Spice Trade in Southeast Asia from 9th

advertisement
Spice Trade in Southeast Asia from 9th-12th Century
Van Kim Hoang Ha
Key words: spice, maritime trade, spice trade, Southeast Asia
ABSTRACT
The century from 9th to 12th is the important period of the Southeast Asia history
development. Maritime trading became the factor which affected this strongly, especially
spice contributed to promote the economy of this district in this time. Even Southeast Asia
was used to be the centre of the world because of the abundance and the plenty of spice in
this area which was more and more prosperous.
This “silk road” not only was famous with the silk, but also the spice. This product
contributed to the historical development of Southeast Asia. The history of spice was had the
origin from the Europe. But based on the ancient writings, the spice has already been the
precious product. Famous trading ports in Southeast Asia in that time, there were Dai Viet,
Thi Nai – Champa (now in the centre of Vietnam), Philippines, Sumatra (Indonesia). These
ports became the crowded trading centres in the century 9th to century 12th. These nations
developed the maritime trading together which based on this precious product – the spice.
The different historical development in the nations caused to the ups and downs of these. And
those things also caused to the development of the spice, even maritime trading in the
Southeast Asia.
So even though these countries own valuable resources, the historical circumstances
have led them to the different fate. The development of each country today is a testament to
the development of economy which is not only based on resources but also other factors,
especially the human factor.
Introduction
Have you ever been known what spice was? How was the development of spice and
spice trade in the world? Maybe you knew that spice was associated with Europeans, not
Asian (especially Southeast Asian) in the remembering of human beings. After that, India
became the centre of spice in the world. But based on the data of history, Southeast Asia
played an important role in the spice world. A lot of researchers only saw the importance of
this area about spice resource when European came to this land (Anthony Reid 1993: xvii).
However, the spice trade in Southeast Asia actually began since years ago. So history of spice
trade in the area not began century 14th or 15th, but from century 9th because the activities of
trading in Southeast Asia have already proven that. Spice was the commodity which aspired
author the aspiration to research deeply about the spice trade in the world in general and in
Southeast Asia in specific. So that, to more and more understand about history of spice trade
from century 9th to century 12th, we must pay attention to the networks of merchants,
transporters, buyers and consumers involved in the spice in that time. History of spice and
spice trade become more and more attractive with historical researcher.
So that, how about the relation between economy and politic of these countries in
Southeast Asia in that time? The owner of nations here chose which sectors were prominent
in the countries where spice trade was the standing activity. Therefore, some matters will be
answered here in this writing. How about the spice trade developed in Southeast Asia when
Southeast Asia located in the strategic area? Which factors affected the spice trade in this
time? How about spice trade affected the political and social situation of Southeast Asia and
international relations in that time?
Many researchers confirmed that spice trade began when Europeans came to the
Southeast Asia or according to Anthony Reid, since 1400, economic development in
Southeast Asia was driven because of the demand about spice, pepper and other products
from the island. During this period, the individuals and the states in Southeast Asia were able
to benefit from international trade through adaptation to the needs which are changing.1
According to Geoff Wade, he used the term “An early age of commerce” to describe
the condition of Southeast Asian history from 900 to 1300. The factors which affected the
process of development in this area was that the changes of kingdom, the policy for
developing economy in China, South Asia and West Asia as well as the internal development
of Southeast Asia. Those caused to the emergences of new coastal ports and the changes in
politics, social in Southeast Asia.2
J. W. Christie had the same idea about this era. So, he named this era as “Boom of
Asian maritime trade”.3 Spice was one of the precious commodities of the international
maritime trade in Southeast Asia. Thus, we can conclude that spice trade in Southeast Asia
was associated with the maritime trade in this area. A lot of materials wrote that spice trade in
Southeast Asia only developed from 1400. But the history have already proved that thousands
ton of spices and thousands shipping which carried spices and went from Southeast Asia
before that time.
Southeast Asia is an area with a rich geography and history as well as a varied culture.
