional skills.
Policies arise out of a societal need; however we are not able to
feed that need. They are not able to serve the people. Skills are in
demand and required. We need to upgrade their skills.
12 JUNE 2007
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We support Budget Vote No 1. I thank you. Ngiyabonga. [Thank you.]
[Applause.]
Mr I S MFUNDISI: Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President
and hon members, there is always truth in the saying that the last
will be the first. The Presidency is the anchor of all government
and has the onerous task of overseeing and ensuring the realisation
of the agenda of government. To this end, The Presidency has coped
well.
It is very important to note that the awarding of national orders is
a dignified nation-building event that is a result of inputs from
members of the public.
The President has to be commended for standing up to those obsessed
with name changes with complete disregard for our heroes and
heroines. Calling on the eThekwini Municipality to refrain from
changing the name of the Princess Magogo Stadium, speaks volumes
about him and sends a message that names of those honoured through
public participation should be held in the highest esteem.
As the father of the nation, the President’s word on the ongoing
strike will go a long way. Now is the time, Mr President, for
leadership to prevail.
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We in the UCDP appreciate the efforts put into attempting to
celebrate our humanity and human dignity, coupled with the
commitment to emancipate all human beings through the Freedom Park
Trust. We hope the controversy that surrounds this project as to
whose or which names should be inscribed on the walls, will be
quelled in the spirit of eyeball-to-eyeball negotiations. We argue
that if this country surmounted the World Trade negotiations at
Kempton Park, no problem can be too big to be resolved amicably.
While The Presidency is doing well, we would call on the Leader of
Government Business to put some dynamite under some Ministries that
take too long or fail to submit translations for Bills to be passed
by the National Assembly. Such delays militate against the noble
effort of setting up this office to ensure the smooth flow of work
between Parliament and Cabinet. It further retards the
accountability of the national executive to the National Assembly.
The UCDP takes note that our youth is our future but the plethora of
youth institutions, referred to even by the both the President and
the Deputy President, overseen by The Presidency, tends to be
confusing. The National Youth Commission, the Umsobomvu Youth Fund
and the National Youth Service Unit are all set up to empower young
people in this country, but they tend to be duplicating each other,
if not at times being at cross purposes. We, however, have to await
the findings of the Asmal ad hoc Committee on all chapter nine
institutions in this regard.
12 JUNE 2007
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The magnificent projects and programmes mounted by government are
less known because the Government Communication Information Services
– GCIS - is found wanting, even on the admission of the Minister
responsible as he answered questions in this House last week.
This service has to be improved to reach out to even those nooks and
crannies of this country, situated far from the madding crowd.
Electronics devices may be good but printed material is durable and
can be read over and over again. We, however, commend the section
for having put up a stand-alone website of The Presidency.
The UCDP support the Budget Vote. [Applause.]
Mr N T GODI: Madam Deputy Speaker, comrades and hon members, The
Presidency, which is at the helm of the government, has identified,
amongst others, the co-ordination, monitoring and evaluation of
government policies and programmes, as well as accelerating
integrated service delivery, as its strategic objectives.
To realise the above, the PAC believes that a few challenges need to
be
addressed,
namely:
Firstly,
the
elimination
of
territorialism
amongst government departments so that they can maximise efforts and
synergise their programmes where applicable. Narrow departmentalism
creates unnecessary tensions and slows down progress.
12 JUNE 2007
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Secondly, there is a need also to deal with the capacity of the
state or government to deliver. The lack of appropriate skills and
high vacancy rates are a severe drawback to service delivery. The
challenge of skills retention in government must be attended to as a
matter
of
urgency
if
stated
service
delivery
goals
are
to
be
achieved.
At
least,
South
Africa
has
good
laws
and
structures
against
corruption. But these have not prevented a perception of corruption,
fraud and malpractices appearing to be in the ascendancy. Government
must be seen to be vigorously crusading against noncompliance with
laws, regulations and procedures.
A study done by the Public Services Commission entitled “Trends
Analysis on Complaints Lodged with PSC” does not give a picture of
departments taking complaints seriously. Of the complaints reported
through the National Anti-Corruption Hotline, which the PSC referred
to departments, in 77% of cases, there was no response - not even
acknowledgement
of
receipt;
in
only
20%
of
cases
was
receipt
acknowledged; and only in three per cent of these cases were there
substantive responses.
Certainly,
this
is
not
a
good
picture.
The
liberation
struggle
imperative of improving the material conditions of our people cannot
and should not be sacrificed on the altar of corruption, fraud and
maladministration.
12 JUNE 2007
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Earlier this year, the PAC made a call on our government to be
amongst the frontline states in pushing forward the integration of
the African continent both politically and economically.
We want to
reiterate this position, hoping that at the July Accra meeting of
the African Union we will push for the realisation of the United
States of Africa as soon as possible without being reckless.
The PAC wishes you success in fulfilling the mandate of SADC on the
Zimbabwe question.
is
the
The PAC believes that the solution in Zimbabwe
responsibility
neighbours,
without
the
of
the
Zimbabweans,
interference
of
assisted
countries
by
with
their
sinister
motives. [Interjections.]
Mr M T LIKOTSI: Madam Deputy Speaker, I think there is a disturbance
in the sound system.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, we are aware of that. We want the hon
member to complete his speech. Would you please allow him to
complete his speech?
Mr M T LIKOTSI: Should he be allowed to complete his speech even
when the system is in this terrible state, Madam Deputy Speaker?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Please sit down, hon member!
12 JUNE 2007
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Mr N T GODI: Lastly, the PAC also urges our government, with concern
for others, to keep the issue of Palestine high on the international
agenda. The destruction, death and misery which has been visited
upon the Palestinians cannot be ignored forever.
However,
I
wish
to
humbly
counsel
our
Palestinian
brothers
and
sisters that they should follow the slogan: ``Peace amongst the
Palestinians, war against the enemy.’’
The PAC supports the Budget Vote. Thank you. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members we didn’t stop Mr Godi because he
was audible - not horrible. We managed to hear everything he said up
to the last sentence. But we do think that we are experiencing a
serious sound problem. Allow us to suspend the business of the
House. But please do not leave the House because we think that it is
a problem that can be sorted out quite quickly. As soon as the bells
ring we shall resume the debate - not tomorrow. We are still working
this afternoon. The House is temporarily suspended.
Business suspended at 17:12 and resumed at 17.24.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, we continue with the debate.
We apologise for the second break that you did not ask for. We have
a serious problem with the sound system but we promise that it will
be attended to speedily.
12 JUNE 2007
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Mr C T FROLICK: Madam Deputy Speaker, His Excellency the President
of the Republic, Deputy President, members of the Executive, hon
members, ladies and gentlemen, in a letter contained in South
Africa’s Bid Book to Fifa in 2003, President Mbeki said:
We want, on behalf of our continent, to stage an event that will
send ripples of confidence from Cape to Cairo – an event that will
create social and economic opportunities throughout Africa. We
want to ensure that one day, historians will reflect upon the 2010
World Cup as a moment when Africa stood tall and resolutely turned
the tide on centuries of poverty and conflict. We want to show
that Africa’s time has come.
With this resolve, the President committed the people of Africa and
South Africa to work tirelessly towards hosting the most successful
World Cup ever. The strategic plan of The Presidency for the next
three years thus correctly emphasises the need to maximise this rare
opportunity to the benefit of all the people of our continent. A
successful World Cup will enhance the image of African countries as
reliable partners that can deliver on undertakings given and that
can stand tall in the family of nations. Failure is not an option.
Hon members, many economic opportunities are presented by hosting
the event. We cannot afford to let this opportunity slip by without
leveraging it towards the levelling of the playing field in both the
dual nature of our economy and infrastructure. We need to ensure
12 JUNE 2007
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that local entrepreneurs and those people trapped in the second
economy are assisted and prepared to tap into the opportunities
provided by the event.
I’m convinced that our country is well on its way to ensure that all
the commitments and guarantees given to Fifa will be met before the
agreed deadlines. This is evident in the remarkable progress
government is making in ensuring that infrastructure projects, such
as stadium and transport construction are approached with competence
and efficiency.
In all instances construction is way ahead of schedule and will be
completed within the stipulated deadlines in time to host the
Confederations Cup in 2009. Visits to construction sites display the
nation at work where South Africans of all ages and from all walks
of life are approaching their tasks with enthusiasm.
Colonialism and apartheid have left a permanent scar on the spatial
patterns of our cities and towns. The construction of new
infrastructure will in a small but meaningful way change the face of
the apartheid city – where new points of integration and assembly
are ingrained on the physical landscape. The long-term benefits of
this spatial change are immense and will contribute to nationbuilding and instilling national pride.
12 JUNE 2007
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The strategic plan also identifies the need to encourage the
development and implementation of a vision for our national soccer
team. Such a strategic plan is long overdue in football. The South
African Football Association must grasp this as an opportunity to
transform itself into a national asset that all of us can be proud
of.
There seems to be a new sense of urgency, Mr President, and vibrancy
in local football. This is judged from the performance of some of
our national teams over the last few weeks. The under-14 team won
the World Championship, Banyana Banyana and the national under-23
teams are well on their way to compete in the Olympic Games in
Beijing next year, and the national team tops the log in their group
to compete in the All Africa Cup of Nations in Ghana next year.
In our schools and communities we need to do more work. We must
build the momentum to ensure that more young girls and boys
participate in sport. Sport remains an important vehicle to ensure
the social transformation of our society.
At the same time there is a cry from the youth of our country for
basic facilities to ensure sport for all. In this respect the
Building for Sport and Recreation Programme should be relocated to
the Department of Sport and Recreation to achieve this objective.
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The hosting of the 2010 World Cup also demands a better organised
football league in each African country. Furthermore, better
performing African teams at home and abroad are a must. Federations
and players must avoid getting involved in unnecessary squabbles
that prevent us from fielding our strongest possible national teams.
Irrespective of the progress we are making we are still confronted,
Mr President, by obstacles such as doubt and resistance which is not
of our own making. It comes from certain sectors in our own society.
Last week I was standing behind a fellow citizen at a security check
point at Cape Town International Airport and he was clearly
irritated by the slow pace of movement in the queue. Unable to
contain himself, he quipped: And they still want to host 2010.
Immediately, I thought to myself, who are the “they” that he is
referring to? Is he not as much a part of us as the “they” he is
referring to? Is the “they” perhaps the Local Organising Committee,
the ANC-led government, or the people or certain sectors in South
Africa? I tried to solicit a response from him but he was very uncooperative.
Has it not become a common occurrence where there are delays caused
by positive things, road construction, airport renovations and
upgrades and so forth - that one hears this comment? Why do we still
have, in this day and age, certain people who continue to harbor
12 JUNE 2007
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these feelings and what informs them, is it fact or fiction? In my
opinion it is the latter.
It seems as if the rest of the world is more excited than certain
South Africans by the tremendous progress made in the construction
of stadiums and the rollout of infrastructure.
At the meeting of Sports Ministers in Addis Ababa, fifty-three
countries committed themselves to vigorously oppose the vicious and
in certain instances very well-orchestrated onslaught against our
country from certain sections of the media.
On 15 May 2007, a similar resolution was adopted by Fifa at its
meeting in Zurich. This indicates the groundswell of support and
confidence from the international community.
Irrespective of this, hon members, we continue to face these
onslaughts. The latest that has emerged is a strategy that certain
people in society use to calculate how many houses could have been
built for the poor and how many houses could have been provided with
basic services and they compare this with the costs associated with
hosting 2010. Such prophets of doom have a very narrow view of human
dignity and the totality of life. They seem to believe that the poor
will remain poor and have no aspirations to transcend their current
situation.
12 JUNE 2007
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The pro-poor policies and commitment of the ANC-led government in
fighting poverty and unemployment is conveniently sacrificed on the
altar of cheap political gain. Together we need to respect the human
dignity of all human beings; we also need to speak of the need to
embrace the principles of ubuntu, compassion and human solidarity.
Hon members, in light of the large amount of negativism and
pessimism that is going around, I am reminded of an abstract from
the speech of the President in the 2007 state of the nation address
when he said:
We are duty bound to ask the question – have we all fully
internalised our responsibility in building social cohesion and
promoting a common sense of belonging, reinforcing the glue that
holds our nation together?
It is my submission, hon President, that we must continuously work
towards the creation of a national identity that is fundamentally
focused on the creation and strengthening of our sense of belonging.
It is clear from our experiences that national reconciliation and
social cohesion will not happen on its own. It requires visionary
leadership and demands from all of us to focus on the bigger
picture!
In this respect, Madam Deputy Speaker, I wish to quote an extract
from a poem called “I am an African” by Wayne Visser. He wrote:
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 114 of 176
I am an African
Not because I was born here
But because my heart beats with Africa’s
I am an African
Not because my skin is Black
But because my mind is engaged by Africa
I am an African
Not because I live on its soil
But because my soul is at home in Africa.
This sense of belonging to the continent of our birth is certainly
the glue that should hold us together and that will allow us to
prove to the rest of the world that indeed Africa’s time has come. I
thank you. [Applause.]
Mr R B BHOOLA: Deputy Speaker, hon President, the MF welcomes you
and applauds your inspiring team for its dedication and commitment
to organise the governance of South Africa into a progressive and
fast-growing democracy.
The Presidency budget is consistent in the six priorities identified
by the department. The MF notes that this is not a service delivery
vehicle but instead is responsible for organising the governance of
the country.
12 JUNE 2007
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In view of the constraints on the capacity in The Presidency, the MF
expresses concern about the vacancies that remain unfilled in the
department. We would like to know what progress has been made in
this regard and whether funding has been earmarked for this. How
does this affect the capacity-building programme and that of the
graduate data base that has to be consulted to service the shortage?
The MF supports the Cabinet programme and the assistance it will
render to the communication between members in the Cabinet. We see
that there are no funds projected for shifting to the programme of
the Department of the Public Service and Administration. Noting the
problems The Presidency had in implementing the project, we would
like to know what progress has been made by shifting the project and
when it will be reshifted to The Presidency?
We also note that as a result of the delay in the Cabinet project a
R3 million saving was reported in the 2006-07 Adjusted Estimates of
Expenditure and redirected to the South African Women in Dialogue
Conference. The MF would like to know whether the conference did
take place in 2006-07 and its outcome. Details as to the cost
attached to this event would also be greatly appreciated.
Drawing attention to Programme 2, the MF is pleased that this
expenditure is consistent to The Presidency’s strategic priority of
leading and facilitating participatory democratic governance that
serves to mobilise society into nation-building and social cohesion.
12 JUNE 2007
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The MF is especially interested in the progress made to enhance
izimbizo and as to whether any challenges have emerged from the
imbizo programme.
With poverty alleviation and transformation being at the top of the
South African agenda, we would expect the prioritisation of the
needs and challenges of vulnerable groups to be a primary focus.
Programme 3 shows that the Offices on the Status of Women, Children
and Disabled Persons receives the second smallest allocation and no
real increase.
Even though it is not a service-delivery department, the MF feels
that it plays a critical role in co-ordinating, monitoring and
evaluating the mainstreaming of gender, disability and children’s
issues in policies and programmes of all government departments.
This morning’s news, hon President, revealed that 100 million
children globally and approximately 170 000 South African children
are induced into child labour from as young as five years. In any,
case this is where the Offices of the Status of Women, Children and
Disabled Persons a pivotal role to play. The MF requests that the
department be capacitated with more funds so that it may execute its
mandate effectively.
Hon President, let us anchor our democracy in the greatest depth of
equality, freedom and protection of our people. We have the greatest
12 JUNE 2007
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confidence in you, hon President, as the captain of our democracy
and your impeccable crew that will steer us further and further away
from the rough seas of poverty, inferiority, imbalance and social
degradation.
We hear of warfare around the world, the Middle East and our own
Africa. It was Mama Africa that went through the trenches of
colonialism together and when South Africa was kidnapped and
repeatedly raped by the legacy of apartheid, our brothers and
sisters of Africa heard our cries and supported us through to our
liberation. Free South Africa now hears cries very similar to the
cries that once rang out from us. Hon President, we need to soothe
its cries and we support you, our leader, in bringing peace, love,
liberation and freedom to our rich Africa.
However, South Africa too is still crying and there is fear, hon
President. The MF will support the Budget Vote. [Time expired.]
[Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, before we proceed, I just want to
request that you reduce the number of meetings taking place. We are
dealing with the Budget Vote of The Presidency. The only challenge
we have is the sound, which we have now restored. We have Plan B
that is working very well, but with your continued meetings, it
makes it very difficult to follow the speakers on the podium. Are we
agreed that we will give them the audience they deserve?
12 JUNE 2007
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The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Madam Deputy Speaker, Comrade
President, Comrade Deputy President, hon Ministers and Deputy
Ministers, hon members, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,
today we are confronted with the most urgent need to consolidate,
protect and advance the gains made by our national democratic
revolution. There are critics on the ultra left and the right who
have wittingly and unwittingly made common cause as they attack our
hard-won freedoms, as they spread disinformation about our
socioeconomic gains since 1994.
They accuse us of corruption, centralisation, narcissism,
intolerance and of being unresponsive to the needs of our people.
All of these claims, unfounded in reality, are based on a faulty
understanding of the institutional and administrative arrangements
which make for efficient and effective policy development, policy
implementation, service delivery and monitoring and evaluation as
well as the institutional arrangements that are needed to meet the
central challenges of halving poverty and unemployment by 2014 and
building a nonracial, nonsexist, socially cohesive and prosperous
South Africa.
There is ample evidence to demonstrate that success in the fight
against poverty requires a strong, democratic developmental state
which exercises its role in policy implementation, monitoring and
evaluation.
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Let us be very clear that a strong developmental state, committed to
realising the people’s contract, must not be confused with a
despotic state, and those who seek to sow this confusion in the
minds of our people are disingenuous. The seeming confluence of the
ultra left and the right at this critical juncture in our second
decade of democracy requires us to undertake an analysis of that one
word that so dominates the lexicon of our critics - ``power’’.
One has to wonder why they view the exercise of power by the
legitimately elected representatives of the people of South Africa
as intrinsically bad. Power exists within the context of
relationships between people, things and patterns of ownership and
control. Power does not exist in a vacuum. It is not inherent in
individuals. Power and power relationships can – and as our own
experience tells us – and do change.