This region located in between the continents of Asia and Australia The region is made up of
two distinct regions, the mainland peninsula, and an island, or insular zone. The physical
environment of mainland of Southeast Asia is similar to the island of this region. The
important feature of mainland Southeast Asia is the long coastline. Despite a strong agrarian
Anthony Reid, ”An Age of Commerce in Southeast Asian history”, in Modern Asian Studies 24, Great Britain,
1990, p.30.
2 Geoff Wade (2009), “An early age of commerce in Southeast Asia, 900-1300 CE”, in Journal of Southeast Asia
Studies, 40(2). Singapore: National University of Singapore, 2009.
3 Jan Wisseman Christie, “Javanese markets and the Asian sea trade boom of the Tenth to Thirteenth centuries
A.D.” in Journal of the Social and Economic History of the Orient, volume 41, number 3, 1998 , pp. 344-381.
1
base, the communities such as Dai Viet, Champa that developed in these regions were also
part of the maritime trading network that linked Southeast Asia to India, China and Islamic
world. With the highlands and the delta, the seas have already contributed the establishment
of tradition, cultural identity, economical basic and thoughts in many Southeast Asian
communities. Southeast Asia was known to be the main export market and spices of tropical
lands. During the ancient and medieval, Chinese, Japan, India and West Asia merchant
vessels frequently came to this area to import the cinnamon, sandalwood, camphor, cloves,
nutmeg, ... Through the dealers, these products was gradually known everywhere in the
world.
Thereby, we can realize that the sea was an important factor in the formation of
Southeast Asian history. Obviously, when directed to the objective and comprehensive
understanding about the role of the sea to the city of culture, ancient kingdom in Southeast
Asia, including the Van Lang, Au Lac, Champa, Funan, Sumatra, ... We cannot see the
potential of the continents, the rivers, the fertile delta and the natural resources, mineral
which mountains brought. The relationship between the sea and the mainland, combination
and support between economic space and cultural space has driven the development of
culture associated with the formation of the ancient kingdom in Southeast Asia. Despite these
different nuances and levels of development, but in each space traditional culture of
Southeast Asia, in the minds of many ethnic communities always accommodate the marine
elements.4
In the vast sea space in Southeast Asia, since from the beginning, due to the impact of
geographical and economic conditions were soon formed a soft separation between cultural
space on the basis of geographical area. If the Northeast Sea early had relations with
Northeast Asia, especially South China, the cultural center of the Hoa Nam, the owner of the
Sa Huynh, Champa, Oc Eo-Phu Nam culture also had more intimate interaction with the
islands of Southeast Asia and Southwest Asia. Cultural environment of marine economy has
created strong incentives for the inspiration of many cultures and many countries in the
region.
Thanks to the relationship between maritime and continental, delta residents as well
as the midlands and plateau were receiving interests. The sea gradually absorbed into the
continent along with the produce from the sea, from international trade routes. Meanwhile,
Nguyen Van Kim, The China Sea – the matter of security and area cooperation (An historical approach and the
view from the location of Vietnamese sea), Institute of Southeast Asian Reasearch, The sea with ancient
Vietmanese, Ha Noi: Information and Culture Publisher, 1996; Quoc Vuong, Some features of ancient history
about the sea view of Vietnam, p.3-42.
4
the river transported silk, ceramics and other forest products such as teak wood, incense,
spice, to the commercial port, and then they were transported to the trade center, domestic
and foreign commercial port. Although there are differences in the location and
characteristics of natural and historic role in the process, but the typical trade ports which
were mentioned above were always meeting places, artery of local trade. They were the
destination of the domestic or international merchant ships. From here, the center of cultural,
economic, political and ports were formed. These centers played an important role for the
development of a country in the region. The marine environment above, besides the
traditional industries such as mining and fishing the sea products, marine economic system
with the operation of the exchange, trading and marine services: repair of ships, supply of
fresh water and food.
The main products of the trading process were different in each period and in each
country. With Champa (Vietnam in the present), Dai Viet, Srivijaya (Indonesia) or Butuan
(Philippines), products which brought interests for these countries from the 9th century to the
12th century were incense, spice. There are many kinds of spice. At the same time, only in
Champa and Srivijaya, there are the good and precious spices. The maritime trading
development of the area was affected by the actors such as the development of cities in
Central and South of China under the Sung and Yuan, the positive role of Arabic traders, the
expansion of the activities of traders who Tamil (India) and the rise of the sea Chola
kingdom.