This is something that the Official Opposition has not fully
understood. They hold onto outdated notions of power, deliver a
parliamentary opposition which places itself within the intellectual
tradition of Lord Acton, which opposes the national and democratic
revolution led by our government. Their reliance on Acton is
explicit in a speech on Youth Day, 16 June 2004, by the former head
of the DA, Tony Leon, where he set out his philosophy and the DA’s
vision, which one can only hope the new leader will abandon.
[Interjections.]
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In the philosophical section, Leon gave the final word of his
conclusion to Lord Acton. Leon said ...
Ms D KOHLER-BARNARD: Hon Leon! Hon Leon!
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Hon Tony Leon said that the
democratic South African government, and I quote the hon member:
... seeks not to limit power, but to concentrate it in the hands
of the ANC - and in reality, in the hands of the ANC’s National
Executive Committee, which is dominated by the President.
And the more that power is concentrated in the hands of any
powerful institution, the less freedom there is for individuals.
He went on:
I should emphasise that it does not matter that the ANC might wish
to concentrate power in its own hands, to extend its ``hegemony’’,
for good reasons, or in pursuit of noble aims, such as the
``emancipation’’ of the African majority.
Because accumulated power concentrated in the hands of a few party
bosses is a dangerous thing, irrespective of their reasons for
wanting that power.
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``Power corrupts’’, as Lord Acton pointed out long ago, ``and
absolute power corrupts absolutely.’’
[Interjections.] In the following articulation of the views and
positions of Acton, I draw extensively on the forthcoming book by
Ronald Suresh Roberts, Fit to Govern: The Native Intelligence of
Thabo Mbeki. Leon misquotes Acton, who really said that ``Power
tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.’’ He went
on, ``Great men are always bad men.’’
Drawing upon the worst traditions of the rhetorical polemical
repertoire, the South African liberal analysis converts a tendency
into an ironclad rule. Acton, incidentally, did not apply his dictum
against absolute power to the Pope, whose authority, he agreed, was
absolute, and who, he acknowledged, was incorruptible and
infallible.
Certainly, power unchecked by the rule of law, by a constitution and
by a social compact with the citizenry can slide down a slippery
slope, but the link Acton makes between power and corruption is
ironic, considering that Acton sat as member of parliament for
Carlow, a famously corrupt, rotten borough, and was vilified for his
lack of diligence.
Lord Acton, the hero of the DA, supported slavery, seeing it as a
bulwark against the evils of socialism. He said, and I quote him:
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Slavery operates like a restricted franchise ...
[Interjections.]
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Listen -
... operates like a restricted franchise, attaches power to
property, and hinders socialism - the infirmity that attends ...
[Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon members!
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY:
... the infirmity that attends the truer democracies.
Thus slavery stood against socialism, just as apartheid later stood
against communism.
The Secretary-General of the Congress of SA Trade Unions, Zwelinzima
Vavi, argued at the National Union of Mineworkers’s 20th anniversary
celebration that:
Reports of an economic boom in South Africa were government
propaganda, similar to that of Hitler’s Nazi Germany.
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[Interjections.] Deputy Speaker, can you ask them to shut up for a
minute here?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Continue, hon Minister.
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: For Vavi, our government is using
its power in a manner consistent with that exercised by the most
abhorrent regime of the 20th century. Is Vavi turning full circle to
link with the DA, suggesting that the power exercised by our
government, based on a mandate given to it by the overwhelming
majority of South Africans, is so absolute as to be dictatorial?
Is this not what he actually said in May 2006 when he likened
President Mbeki to a dictator? He said:
Dictatorship never announces its arrival. It won’t, like drum
majorettes, beat drums and parade down the street to announce it
has arrived.
[Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon members, please!
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: The DA which eulogises Acton – now
listen very carefully, you lot - should know that he was a racist
and an admirer of Aryan despotism. In 1877, Acton argued that:
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Wherever we can trace the earlier life of the Aryan nations we
discover germs which favouring circumstances and assiduous culture
might have developed into free societies.
That’s your hero!
Would it be far-fetched to at least argue that ultra leftists, by
drawing these invidious comparisons, are making common cause with
slothful intellectuals and opponents who draw their sustenance from
the Lord Actons of the world? Their reckless attempts to discredit
our government and its achievements over the past 13 years place
them objectively on the side of those opposed to progressive
policies in our country. Politics does make very strange bedfellows!
[Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Minister, please address the House, and not
a few members of the House!
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: The sad reality is that the DA
speaks from both sides of its mouth. It said in a local government
by-election in Ermelo that:
Negotiating with the ANC is a waste of time.
However, in Parliament, the DA, through the hon C M Lowe, proceeded
to ask the hon President for a meeting to discuss issues of poverty
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and unemployment - either he or as a delegation of people - to sit
down and come up with some constructive solution for all the people
in South Africa.
President Thabo Mbeki, in a spirit of inclusivity, unequivocally
answered, ``Yes, we are prepared to meet to flush us out of our
partisan spaces to really address these matters as national
challenges rather than a promotion of particular parties and
agendas.’’
Power, as we have always held it to be is ``Amandla ngawethu’’ –
power to the people. This understanding of power is closest to what
many call empowerment, the exercise of power with people, not over
people. [Interjections.]
In this understanding, power is shared. It is about increasing the
capacity of our people, and unleashing their talents to engage
constructively in co-operative governance. Our fundamental premise,
therefore, is that since power can expand and can change,
empowerment as a process of change becomes a meaningful concept.
For us, the central task of the developmental state in the
contemporary period, characterised by globalisation, centres on
wealth creation and distribution as well as social protection. The
developmental state is essential to the NDR and to promoting and
protecting democracy. The developmental state is about actively
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supporting economic development and about forging partnerships with
key stakeholders to pursue objectives. It is about strategic
leadership in the fight to eradicate poverty, unemployment and
underdevelopment.
The democratic developmental state has to ensure, amongst other
things, that democracy is respected and advanced, the Constitution
and the rule of law are safeguarded, the market in key and critical
sectors is regulated, and market-generated inequalities are
addressed, because investing in people is as essential as investing
in roads and stadiums, water, sanitation and electricity. It also
deals with the legacy of apartheid, which includes massive
socioeconomic inequalities and maldistribution of ownership and
resources through, for example, promoting pro-poor growth, rural
development, and women-centred development.
The exercise of power, in the name of our people and with their
consent, takes two primary forms in our country: political and
administrative. It is our responsibility to exercise these
judiciously and with a view to realising our national development
objectives.
We need civil servants who are professional and who practise the
principles of Batho Pele. As our President recently said:
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We must do much more to train and create a Public Service that
meets the highest professional standards, that is proud of the
fact that it exists to serve the people, that is patriotic and
selfless, and that fully understands the historic significance of
the esteemed position it occupies as one of the principles of a
nonracial, nonsexist, prosperous and egalitarian South African.
So, the centre must be strong as it has the overall responsibility
for ensuring improved service delivery and ensuring that the mandate
of the government is fulfilled.
Let us not, like others, confuse a strong government that exercises
its responsibilities with confidence, fully aware that it has the
overwhelming majority of the people on its side, with a despotic
government that oppresses and represses its own citizenry.
In the pursuit of the developmental objectives, there may develop a
tendency for the developmental state to become authoritarian. We
understand it, and this is why our government binds itself to a
citizenry through deep respect for a sovereign constitution and a
people’s contract. It is the People’s Contract that is one of the
most effective antidotes to the exercise of unbridled power.
The People’s Contract is a fundamental recognition that all social
relations, including political relations, are inevitably power
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relationships and the power exercised in the name of the people must
be shared with the people. This is the essence of good governance.
The notion of power as both the development of the capacities and
talents of the citizenry and the capacity to implement in
partnership with the citizenry sees power as a process occurring in
relationships that gives us the possibility of empowerment.
The notion of empowerment embedded in the People’s Contract is a
multi-dimensional social process that helps our people gain control
over their own lives. It fosters power in people for use in their
own lives, their communities and their society by acting on issues
that they define as important.
Our commitment to a People’s Contract, a compact in which we govern
in the name of and with our people, found interesting expression
recently when I went to a local imbizo in Lentegeur, Mitchells
Plain. There I met Ms Somaya Cassiem and Ms Ann Timotheus, both of
whom were present earlier in the gallery. These two remarkable women
are deeply concerned about the high levels of substance abuse in
their community and have embarked on an innovative community
campaign to fight drug abuse and rid their communities of drug
lords.
This, Madam Deputy Speaker, is what we mean by people’s
participation in governance – acting in concert with the
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democratically elected representatives to deal with one of the most
pressing problems facing the youth of our country. We applaud the
initiatives of these two women working assiduously to improve the
lives of young people in their communities.
June is Youth Month and we remember with sadness and pride the
enormous sacrifices our youth made in 1976 during the Soweto and
related uprisings. In this month it behoves us, as the President as
well as the Deputy President have said, to reflect on the challenges
faced by the youth of our country and rededicate ourselves to
working to improve their conditions of life.
Youth make up 41% of our population and they face challenges of
poverty, marginalisation in the rural areas, unemployment,
unacceptably high school dropout rates and health issues, including
HIV/Aids and other communicable diseases and infections. All of
these are exacerbated by conditions of poverty.
As a government, we are concerned about our youth for they are our
future. A well resourced, streamlined, effective, efficient and
motivated National Youth Commission is an essential and
indispensable agent to the work of government in its efforts to
improve the well-being and conditions of life for youth in our
country. The NYC is autonomous and its engagement with The
Presidency is premised on the execution of its mandate - to
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facilitate, co-ordinate and monitor policies and programmes that
promote youth development.
The work of the NYC in fulfilling its mandate in the upcoming year
will be greatly enhanced by the restructuring exercise it is
currently undergoing. We are fully confident that out of the
exercise the NYC will emerge a stronger organisation. To date the
absence of a fully fledged national youth policy has hindered the
ability of the NYC to secure buy-in from government with regard to
fulfilment of its mandate.
Last week the Presidential Youth Working Group met to exchange views
on the important challenges faced by the youth of South Africa. A
Draft National Youth Policy was presented. There is still more work
to be done on the draft policy before it is finalised and presented
to Cabinet. Already, discussions around the draft policy have
restimulated interest in the work and the mandate of the NYC.
Taking the concerns of our people seriously means placing the needs
of vulnerable groups – women, children and youth and people with
disabilities – at the very heart of our institutions and our
policies. It is about strengthening the work of the national gender
machinery and the national machinery on children’s rights. This
ensures that the issues of critical importance to vulnerable groups
and communities are not left to a single line department but are
dealt with in a holistic, integrated fashion. This, we believe, is
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the most effective approach to ensuring that policies related to
vulnerable groups are not consigned to the margins of government
work.
Our government locates the Office on the Rights of the Child, the
Office on the Status of Women, the Office on the Status of the
Disabled and the Youth Desk in The Presidency precisely because we
believe that mainstreaming and applying a GDCY lens can be best
accomplished and monitored in The Presidency, working in close cooperation with other national department, with provinces and with
local municipalities. This is not about centralisation of power and
resources. It is about democracy and accountability and it is about
ensuring cross-cutting responsibilities in good governance.
Madam Deputy Speaker, the offices and the Youth Desk all play a
vital role in four important respects. Firstly, they engage in a
very dynamic way with civil society organisation in their respective
sectors. Secondly, they play a critical mainstreaming role. Thirdly,
they interact with their provincial and local counterparts to ensure
that national policies are translated into action in the other
spheres of government. Fourthly, they identify the challenges and
curbs in policy development and implementation and offer solutions
that can be readily implemented. In this way, they act as a vital
two-way transmission belt, linking government in a dynamic wave of
vulnerable communities so as to ensure that the quality of life of
members of those communities improves.
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The Office on the Status of Women notes that in 2007-08, in order to
continue to advance women’s empowerment and gender equality, it
will, firstly, co-ordinate and promote the implementation of the
national policy framework and an action plan on women’s empowerment
- gender equality. Secondly, it will more effectively mainstream
gender equality into government programmes and the legislative
process. Thirdly, it will fast-track the training of public service
officials at all levels to deliver on gender equality and identify
ways of holding them accountable for the delivery of gender equity.
Fourthly, it will ensure that by 2009, 50% of the senior decisionmakers in the public sector are women.
The Office on the Status of Disabled Persons will work diligently
to, firstly, strengthen the disability national machinery so that it
is effective in co-ordinating disability programmes; secondly,
monitor more closely the implementation of a well-co-ordinated,
integrated disability policy and measure the progress of service
delivery; thirdly, begin collecting comprehensive statistics on
disability in South Africa; fourthly, ensure by 2009 that 2% of
workers in the public sector are people with disabilities and fasttrack the implementation of the UN Convention of the Rights of
Persons with Disability, which this Parliament has now ratified.
The ORC will identify the need to, firstly, develop reliable data on
vulnerable children and in this regard the ORC will partner with
Unicef to conduct South Africa’s second situation analysis of the
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state of children in South Africa; secondly, facilitate the
development of a comprehensive national policy framework for the
protection and development of vulnerable children in South Africa;
thirdly, strengthen an awareness of existing child rights policies
and resources by, among other things, developing essential material
to promote and advocate for delivery on children’s rights and
responsibilities and collaborate with countries in the region and
internationally in regional and global child protection and
development initiatives.
All the programme areas have noted that they will work to, firstly,
increase awareness of what gender, disability, children and youth
mainstreaming means and how it is to be accomplished; secondly,
conduct a GDCY analysis and implement a GDCY monitoring and
evaluation framework developed and informed by the Government-Wide
Monitoring and Evaluation System; thirdly, strengthen ties with
civil society in their respective sectors; and, fourthly, report on
the fulfilment of our regional, continental and global obligations.
Our government is deeply committed to ensuring the well-being of all
South Africans, especially of those who are vulnerable,
disadvantaged and marginalised.
Before I conclude, let me offer my congratulations to Ma-Botha for
having been elected to the position of the Leader of the Opposition.
You do have a very, very difficult time controlling those unruly
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people behind you, but I wish you the very best. As the head of the
Office on the Status of Women, I am very happy that at last the DA
has understood that the only thing that might help them are women.
Good luck to you and congratulations. [Interjections.]
Mr W J SEREMANE: [Inaudible.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, Mr Seremane!
The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: One day in this House I am going to
tell them the truth about you and who you gave evidence against.
Just be patient!
In conclusion, Madam Deputy Speaker, I would like to express my deep
appreciation and gratitude to the Director-General, the Rev Frank
Chikane, and the Head of the Policy Co-ordination and Advisory
Services, Mr Joel Netshitenzhe, the CEO, Mr Trevor Fowler, as well
as the entire staff at all levels in The Presidency for their
dedication, commitment and hard work over the past year. Thank you
very much, Madam Deputy Speaker.
Ms M J J MATSOMELA: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President of the
Republic, hon Deputy President, hon members, ladies and gentlemen,
the standard of living of any nation is not only defined by the
level of economic growth or education, but also by the level of
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health and health standards. Therefore, the health of a nation
cannot be left to private individuals and organisations.
Government has a decisive role to play in the policy formulation and
execution of health-related matters. Health matters are not only the
responsibility of the line Department of Health but all other
departments, institutions and the private sector. This is the case
if you want to take health beyond medical and nursing care.
In this regard, the activities of the executive co-ordination
programme within The Presidency are very important for coordination, strategic support, policy advice, monitoring and
evaluation. They are even more important for the health agenda of
our nation.
We want to recognise the fact that The Presidency has reinvigorated
the SA National Aids Council to take head-on the HIV and Aids
epidemic. We want to acknowledge that, within The Presidency, it has
been realised that any kind of epidemic cannot be isolated from the
people who affect it and are affected by it. Under the Deputy
President and government, Sanac has a leadership comprising the
Departments of Health, Education, Transport, Agriculture, Minerals
and Energy and Social Development. Outside of government, Sanac has
representation from people living with HIV and Aids, business,
academics, labour, faith-based organisations, the youth, disabled
people and nongovernmental organisations, amongst others.
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This illustrates that, in dealing with the epidemic, government has
not isolated other entities and structures. This also illustrates an
acknowledgement that health-related epidemics affect the nation as a
whole and do not discriminate against persons. We also compliment
these structures and civic bodies on their willingness to work with
government.
This national strategic plan aims to provide comprehensive care and
treatment for people living with HIV and Aids as well as to
facilitate the strengthening of the national health system. What is
encouraging about the plan is that it serves as a departure point
for departments, the private sector and civil society to develop
their own HIV and Aids strategic and operational plans. These
interventions will go a long way towards disproving the argument and
perception that The Presidency is less concerned about the HIV and
Aids epidemic.
This is a very practical plan to fight the epidemic in a
collaborative manner. The government’s HIV and Aids and Sexually
Transmitted Infections Strategic Plans for 2007-2011 are a step in
the right direction. Service delivery is at the core of all
government programmes. If service delivery is not forthcoming, every
health programme that is supposed to improve the quality of life of
the people fails downstream.
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Government came up with a cluster system so as to synergise its
programme of action. If one entity in the cluster is not putting the
requisite effort in to realise the programme of action, it amounts
to self defeatism since the cluster system is meant to co-ordinate
all complementary activities, including health-related issues.
We are convinced that, within the executive co-ordinating programme,
The Presidency can entrench the philosophy of distributive justice,
so that the ANC’s slogan “ A better life for all’’ can and will work
for the vulnerable constituencies, that is, older persons, children,
people with disabilities and women as well as the unemployed. Our
focus should be on increasing the life expectancy of the people,
especially in the labour market, and pulling out all the stops on
the draining child and youth mortality rate.
The labour market assists the world economies to sustain themselves.
As the pool of skills stabilises, the more gains are achieved in the
socioeconomic arena. Also, a decline in the child mortality rate
creates a catchment area for future skills and a stable economy.
This national strategic plan on HIV and Aids is an excellent
document, but South Africa needs a full child survival strategy
because only 34% of under-five deaths are caused by HIV and Aids.
The remaining 66% of deaths are caused by diseases of poverty such
as diarrhoea and pneumonia.
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A child survival strategy must include a maternal survival strategy
because maternal survival is not on track. Too many mothers die
either because of HIV and Aids or because of obstetric difficulties.
Keeping mothers alive prevents children from becoming orphans, and
numerous studies have shown that children are more likely to die if
they do not have mothers to care for them even in an African context
in which extended family members step in to help.