Southeast Asia is a region which has never been separated from the world economy. It
is the bridge of the vital trading axis of world, and at once this area is the birthplace of many
items that have dominated global trade, such as cloves and pepper.
1. The relation between spice trade and international political economy
1.1.
Spice trade
Spices are the most valuable commodity on the pre-colonial era. Many of the spices
used to be used in medicine, but now it is reduced. Spices are one of the reasons why the
Portuguese explorer Vasco Da Gama reached India and the Moluccas. This spice also causes
the Dutch followed the Moluccas, in the meantime, the Spaniards under the command of
Magellan have first to find a way to the East by another route that passes the Pacific and
eventually landed on Luzon island, the Philippines.The foremost spices of history were black
pepper, nutmeg, cinnamon and cloves. Less major players were ginger, cardamom, mace and
saffron. Black pepper (piper nigrum) came from India, principally Kerala. Cinnamon
(cinnamomum zeylanicum) was found in Sri Lanka. Nutmeg and cloves came from the
Muloccas, or fabled Spice Islands, now a part of Indonesia, located south of the Philippines.
The spice trade is ancient. Cinnamon is known to have entered the Middle East and Egypt at
least by 2000 BCE. (Picture 1)
1.2.
International political economy
There are many approaches in international political economy that affect the
implications of international political economy. However, there are three main approaches
that exist in the study of international political economy, namely nationalism, liberalism, and
Marxism. The first approach is nationalism or some people called mercantilism. This
nationalistic approach holds that economic activity must be used to become the main goal to
strengthen the state power. The nationalists also agreed that economic power was the basic
tool used to increase the political power. However, nationalist realized that the international
economy is an arena of conflict between opponents of national interest and an area of
cooperation and mutual benefit. Besides, nationalism also saw that the economical and
political power of the military as complementary not as the rival of the goal and it was to give
each other positive feedback between the other one. Ideology which was used by nationalist
was more directed to the realist, which prioritized politic. In short, it can be said that the
nationalist approach arranged the economic position under the political position and of course
under the government. This means that the economy is only as a means to achieve the
political objectives, and not vice versa. They emphasize on economic factors in international
relations between countries and see the struggle between nations for economic resources
which associated with the nature of the international system itself. Nationalist approach has a
good purpose to identify the balance which took advantage of trade and national security.
Despite the nationalist economy certainly have weaknesses as ideology or as the theory in
international political economy, nationalists still appeal to geographical location and
distribution of economic activity. Economic nationalists are likely to the significant influence
in international relations for the long time which still there are the state system.
From that, we can conclude that with strategic geographical location and the
advantage of maritime trade route, international economic activity in this area affected
strongly the politic and social of Southeast Asia. Such as an important commodity of this
area, spice caused to the positive and negative results with the Southeast Asian condition. The
positive results were that thanks to the spice trade, international relations in the general and
bilateral relations in the specific became better. And the warfare was the negative results. In
spite of the interests from the valuable commodities such as the spice, the main actors of
nations in Southeast Asia conquered the other countries to gain the land which brought them
advantages. The country which has a strategic location was the objectives of the powerful
nations. From mentioned theories, we can see that the strategic geographical location of
Southeast Asia brought the interests from spices. These interests became the factor which
were attractive the other nations. Because of the interests from economy, the political
situation of these countries in this area was disturbed.