Another cause of child mortality and mortality of mothers is
violence. Five per cent of child deaths are from injuries, many of
which are due to violent crime. The Deputy President has championed
the 365 days campaign against violence, but this needs to be
accelerated to ensure that domestic abuse, rape and child abuse are
no longer common in South Africa.
If we attend properly to matters of health as a nation, and stop
criticising the Department of Health, then we could make rapid gains
in the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa. If
all the five clusters of government follow the leadership of our
President and our Deputy President as they drive the nerve centre of
government, a healthy South Africa can derive the happiness that
comes with freedom, as our President eloquently put it in the 2007
state of the nation address.
Talking about the state of the nation address, I would like to draw
members’ attention to the 2006 state of the nation address where the
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President referred to the assessment of state capacity to help
accelerate the process of social transformation. The President said
and I quote:
The government will make the necessary interventions to address
the issues raised by these assessments, bearing in mind the
critical role that government must play as one of our country’s
most important developmental agencies. We cannot allow that
government departments become an obstacle to the achievement of
the goal of a better life for all because of insufficient
attention to the critical issue of effective and speedy delivery
of services.
May I add that health-related delivery is necessary and important
with all its various components as well? If we build together,
assess our shortcomings and strengthen our capacity in health issues
of the nation, I believe that there is no hurdle that we cannot
overcome.
The effort to build capacity includes reopening the nursing colleges
which were closed in order to increase the number of health
professionals, as promised again in the 2006 state of the nation
address, and this will help improve the health system.
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The brain drain is also crippling our health system. The challenge
of the brain drain is not only pertinent to the health profession
but also in all other essential disciplines where we compete with
the private sector. We therefore wish to express our support for the
Joint Initiative for Priority Skills Acquisition to bring back the
recent South African diaspora to our motherland. We wish The
Presidency every success in the transformation of both the public
service and the country at large.
In conclusion, I would like to reiterate that health issues are not
only the Department of Health’s problems. They are an environmental,
economic, cultural, educational, religious, infrastructural and
facilities problem. In short, they need a South African approach by
the nation, the ruling and the opposition parties. The ANC has given
a lead. Let the opposition follow. We support the Budget Vote of The
Presidency. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President and hon
Deputy President, allow me to start with a reference to the
country’s Constitution. Many scholars state that the South African
Constitution is unique in its anti-poverty focus as it entrenches
rights of access to adequate housing, health care, water, land and
education as well as social security. Furthermore, the Constitution
compels the state to take reasonable measures to give effect to the
fundamental rights, subject to available resources.
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What is not stated is what is meant by ``available resources’’. In
other words: How do we measure the availability of resources in
order to move towards giving effect to these fundamental rights? Put
differently, who decides that the resources are now available? The
answer to this question is relevant to the millions of South
Africans who are still experiencing poverty and inequality.
A survey conducted by the SA Participatory Poverty Assessment
revealed that poor people consider good education, water for
domestic purposes, housing and support for self-employment,
electricity and child care to be their priorities. There is also
some consensus in South Africa that poverty indices should take into
account the non-material aspects of experiencing poverty, such as
vulnerability to crisis, homelessness and chronic illness and social
exclusion. It is this non-material experience of poverty that is
very difficult to eradicate.
The Income and Expenditure Survey of 1995 indicates that 62% of
rural dwellers are poor compared to 32% of people living in small
towns, 23% of those in secondary cities and 13% in major
metropolitan areas. We may no longer have discriminatory laws but
the economic relations and structures inherited from apartheid that
perpetuate material and non-material forms of discrimination exist,
some in different names and forms and, for that matter, economic
power is still in the hands of whites.
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For example, this country is entitled to do away with all symbols,
geographic features and names and characters of apartheid exclusion.
This is important as part and parcel of getting rid of the nonmaterial oppressive experiences that our people have lived under for
many decades. Unfortunately, some of the municipalities have dealt
with this important matter in a manner that is not even consistent
with the laws that were passed by this Parliament.
Finally, Azapo supports your mediation role in Africa, because we
know that Africa needs peace and stability in order for its people
to pursue a developmental agenda. Of course, Azapo has heard voices
of some South Africans opposed to this effort. Azapo is convinced
that the attack on your mediation efforts is rooted in the fear of
the uncertainty about political dominance by blacks. I thank you.
Azapo supports this Budget Vote. [Applause.]
Mr C D KEKANA: Madam Speaker, hon President, ladies and gentlemen,
we listen to the debate and at times I feel sweat all over my body;
but you know, there is just one big thing about South Africa: You
ask yourself when there is this heated debate: what is happening to
South Africa? You end up telling yourself that South Africa is a
success story. That is the greatest achievement in our country, and
that Africa and the international community consider us a success
story. That is why there are so many Africans in South Africa who
are looking for greener pastures, illegally and legally. [Laughter.]
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While the debate takes place, the fact that we are successful gives
hope to some of us and all of the disabled, when they see the
success that is in their country, know that there is indeed a bright
future for them.
Thus speaking about disability, we wish to support the Budget Vote.
The Desk of the Disabled is in the President’s Office. That was so
in 1999 and actually in 2000 the United Nations declared that the
disabled in South Africa live under very bad conditions and
experience extreme poverty. We take pride that before the United
Nations made that declaration about the disabled living under
extreme poverty, our government had already elevated the desk of the
disabled to the highest office in the country, the Office of the
President. [Applause.]
We then looked at all kinds of solutions that can be attached to
disability. There are actually two definitions of disability based
on two models. The first one is what is called biomedical or
philanthropist, in other words, you cure disability if you can or
you give it grants, but basically disability is dependent on the
state.
The second form of disability is sociological, based on the social
and economic participation of disabled people in society. This one
states that one should remove all the discriminatory barriers and
stigma that are attached to disability, and all the prejudice that
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is attached to disability, because the world we live in is socially
constructed in such a way that it is suitable for the needs of ablebodied people.
If we can create a world that allows participation of the disabled
in the social and economic spheres, then the disabled can be able to
sustain themselves and actually contribute to the economy of their
country. That is the second definition which says that disabled
people do not have to be dependent all the time. They can actually
contribute and participate in the community, but one should design
the social construct so that it creates an enabling environment for
them to participate.
We are happy that our government, through The Presidency, is making
that effort to empower disabled people so that they are not beggars
in the trains, but they can use their potential to the fullest.
[Applause.]
In The Presidency there is a call for inclusion in schools and for
the first time disabled children will be able to attend normal
schools from primary up to tertiary level. In the past they used to
go to particular schools that are designed for them, but they need
to be integrated because ultimately when they look for jobs they
will be employed by able-bodied people. It would be better if
disabled children compete with able-bodied children in class and
beat them in mathematics and other subjects. [Applause.]
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The grant from government has been extended to children with
disabilities. The biggest challenge that still remains is
employment. And as we know, according to Asgisa, this is a general
problem in our country. The problem with unemployment among the
disabled is that the quota system wanted the public and the private
sector to employ at least 35% of the disabled nationally. That has
declined 0,5%. This shows the big task that still faces the disabled
desk within The Presidency. Our employers are not willing to employ
disabled people. This is because of attitude and the psychological
approach that needs to be changed.
I want to end by saying that the economy that we have so much
celebrated has grown. When at times I have sleepless nights because
of hardships that are still there in our country, I can console
myself that our economy is growing. We could worry about
distribution but remember that if there was no economic growth there
would be nothing to distribute. Thanks very much. [Applause.]
Mr S SIMMONS: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy
President and hon colleagues, the hon President has since his first
days in the House focussed and elaborated on, amongst other things,
the issues of nation building and cohesion amongst all South
Africans. The most recent strategic plan of The Presidency makes
reference to a focus on strengthening a sense of belonging.
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Unfortunately, 13 years into our new political dispensation it is
clear that what is said on occasions such as the state of the nation
address and that of grass-roots experiences are world apart. This is
aggravated by members of this Cabinet, notably hon Minister
Mdladlana, who made a remark which was nothing short of racism when
he said: “This thing about coloureds is your problem and not ours.”
What is worse, hon President, is that you did not see fit to condemn
this racist remark after I brought it to your attention during the
state of the nation debate earlier this year. The UPSA subsequently
came to the conclusion that the hon President concurs with the hon
Minister’s sentiments, thus putting a question mark over the hon
President’s call for cohesion.
This utterance by the hon Minister of Labour came after I attempted
to put on the table the issue of brown or coloured people not
experiencing a sense of belonging. This was preceded by a request to
the hon President to allow for an opportunity to discuss this issue
around brown people.
Sadly, according to the hon President’s counsellor here in
Parliament, hon, no one sees fit to discuss the issue of coloured
people. But, of course, when hon members of the FF Plus request the
hon President to discuss issues about Afrikaners, there seems to be
very little hesitation to have lengthy discussions. We are dealing
with double standards. Despite all the negative experiences by
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coloured people, the UPSA will strive for the achievement of true,
nonracialism and true equality, seemingly a myth in the new South
Africa. I thank you, sir.
Ms S P RWEXANA: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy
President, hon members, it gives me great pleasure today, as an
African woman, to stand here proudly and debate advances in the
status of women, achieved through reinstating our pride, equality,
peace, freedom and dignity, justice, solidarity and democracy.
I would like to welcome and acknowledge the NGOs and all the people
who are fighting for gender equality. I hope that today you will
sample all that has been put in place by our government in
mainstreaming gender equality. During the past decade the ANC-led
government has developed, enacted and implemented a comprehensive
legislative framework that gives effect to the right of women to be
free from gender-based violence.
We need to strengthen the participation of the private sector, the
churches, traditional leaders and the community at large. We cannot
effectively address gender equality issues under different
instruments unless action is taken on many fronts.
Once again, we are here in Parliament, representing the interests of
our people. Since the dawn of our democratic government it has been
our duty to ensure that the policies that we implement are
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complementary to the concerns and opinions of our people. We have
managed to do that through constituency work and public hearings,
which are aimed at making Parliament accessible, closer and
transparent to the people.
The Presidency has played a vital role in the promotion of the
national gender machinery, which is another aspect of our
Constitution that has contributed to the direct promotion of
equality for women. This principle of gender machinery is enshrined
in the equality clause of the Bill of Rights and can be used to
bring about social justice between women and men.
We are proud that South Africa has the necessary tools to implement
equality. We therefore want to further strengthen our machinery so
that this does not stop at being paper work. As women of South
Africa we note with pride the fact that our government has put in
place the Office on the Status of Women in The Presidency.
Furthermore, we have gender focal points in all the government
departments, even at municipal level.
Our government has once more put in place constitutional
institutions to strengthen our democracy, such as the Commission on
Gender Equality. The CGE, with its broad mandate, works with the
government, civil society and the community at large to strengthen
gender equality in South Africa.
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The Joint Monitoring Committee on the Improvement of the Quality of
Life and Status of Women in Parliament was established primarily to
monitor the implementation of gender-related policies and budgets,
and to monitor the implementation of international instruments and
protocols.
Hon President, it would therefore be unfair for all of us to ignore
the fact that our country has gone the extra mile in the area of the
promotion of women’s rights in particular.
Madam Deputy Speaker, this Parliament should be aware of the SADC
Declaration on Gender and Development that was signed in 1997, in
terms of which heads of state committed member countries to
achieving the target of at least 30% of women in political and
decision-making positions by 2005.
I’m proud to attest that our government has managed to go beyond the
targeted 30% quota, through the equality clause that led to the
implementation of various pieces of legislation on the advancement
of gender equality.
Mr President, we would like to appeal to you to ensure that in SADC
summits the issues of gender equality are given the necessary
attention. We have noted that in this region it is only the
countries that subscribe to the Peer Review Mechanism that have been
able to meet the 30% quota.
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This Parliament should also be aware that since the ANC-led
government came to power, all those laws that discriminated against
women have been declared null and void.
South Africa plays a role in various global and regional human
rights instruments, which include the African Charter on Human
Rights and the SADC Declaration on Gender and Development. Our
government has committed itself to implementing the recommendations
of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action of 1995 by taking
measures to achieve gender equality within South Africa and the
continent.
Once again, we need to reaffirm the principle of promoting gender
equality as enshrined in the African Union and in Nepad, which
underline the commitment of African states to ensuring full
participation of African women as equal partners in Africa’s
development.
In conclusion, I must say that to achieve the promotion of human
rights and gender equality, it is our duty as parliamentarians to
ensure that laws are well-drafted without ambiguity, are reviewed
from time to time and, where necessary, are repealed to match the
changing times.
Mongameli, singamakhosikazi oMzantsi Afrika sithi ... [Hon
President, as South African women we say that ...]
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“... today is better than yesterday and tomorrow will be better than
today”. Ayabulela amakhosikazi. Malibongwe! [The women are grateful.
Let their name be praised!] The ANC supports Budget Vote No 1. I
thank you. [Applause.]
Mr L M GREEN: Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Ministers and
members, some of the key challenges mentioned in the latest
strategic plan of The Presidency are to promote greater national
unity, to improve the sense of national identity and to build on our
common national values. It is a matter of concern that South Africa
is still battling with the idea of national unity, given the
positive growth in our economy over the past few years. We believe
that the President is serious about leaving a legacy built on sound
economic foundations to develop our country. There are of course
mixed reactions on the approach to achieving a developmental state.
Recently the international ratings agency, Moody’s investors
service, upped South Africa’s ratings from stable to positive,
because of our country’s excellent fiscal policies. Global finance
agencies such as Moody’s show confidence in our capacity to repay
our debts, yet that confidence appears to be short-term, depending
on what happens with regard to the presidential race in 2009.
However, what we are yet to achieve is the confidence among South
Africans that our national identity is firmly rooted in a common
value system of solidarity, nonracism, service quality, equality and
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a tangible age of hope where everyone believes in a fair share to
the opportunities of our country. There seems to be an unfortunate
divide between economic progress and national solidarity.
The Presidency has indicated that there is an increased need to
build capacity in its senior management structures. The increase in
The Presidency's budget also caters for the transfer of funds to the
National Youth Commission. In fact the commission gets its largest
share of funding from The Presidency, which increased from R13,5
million in 2003-04 to R22,6 in 2009-10. The Youth Commission has a
vital role to play in the future of this country, especially in the
building of national unity.
However, we may probably be very surprised as to the kind of future
envisaged by the youth. The youth may in future not be divided on
issues of race or identity, but on economic issues, access to global
technologies and skills. The stability of our society in the future
may largely depend on whether a large section of our youth can
compete in the economy of our country and whether access to the
economy is guaranteed and follows an equitable path.
Our continent is in need of good governance and a more robust civil
society. One way we can further the cause of civil society is for
The Presidency to set up a civil society organs office to aid and
strengthen these organs and to promote this idea, which doesn’t
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exist amongst other parliaments throughout Africa. With these words,
the FD supports The Presidency Budget Vote. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr B M MKONGI: Deputy Speaker, Mr President, and hon members, our
contextualisation and that of youth development is informed by the
historical realities that have shaped South Africa and its
democratic vision. Ours is based on the principles of social and
economic justice, human rights, empowerment, participation, active
citizenship, the promotion of public benefit, distributive and
liberating values.
Youth development also needs to respond strategically to the socioeconomic forces that shape global and regional development in the
21st Century. This means placing youth at the centre of national
development. This attitude is in the context of our democracy and
our social development approach to public polity.
Youth development is central to the process of building a nonracial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa. It
should be approached with the same vigour as all other priorities of
transformation. It must be aligned with government’s approach to
addressing poverty and underdevelopment. This must be undertaken
through comprehensive, integrated, cross-sectoral and sustainable
policies and programmes.
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Young people must become both active participants in the process of
national development and beneficiaries of development. Their social
and economic inclusion is a critical priority in ensuring their
participation. At the same time, the specific needs and conditions
of youth must be addressed through cross-sectoral public policies
and programmes that can bring about a better life for all young
people. This progressive approach recognises and reinforces that
young people can be agents of their own development and not mere
recipients of government support.
Mr President, between 1994 and 2007, South Africa has developed and
implemented a range of youth policies and programmatic
interventions, and everything that should be developed and
implemented so as to fast-track and intensify youth development
should be built on the foundation of a decade and a half of
democratic-era policy and programmatic interventions.
There is ample evidence that unfolding youth policy initiatives and
strategic interventions have made considerable progress towards
meeting their objectives and addressing the problems of their target
audience amongst young people. However, the unfolding process of
transformation has also revealed policy gaps and problems that
remain unsolved.
Targets change, whereas policies and strategic interventions do not
always match the original objectives. We should support everything
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that is intended on closing these policy gaps; anything that will
make further strides towards youth development and that enables
young people to assume their rightful place in building the South
African society of the future.
It is important to look at the possibility of centralising all youth
work in The Presidency for effective and efficient co-ordination of
youth development programmes. Centralisation of the youth
development institutions should be a priority. Resourcing youth
development initiatives and programmes should be taken into
consideration.
We should look at the work done by the National Youth Commission and
the Umsobomvu Youth Fund, and the SA Youth Council. We must look at
capacitating the NYC and strengthen it with specific powers in order
to empower it to fulfil its mandate. We should also look at realigning the NYC with all provincial youth commissions. We should
also look at reviewing the Umsobomvu Youth Fund and the possibility
of centralising it in The Presidency.
The mid-year population estimates of South Africa by Stats SA 2006,
reveals that South Africa’s population is predominantly young.
Youths between the ages of 15 and 34 years, constitute some 37,3% of
the total population of South Africa. About 69% of the total
population is under the age of 35. Stats SA uses two definitions of
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unemployment, namely a strict and a broad definition. In 2005, broad
unemployment stood at 38,8% while narrow employment was 26,7%.
The strictly unemployed are those people within the economically
active population, who, firstly, did not work during the seven days
prior to the interview; secondly, want to work and are available to
start working within a week of the interview; and thirdly, have
taken active steps to look for a job or to start some form of selfemployment in the four weeks prior to the interview.
However, the broad or expanded definition of unemployment excludes
the third criterion, namely those who have taken active steps to
look for a job or to start some form of self employment in the four
weeks prior to the interview. Therefore, it is important that South
Africa opens up a national dialogue on the definition of
unemployment.
According to Stats SA, South Africa is not using an internationally
recognised definition of unemployment. This non-recognised
definition of unemployment is distorting the unemployment rate in
South Africa. We must also look at countries in the world that are
similar to ours, but able to deal strategically with unemployment.
The example in place is countries like Brazil, and so forth.
The International Labour Organisation generally views youth
unemployment as an important policy issue and that youth employment
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is important for national and international development.