2. Factors affected the spice trade in Southeast Asia in the ancient history
The century from 9th to 12th was the significant period of the Southeast Asia history
development. Maritime trading became the factor which affected this strongly, especially
spice contributed to promote the economy of this district in this time. Even Southeast Asia
area was used to be the centre of the world because of the abundance and the plenty of spice
in this area which was more and more prosperous. With the potential resources about forest
product, nations in Southeast Asia appealed the countries in the outside area. They came here
because of the high interests from spice. Based on the Maritime Silk Road, the incense road
appeared in the map of the world economy. This incense road were the vital bone of sea trade
in Southeast Asia (Picture 2 and picture 3)
2.1. Development of the "Maritime Silk Road"
The early trade across the South China Sea gradually developed into the "Maritime
Silk Road." The Maritime Silk Road began from the southwest coastal areas of China,
particularly from the ports of Guangzhou (Canton) and Jiaozhou, present-day northern
Vietnam, and then extended around the coast of Indochina, through the Straits of Malacca,
and lastly entering the seacoast of the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf area.5
“Maritime Silk Road” played an important role in the development of Southeast Asian
economy. This “silk road” not only was famous with the silk, but also the spice. This product
contributed to the historical development of Southeast Asia. The history of spice was had the
origin from the Europe. But based on the ancient writings, the spice has already been the
precious product. Famous trading ports in Southeast Asia in that time, there were Thi Nai –
Champa (now in the centre of Vietnam), Philippines, or Java and Sumatra (Indonesia)
(picture 4). These ports became the crowded trading centres in the century 9th to century 12th.
These nations developed the maritime trading together which based on this precious product
– the spice. The different historical development in the nations caused to the ups and downs
of these countries. And those things also caused to the development of the spice, even
maritime trading in the Southeast Asia.
5
See the link http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shipbuilding
2.2. Trade with China
Trade traffic will establish relations between countries in the world. The trade in the
centuries before Christ has relationship between the East and the West. The East with the
richness of spices can meet the needs of Western countries, such as pepper, nutmeg, ginger,
cloves, cinnamon and incense.
In the third century, many Westerners went to Canton. It showed that sea trade route
between West Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia has already grown. Trade relations in Asia
as well as between Indonesia - India and Indonesia - China also was established. Prior to the
trade relations with China, Indonesia has established trade relations with India. This is caused
wind system in Indonesia make it easier for the voyage to India and Persia than to China.
Traded good between Indonesia and India is a precious metal, jewelry, various types of
fabrics, glassware, raw materials for handicrafts, spices (cloves and pepper), perfumes,
medicines and wood (sandalwood and aloe). In terms of geography, islands of Indonesia and
Southeast Asia region is an integral part of Asia in ancient times. In such circumstances, it is
not too difficult for the sailors to sail from West Asia to Indonesia. With a sailing ship, they
could along the coast in the right season. Earlier, the Chinese are well aware of the shipping
lane to the south through the Malay Funan and Peninsula Land which ended at the edge of the
Indian Ocean.
The major changes in the financial system over the Song-Yuan period were exceeded
by even greater changes in the trade regime, and especially the foreign trade systems. 6 The
importance of trade for the Song state was evident from its very beginnings, with the first
emperor setting down regulations to govern trade in 960, the first year of his reign. With
increasing control over the southern ports, the Song began to systematically utilize maritime
trade for its fiscal advantage. Song maritime trade provided revenue to the Song through
three avenues.7
In addition to establishing these maritime trade offices, the Song state also actively
encouraged foreign maritime traders to come to the Chinese ports. In 987, four missions were
sent abroad with imperial credentials to encourage ‘foreign traders of the Southern Ocean and
6
A seminal work on the Song trading systems is that by Shiba Yoshinobu, partially translated by Mark Elvin,
Commerce and Society in Sung China, University of Michigan Press, 1969.
7
Paul Wheatley (1959), ‘Geographical notes on some commodities involved in Sung maritime trade’, in Journal of
Malayan, Kuala Lumpur: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,32, 2, pp. 22-3. 23 The successive
maritime trade port offices were established in the following order: Guang-zhou !! (971 CE); Hang-zhou !! (989);
Ding-hai !! (992); Quan-zhou !! (1087); Ban-qiao "! (1088); and Hua-ting (Shang-hai) !! (1113). After the Song
were pushed south of the Yangtze, a further two offices were established: Wen-zhou !! (1131) and Jiang-yin "!
(1146). The majority of these offices were engaged with trade to and from Southeast Asian ports.
those who went to foreign lands beyond the seas to trade’ to come to the southern Chinese
ports in order to obtain preferential licenses.8 It is pertinent to note that in the texts which
described these missions, the first mention was to traders from places we today refer to as
Southeast Asia. (Table 1)
As noted above, from 1069 onwards, economic and fiscal reforms were promulgated
for the purpose of expanding and monetizing Chinese economic activities. One of the effects
of this was that Song overseas trade in the eleventh century saw increasing monetization that is, an increased use of copper cash. Three years later, further reforms relating to maritime
trade were implemented as part of the restructuring of the Trade and Barter Regulations.
These changes were aimed at expanding economic exchange between the Song and
economies beyond China, thereby benefiting the Song through taxation of maritime trade and
sale of foreign products that were subject to state monopoly.
Prof. Dr. Sakurai Yumio stressed the role of China market with the development of
maritime trade in Southeast Asia. He gave the significant idea that “The important change in
this period is the prosperous of big cities in Centre and Southern of China. That development
needed the maritime trade. In the technological aspect, the big ship appeared in the Southern
area of China. The capacities of these ships were rapidly increased and their maritime route
also was changed. Commodities also were changed from light and precious products such as
silk to heavy products such as ceramic, from luxury products such as spices to use products
(paper).9 Because of these changes, they deeply affected the prosperity and the decline of
nations in Southeast Asia.
2.3. Trade with Arab
The tenth century saw the development of further trade linkages between the Middle
East and Southeast Asia through these ports of the Indian subcontinent, with Arabs, Persians
and Jews trading along these routes. One of the few named tenth-century Jewish traders was
Ishaq ibn Yahuda, a merchant from Sohar in Oman, who is mentioned by Buzurg ibn
Shahriyar, in his Kitab ‘Aja’ib al-Hind (‘Book of the wonders of India’, c. 950 CE), as having
travelled to China from Sohar between the years 882 and 912, returning to Oman with great
wealth. He then departed for China again but was killed on the route to Sumatra. 10 George
8
Paul Wheatley (1959), ‘Geographical notes on some commodities involved in Sung maritime trade’, in Journal of
Malayan, Kuala Lumpur: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,32, 2, pp. 393.
9 Sakurai Yumio (1996), Try to design the historical structrure of Southeast Asia (through relation between sea
and land), in Journal of Southeast Asia, no.4, pp.41.
10 For further details, refer to Denys Lombard, Le carrefour Javanais: Essai d’histoire globale (Paris: EHSS), vol.
II, p. 28. For an English version of the tale, refer to the translation by Peter Quennell, The book of the marvels of
India (London: Routledge and Sons, 1928), pp. 92-7. Buzurg’s work is also available in English in, The wonders
Hourani notes that this route must have grown in importance in the tenth century.11 Muslim
merchants established convoy merchant fleets (Karim) for trading to the Indian Ocean and
beyond, and the new F¯timid caliphate provided armed escorts for these fleets. The increased
security and thus growth of the merchant participants in this endeavor the so-called Karimis meant that the convoy system extended further through the Arab lands and trade between this
region and the Indian Ocean increased.12
At the same time, there is much evidence of a growth in Islamic connections
between China and Southeast Asia. Chinese texts of the tenth century recorded the arrival at
the northern Song court (at Kai-feng) of missions from Da-shi (the Arab lands), the Cōla
empire, Zabaj=Zabag13 (likely Srivijaya) and Champa, all comprising envoys who bore
names which can be reconstructed as being Islamic. These arrivals reflected the great
maritime trade route which connected the Arab lands with China, passing through southern
India, Zabaj=Srivijaya in Sumatra, and Champa in what is today central Vietnam.