Unemployment at these early ages may harm future employment
opportunities and damage social cohesion and create unrest.
If the vast majority of youth continue to stay unemployed for too
long, they will not be able to enhance their employability or
develop their careers. This in turn will lead to a host of social
problems. Youth unemployment has a national and global impact.
Notably it increases violence, crime and political instability.
It is believed that many of the most unstable countries in the world
are those with very high youth unemployment rates. If provided with
an enabling environment and opportunities, youth in both developed
and developing countries can be key agents of social change,
economic development and technological innovation.
Gone are the days of the tendency that business is a business of
business; and the attitude that this is my own business; and the
mind your own business mentality. Equally, we must be harsh on
government departments that are still sitting on huge vacancy
turnovers, whilst our country is faced with huge unemployment
challenges.
We must also deal with issues of affirmative action and the
Employment Equity Act; that the majority of African youth is
unemployed and not promoted; and that the majority of white youth is
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still promoted. We must be harsh on that, and make sure that in the
definition of black people, Africans in particular, should be viewed
as a priority.
As a response to the issue of unemployment and skills, the National
Skills Development Strategy was adopted in 2001 to improve the
skills levels in the country, through organisations like Setas –
Section Education and Training Authorities; and the NFS – National
Skills Fund. The Setas did their work, but there are still
challenges in a few of them. Better alignment between the Setas,
business and the education of training sector has resulted in a more
demand-driven strategy.
The strategy is also aligned to and supports Asgisa and the Joint
Initiative on Priority Skills Acquisition – Jipsa. Three quarters of
people who had completed this training were employed in fulltime or
part-time employment. According to Abedian in his presentation at
the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation in March and I quote:
The private sector can easily absorb over 1 million learners if
the firms, large and small, come to fulfil their roles.
He went on to say that the only obstacle to this is not money, but
commitment.
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The private sector seems not to be concerned, despite the recent
initiative by Business Unity South Africa or Busa, to fast-track the
implementation of the skills development legislation. Learnerships
should not be using youth as photocopying machines or as people who
must go and buy lunches for managers, but it must be a strategic
response to skill young people, and give them an opportunity to
advance themselves. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Mr C M MORKEL: Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Mr President, Madam
Deputy President, members of the Cabinet, colleagues, ladies and
gentlemen, in the President’s reply to the debate on his state of
the nation address, he asked us to consider our common vocabulary,
when he responded to hon Bantu Holomisa’s proposal on seeking
consensus on issues of national importance.
In this context, as at the time of its establishment, the PIM asked
itself to what extent the vocabulary we choose reflects our tone,
attitude and style of debate - by both those who are in government
and those who are not. The word and concept “opposition” stems from
the verb to oppose.
We must ask ourselves whether the framers of our Constitution, who
gave birth to this developing democracy on Freedom Day in 1994,
intended to use the word opposition to denote and promote multiparty democracy or did they intend, as IFP Leader, the hon
Mangosuthu Buthelezi said on 9 March 2007 that, and I quote:
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The word ‘opposition’ itself is loaded with gladiatorial
connotations. Confrontation is inferred. Seizing the initiative
often means waiting for the government to stumble or exposing some
scandal or irregularity.
In other words, that the word opposition should not imply that a
losing party undermines the winning and governing party, and spends
the rest of its days name calling, blaming and shaming without
really contributing constructive criticism, intellectual honesty and
viable alternatives.
The new leader of the DA, Helen Zille, also seems willing to review
the style of her party somewhat, when she said in her election
acceptance speech that, and I quote:
... the true meaning of ‘ubuntu’ is being prepared to understand
each other, to share ourselves with one another, so that we may
help each other succeed.
Without derogating from the constitutional prescripts on promoting
multi-party democracy, the PIM therefore believes that we need to
review our Constitution’s references to the word ‘opposition’. We
should change our common vocabulary, as the President asked of us,
so that it would reflect our common patriotism, by replacing the
word ‘opposition’ with the words ‘non-governing party’.
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The examples of New Zealand and Sri Lanka also help us somewhat as
their democracy is also developed out of the Westminster Model. In
these two democracies they refer to parties who do not govern as
non-governing or non-government parties. But this change in our
common vocabulary should only be the start of our renewed and
refocused efforts at seeking consensus, nation building and
reconciliation to achieve social transformation, besides the other
objectives of a developmental state.
The PIM hopes that our proposal will contribute to deepening the
debate around the title, “Leader of the Opposition”. We have already
made our constructive and critical contribution with proposals
during the Budget Vote on Safety and Security, Minerals and Energy,
Education, Public Enterprises, Communications amongst others. We
will continue to make our contribution to the debate. We thank you.
The MINISTER OF SPORT AND RECREATION: Hon Deputy Speaker, hon
President, hon Deputy President, hon members of this very august
House, let me first congratulate Mr Morkel on raising the very
important issue that our President emphasised during this Budget
Vote speech of today. One of the things he mentioned was that if we
changed the names of political parties, we might walk towards the
unification of our country and the building of a sense of belonging
for all of us.
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I thought this was very important because it takes us out of the
myopia of thinking that the identification of one small group
precludes the belonging of the small to the large. It precludes the
inclusion of the minorities in the programmes of the majority
parties in a particular country. I really want to associate myself
with those sentiments.
I also want to remind the new leader of the DA not to quickly forget
the history of our country. You see, when she says that there is
political interference in sport during this period of our government
that is selective remembering in my view. This is because there was
no time in the history of sport in this country when it was ever
nonpolitical.
As a matter of fact, what was alluded to as meritorious selection,
only referred to the meritorious selection of the few to the
exclusion of the rest of our society. These are very important
historical facts, which, if we are to build this sense of belonging,
we must always take along because they must never trip us up as we
go along.
South Africa’s pursuit of the Fifa World Cup is firmly located in
the set of principles that gave birth to the new South Africa in
1994, which is not unrelated to what I have just said above. Our
nation’s emergence from almost 400 years of intense struggle to
assert our fundamental right as a productive member of the community
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of nations necessarily had to entrench the quest for equality and
promotion, as well as the protection of human rights as enshrined in
our own Constitution.
This was necessitated by the country’s isolation stemming from the
dehumanising policies of years of apartheid, and this included the
sports sector. As such, sport cannot be excluded from the
transformation programmes of our state.
Security was a very important factor in hosting the World Cup for
2010, but Fifa reiterated its commitment to bringing the World Cup
to South Africa. They have included a fourth option, in that there
are options A, B, C and D in South Africa, said the Fifa president,
Sepp Blatter, at the Fifa congress two weeks ago.
So, securing the right to host this cup was therefore a logistical
progression of the reintegration of our country into the family of
nations and a contribution to our progress on the road to economic,
political and psychological reintegration into that community.
The reintroduction must also rely on the country’s transformation
through consensus - which seems to be growing with Mr Morkel here –
around respect for equal rights, respect for the creation of
opportunities for all. As the Deputy President has already said, the
pursuit of the 2010 Fifa World Cup is squarely rooted in the broader
nation-building agenda and consensus that we must achieve as a
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nation - a better life for all and the building of a strong
foundation to ensure future prosperity.
There can be no better way for the first nation outside continental
Europe to play the modern version of football than hosting the
Football World Cup in 2010. This affords us the opportunity also in
sport to compete with the best in the world. It contributes to the
unfolding of the 21st century as an African century of growth and
development.
The committee of sports Ministers declared last week in Addis Ababa
that our hosting of the 2010 World Cup as a country was an important
building block for the African Renaissance and the African century.
It brings hope not only to South Africa, but to all the people of
Africa. We note with concern, though, that the doubt that continues
to be promoted by our detractors does not seem to go away. Worse
still, it seems to be prodded also by fellow South Africans.
Hon members, I want to give you – as the Deputy President has done
today – our assurance, not for the first time, that we are well on
track to hosting a memorable World Cup in 2010. This morning I
received a letter, Mr President, from the City of Cape Town. The
Minister in The Presidency has a copy of it. This letter assures us
one more time that the building of the Green Point stadium is not
only on track, but is ahead of schedule. [Applause.]
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Our detractors complain that we should not invest so much in sport.
What these people miss is that football is not just about 90 minutes
of kicking the ball during a game. They have not listened to the
people of the townships and the rural areas and they also have not
listened to their own members.
We have just delivered our budget speech in the NCOP, at which MPs
of the DA and of FF Plus pleaded with us – the Deputy Minister was
there – to intervene and bring facilities to their communities,
bring integration to the teams of South Africa, and intervene where
problems are clearly discernible in the employment and selection
patterns of our federation. They said that this afternoon; here,
next door, in the NCOP. [Laughter.] [Applause.]
The 2010 World Cup is not about providing world-class facilities
only; it is also about providing world-class transport, world-class
development skills, world-class IT systems, and world-class football
for the African continent – as well as world-class Ministers.
[Laughter.] We also use this opportunity to place first-class
facilities in the hands of most of our people who have never had
this opportunity, and to place this opportunity in the hands of our
football administrators precisely because this is the most played
sport in our country and it is the most followed sport in our
country numerically speaking. Nothing is more developmental than
this strategy.