The last envoy from San-fo-qi to China for the eleventh century was in 1028, just
after the early Tamil raids on that area, while missions to China from Da-shi (the ‘Arab
lands’) saw a hiatus from 1019 until the 1050s. It thus appeared that Islamic trading links
with the Straits were affected by the attacks on and possible capture of the major ports in the
region by Cōla forces, even though Arabs appear to have been the suppliers of horses to the
Cōlas to support their cavalry.14
By the second half of the eleventh century, envoy-merchants from the Arab lands
were again arriving in China by sea, through Southeast Asia. This period also saw a major
shift in the region’s maritime trade, with the Fu-jian port of Quan-zhou eclipsing the former
trade centre of Guang-zhou.15 Quan-zhou quickly became the site of mosques16 and a Tamil
temple, as the maritime merchants from lands extending all the way to west Asia brought
trade products to China and took Chinese products on their return journeys through the
of India, ed. G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville and Capt Buzurg ibn Shahriyar of Ramhormuz, London: East-West
Publications, 1981.
11 George F. Hourani, Arab seafaring in the Indian Ocean in ancient and early medieval times (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1995), pp. 79.
12 Xinru Liu and Lynda Norene Schaffer, Connections across Eurasia: Transportation, communication and
cultural exchange on the Silk Road, New York: McGraw Hill, 2007, pp. 196-201.
13 For details of which, refer to Michael Laffan, Finding Java: Muslim nomenclature of insular Southeast Asia
from Śrîvijaya to Snouk Hurgronje, Asia Research Institute Working Paper Series, No. 52, Nov. 2005.
14 K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Cōlas, Madras: University of Madras, 1955, pp. 607.
15 Possibly in part as a result of the Nong (Tai) attacks on Pan-yu (Guang-zhou) in 1052. Refer to Tan Yeok
Seong (1964), ‘The Śri Vijayan inscription of Canton (A.D. 1079)’ in Journal of Southeast Asian History, 5, 2,
pp.17 and 23.
16 The oldest mosque in Quan-zhou - the Qing-jing Mosque - reputedly dates from the 11th century when the port
began to rise in importance
Southeast Asian archipelago. By the late twelfth century, the ‘southern sea trade’ was
essentially in the hands of Muslim traders. Further, Wink, following Andrew Forbes, suggests
that ‘it is from 1200 AD that the number of emigrants from Southern Arabia to many parts of
the Indian Ocean littoral, especially South India, but also, slightly later, East Africa and
Southeast Asia, becomes large’.17
These diverse maritime links cannot but have had promotional effects on the
commerce of the Southeast Asian ports. Links between Quan-zhou and the eastern
archipelago through Brunei during this period are evidenced by material remains. 18 A grave
of a Song dynasty official surnamed Pu and likely from Quan-zhou has also been found in
Brunei. Dated to the equivalent of 1264 CE, it is the earliest Chinese-script gravestone in
Southeast Asia as well as one of the earliest Muslim gravestones.19 Thus, according to Geoff
Wade “until the end of the century 12th, maritime trading in the southern coast was controlled
by Islamic traders”.20
2.4. Trade with India
The ports of the subcontinent were the key in the commercial links between the
Middle East, Southeast Asia and China. Maritime trade between the Indian subcontinent and
what is today southern China extends back at least 2,000 years. In The Nanhai trade, Wang
Gungwu referenced the texts which described early Chinese voyages to Huang-zhi (likely
Kancipuram) on the subcontinent. More recently, Haraprasad Ray has brought together a
collection of Chinese historical texts describing links over the last two millennia between
polities which today are parts of India and China. 21
It was through their earlier links with Southeast Asia that the Tamil and other Indian
merchants were to reach China. Tamil merchants had spread through Southeast Asia from
likely the beginning of the Common Era, leaving inscriptions on the peninsula. The existence
of south Indian communities in the southern Chinese ports was recorded from at least the
sixth century,22 and large communities existed in Guang-zhou by the eight century. A Tamil
Wink, Al-Hind, vol. II, pp. 276-77, citing A.D.W.Forbes, “Southern Arabia and the Islamicisation of the central
Indian Ocean archipelagoes”, Archipel, 21, 1981.
18 Chen Da-Sheng, “A Brunei sultan in the early 14th century: Study of an Arabic gravestone” in Journal of
Southeast Asian Studies, 23, 1 (1992), pp. 1-13.
19 W. Franke and Ch’en T’ieh-fan, “A Chinese inscription of A.D. 1264 discovered recently in Brunei” in Brunei
Museum Journal, 3, 1 (1973), pp. 91-92.
20 Geoff Wade, ibid., pp.234.
21
Haraprasad Ray, Trade and trade routes between India and China, c. 140 B.C.-A.D. 1500, Kolkata:
Progressive Publishers, 2003; and Haraprasad Ray, Chinese sources of South Asian history in translation: Data
for study of India-China relations through history, Kolkata: Asiatic Society, 2004.
22 John Guy, ‘Tamil merchant guilds and the Quanzhou trade’, in The emporium of the world: Maritime Quanzhou,
1000-1400, ed. Angela Schottenhammer, Leiden, Brill, 2001, pp. 283 308.
17
inscription was erected at Takuapa in the present southern Thailand by a trade guild in the
ninth century.23
With the emergence of the Chola polity in southern India during the tenth century, a
major new player entered into Asian maritime trade. Wink stresses the external factors of this
change, suggesting that the shift of political power from the R¯shtrakūtas of the Deccan to
the Cholas on the Coromandel coast in the final quarter of the tenth and early eleventh
centuries can be traced to global processes occurring at this time - the deterioration of the
Persian Gulf trade and the Abbasid Caliphate as well as the ascendancy of Song China and
the expansion of Chinese maritime commerce, which gave greater weight to Southeast Asia.24
Tansen Sen suggests that ‘some credit for the “emergence of a world market” must go to the
Chola kingdom’. The trading ports and mercantile guilds of the Chola kingdom, he proposes,
played a significant role in linking the markets of China to the rest of the world.25
The rise of Chola kingdom caused the historical change in Southeast Asia. Such as
big sea polity in the coast of India in 985, Chola kingdom encouraged martime trading and
integrated actively into trading system from Mediterranean to Southeast Asia and Southern
China. Herman Kulke have already seen the rise Cholas nation and active role of Tamil
traders, the conflict between Chola kingdom and Srivijaya kingdom in the century 11th as
“the rise of a new nation, the change the maritime route and the consequences of this process
is the competition to divide the market”.26
If spices were known and associated with the Arab world, India or Europe, but they
were derived and had a long history which associated with Southeast Asia. Spices are
valuable natural resources of Southeast Asia and is an important item of the maritime trading
from Southeast Asia to the outside world, in which traders often have come here at this time
that were the Chinese, Indian and Arab. We can say that they deeply affected the economic
development of this country with the changes from the policy or the development of itself
country.
3.
International relations in Southeast Asia nations from century 9th to century
12th
23
Wolters, ibid., pp. 250.
Wink, Al-Hind, vol. I, pp. 309-11
25
Tansen Sen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade: The realignment of Sino-Indian relations 600-1400, Honolulu:
Association for Asian Studies, University of Hawai’i Press, 2003, pp. 156. See also Tansen Sen, “Maritime
contacts between China and the Cola Kingdom (A.D. 850-1279)’, in Mariners, merchants and oceans” in Studies
in maritime History, ed. K.S. Mathew, Delhi: Manohar, 1995, pp. 25-42.
26 Hermann Kulke, ”The naval expeditions of the Cholas in the context of Asian history in Hermann Kulke,
K.Kesavapany, Vijay Sakhuaja: Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on the Chola expeditions o
Southeast Asia, Singpore: Institute of Southeast Asia Studies, 2009, p.3.
24
3.1. Champa kingdom
Champa was known by many scientists from the culture of Champa, but from the
aspect of maritime trading still is not yet known. People have forgotten that Champa was the
prosperous maritime country once time, along with many products exported from Champa
country, one of the world's precious products, that was spice.