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The legacy programme of 2010 brings together the highest profile
people from across world institutions. In the world we have been
joined by the European Union, we have been joined by the United
Nations, and, indeed, Fifa has already contributed its first US$70million donation towards the legacy that this tournament must leave
behind for the children of Africa.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon Minister! Your time has expired.
[Applause.]
The MINISTER OF SPORT AND RECREATION: Two minutes ...
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I now call the hon Tsenoli.
Mr S L TSENOLI: Madam Deputy Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade
Deputy President, the organisation of the state has been one of the
most complex assignments this government has faced over the past 13
years, especially because of the backlogs in service delivery that
confronted us, but also because of the need for and importance of
maintaining those services that existed in areas that were supplied
previously. The question of how this should be done and done
effectively, is a crucial one.
There are two or three points that I am going to raise with regard
to this issue, Comrade President. One of them is the length of
service that is served by officials in municipal, provincial and
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national government. This is a factor in effective service delivery.
I shall quote two interesting studies. One of them is slightly older
but I think its findings remain valid for consideration in assessing
this question.
The first study was done by a former director-general of
correctional services in Canada and his adviser. They published the
1998 study in a book called Three Pillars of Public Management. They
had studied a number of government departments and other
institutions in the public sector that were very successful. They
set out to make the point that the public service has capacity, has
possibilities for creativity, and has demonstrated this, and so they
looked at those that have shown this in real terms.
They conducted concrete analysis of concrete situations. In Africa
they did not go to many countries and departments, but they did
speak to a number of experts who worked with the public sector,
including donor support organisations. They found that those
organisations that were most successful were those that had longserving officials in their departments, and often those officials
came from the ranks of those organisations, which is a very
interesting observation.
The other point they made in that study concerned the value of
serving the public. Indeed, some of the most creative ways of
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handling business can be learned from how the public service does
its work. These are the two points they made.
This view is also supported in a study quoted in a book that is
generally popular in the private sector, called Built to Last. The
authors studied 11 companies, and they claim it is also valid in the
public service that long-serving senior managers tend to produce the
sort of results that we would like to see in organisations.
We are raising this, Comrade President, because findings have
emerged more recently, for example in the nodes, that suggest there
is a problem with the poor continuity of officials, the frequent
changes, irrespective of the, in some instances, valid reasons for
the changes. In many instances the lack of continuity at that level
has a negative effect on service delivery. Isn’t there a case to be
made for reviewing this and looking at it afresh to see whether we
cannot do it differently?
The second point I would like to make about the capacity of the
state relates to the nine principles contained in Chapter 10 of the
Constitution. Chapter 10 states that these principles must be
applied to people who work with the public in all three spheres of
government, but the Public Service Commission is limited to
provincial and national government only. There is no constant kind
of work that the Public Service Commission does at local government
level. It might well be correct that a single public service
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initiative offers us the opportunity to extend the mandate to do
that work at that level, and I think this speaks to the validity of
centralisation.
All evidence worldwide suggests that there is value in both
centralisation and decentralisation. The two are not necessarily
mutually contradictory. They can serve important purposes. In our
country we have the Constitution which says certain things must be
done by local government, because they are best placed there. But
there are also things which must be done at regional level because
they are best served there. So we must centralise in that area. But,
most importantly, we say we would like to see coherence across the
public sector, and therefore the values that we would like to
inculcate in public servants can best be served at that level.
Who would have a problem with officials having mobility to operate
at local, provincial or national level, or in public entities for
that matter, under similar conditions of service, bound by the same
values that we would like to see demonstrated?
My final point: We cannot call integrated development plans
integrated as long as we don’t see similar passion by all of the
national departments. We really support the road show of the
Department of Provincial and Local Government to all departments.
Some of the Ministers are here. The road show is putting a little
energy and a little fire behind all the departments to sow that
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 170 of 176
passion in supporting municipal integrated development plans. We
cannot call them integrated development plans if you are not there.
A related point is capacity building. We went with Minister
Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi to Madrid last November to a conference on
capacity building organised by the United Nations Development
Programme. One of the most persuasive arguments was that capacitybuilding should be integrated into those integrated development
plans. It will then have meaningful impact, promptly, within the
periods of evaluation that must be done on a regular basis, and
therefore we suggest it must equally be integrated in the growth and
development strategies. If any of those development programmes do
not show how they are going to deal with capacity-building that is
relevant to their implementation, they are not integrated
development plans.
We put a lot of money into the training and capacity-building
initiatives, but unfortunately they remain rather fragmented and not
yet integrated. That is the platform we have said represents the
integrated development plan pools for all government planning, and
that is the basis on which we support this Vote and especially its
work in dealing with issues that relate to the organisation of the
state. I thank you. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: That concludes the speakers’ list for today and
the business for the day. The President will reply tomorrow.
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 171 of 176
Debate interrupted.
The House adjourned at 19:09.
__________
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
MONDAY, 11 JUNE 2007
ANNOUNCEMENTS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
The Speaker and the Chairperson
1.
Classification of Bills by Joint Tagging Mechanism
(1)
The Joint Tagging Mechanism, in terms of Joint Rule 160(6), classified the following Bills
as section 75 Bills:
(a)
Co-operative Banks Bill [B 13 – 2007] (National Assembly – sec 75).
(b)
Astronomy Geographic Advantage Bill [B 17 – 2007] (National Assembly – sec
75).
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 172 of 176
TABLINGS
1.
The Speaker and the Chairperson
The Speaker and the Chairperson, on 30 May 2007, called a Joint Sitting of the National
Assembly and the National Council of Provinces, as follows:
CALLING OF JOINT SITTING OF PARLIAMENT
The Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms B Mbete, and the Chairperson of the National
Council of Provinces, Mr M J Mahlangu, in terms of Joint Rule 7 (2), have called a Joint Sitting
of the Houses of Parliament for Thursday, 14 June 2007 at 14:00 in order for His Excellency, J
Kabila, President of the Democratic Republic of Congo to address the Joint Sitting.
_______________________
________________________
B MBETE, MP
M J MAHLANGU, MP
SPEAKER OF THE
CHAIRPERSON OF THE
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PROVINCES
COMMITTEE REPORTS
National Assembly
1.
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration on the Public
Service Amendment Bill [B 31 – 2006] (National Assembly – sec 76) dated 8 June 2007:
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 173 of 176
The Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration, having considered the
subject of the Public Service Amendment Bill [B 31 – 2006] (National Assembly – sec
76), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 76 Bill,
reports the Bill with amendments [B31A-2006].
TUESDAY, 12 JUNE 2007
ANNOUNCEMENTS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
The Speaker and the Chairperson
1.
Introduction of Bills
Please note: The following item amends the entry “Introduction of Bills” (English text),
published on page 1027 of the Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports of 7 June
2007:
(1)
The Minister of Finance
(a)
Taxation Laws Amendment Bill [B 18 – 2007].
Introduction in the National Assembly (proposed sec 77) and referral to the
Portfolio Committee on Finance of the National Assembly, as well as referral to
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 174 of 176
the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint Rule 160, on
7 June 2007.
In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of the Bill may be
submitted to the JTM within three parliamentary working days.
(b)
Taxation Laws Second Amendment Bill [B 19 – 2007] [Explanatory summary of
Bill and prior notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette No 29961
of 1 June 2007].
Introduction in the National Assembly (proposed sec 75) and referral to the
Portfolio Committee on Finance of the National Assembly, as well as referral to
the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint Rule 160, on
7 June 2007.
In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of the Bill may be
submitted to the JTM within three parliamentary working days.
2.
Translation of Bill submitted
Please note: The following item amends the entry “Translation of Bill submitted”, published
on page 1027 of the Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports of 7 June 2007:
(a)
umThetho Oyilwayo Wenkampani Yeehambo Zomoya [Um 35B – 2006] (National
Assembly –sec 75).
12 JUNE 2007
PAGE: 175 of 176
This is the official translation into isiXhosa of the South African Airways Bill [B 35B –
2006] (National Assembly – sec 75).
3.
Membership of Committees
(a)
The following changes have been made to the membership of Joint Committees:
Budget
Appointed:
Stephens, Adv J J M
Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women
Appointed:
Vos, Ms S C (Alt); Zikalala, Ms C N Z
National Assembly
1.
Membership of Committees
(a)
The following changes have been made to the membership of Portfolio Committees:
Correctional Services
Appointed:
TABLINGS
National Assembly
Cupido, Mr H B
12 JUNE 2007
1.
PAGE: 176 of 176
The Speaker
(a)
Report of the Public Service Commission (PSC) on Measuring the Effectiveness of the
National Anti-Corruption Hotline (NACH), 2007 [RP 19-2007].
(b)
Report of the Public Service Commission (PSC) on an Audit of Government’s Poverty
Reduction Programmes and Projects – February 2007 [RP 11-2007].
COMMITTEE REPORTS
National Assembly
1.
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Science and Technology on the Business Strategies
(Budget and Strategic Plans) for 2007/2008 of the Department of Science and Technology
and Entities, dated 12 June 2007:
The Portfolio Committee on Science and Technology, having considered and examined the
Business Strategies of the Department of Science and Technology (DST) and its Entities
accountable to it: the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), the Human
Science Research Council (HSRC), the National Research Foundation (NRF), the Africa
Institute of South Africa (AISA), the National Advisory Council of Innovation (NACI),
TSHUMISANO TRUST and the Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), reports
that it has concluded its deliberations thereon.