From 9th century to 10th century, Champa emerged as a brightly kingdom in the
maritime trade system of this regional. Champa played an important role in the sea trade in
this period. Champa incense was preferred in countries around the world such as in Persia,
historian Abe Ya Kub in the 9th century said that Champa incense was Canfi, which was
considered the best in the world market. Meanwhile, China and Japan trader preferred this
item. The Japanese called Champa incense was Gia-la-rustic (Kyaraboku). Incense of
Champa really enthralled the hearts of all traders in Central Asia and East Asia. (Picture 5)
With the true view about the sea, the Champa people have established a production
and economic structures that exploited the strengths of the country that was the exporting
forest products, including spice. The rise of the sea trade Champa associated with the
development of the coastal town port as Panduranga, Cu Lao Cham, Location favorable with
valuable trade goods, Champa quickly became not only an antrepot, but also the very
important goods supplying source for the trading of this region and the world.
From the seventh century to the tenth century, Champa has gone through an important
period of development, in which the port of Champa has gradually become familiar with the
merchant group on regional maritime trade routes, such as Cua Dai Chiem (port of Great
Champa),27 Cu Lao Cham,28 Kauthara and Panduranga. From the tenth century, Champa
commercial port of Amaravati region has lost its position as the commercial port of Champa,
and Thi Nai (or Sri Boney) has emerged as one of the main trading port on the coast of
Champa. Change the position of the dominant state from north to south as well as, on the one
hand by the growing political pressure from the north of the neighboring kingdom of Dai
Viet, on the other hand showed a difference change of the maritime trade routes between the
Chinese market and other commercial centers in South and West Asia.29
Tran Ky Phuong, Vu Huu Minh (1991), Port of Great Champa in the 4th –15th centuries in Ancient Town of Hoi
An, Ha Noi: World Publisher.
28 Hoang Anh Tuan (2000), “Cu Lao Cham and trading in Southern China Sea in the period of Champa kingdom”
in Faculty of History, The period of historical research (1995-2000), Ha Noi: National Politic Publisher; Lam My
Dung (2007), Positon of Cu Lao Cham in trading history of Vietnam in Vietnam in the Asian trading system in the
century VXI-XVII, Ha Noi: World Publisher, pp.101.
29 Do Truong Giang, The early trading era in Southeast Asia (900-1300): Research about Champa case, in
Nguyen Van Kim (edit.), Vietnamese with the sea, Hanoi: World Publisher, 2011. pp.200-224..
27
According to the China and Western bibliography source, Champa has taken
advantage of to export everything, from water in the coastal wells to incense, camphor in the
mountains, only to have one commodity which was prohibited to export, it was rice.30
Like most other Southeast Asian countries in history, Champa had actively integration
into the commercial system to compensate the shortage of the economy of this country and
made external economic potentiality become the important part of its economy. It can be seen
that Champa had valuable goods and meet the needs of the Chinese and Western Asia market.
Champa with the strength of their geographical location, as well as the valuable tradable
items, not only has become a cargo hub (entrepot) for markets in the world, but also was an
important source of goods supply to the region and the world trade system. These factors
contributed to the important position of Champa in the maritime trade of Southeast Asia in
the century 9th – 10th.31
The types of commodities traded to the Song court by the Champa missions can be
divided into three groups. The second group was commodities obtained from other parts of
the archipelago and traded into and out of Champa, which included various types of camphor,
textiles, gums and resins, aromatic woods such as sandalwood, v.v...
It is obvious from the above listings that Champa was intimately tied into long-range
trade networks, which connected it ultimately to the Middle East. Even accepting the long
maritime traditions of Champa, it seems likely that it was Arabs or Persians who were the
managers of the trade along the long-distance routes from the Middle East and to China,
although not necessarily of the routes which connected Champa with the various archipelagic
collection and trading centres. 32
So that, the historical writings of China and Vietnam (Record of Vietnam’s Nguyen
dynasty - Đại Nam nhất thống chí), wrote that Champa dynasty was the place which there
were many aromatic wood and aromatic wood from Champa was very famous in the
international market from early time. Along with the north eastern island, the central coastal
trading ports with the positive economic activities, openness of Champa peoples really make
Chamda kingdom become maritime polity. Thanks to active maritime trade activities of
30
Tran Quoc Vuong, The central of Vietnam and Champa culture (a geo-culture view) in Journal of Southeast
Asia 04, 1995, pp.18.
31 Do Truong Giang, “The development of Champa trading in the century IX-X” in the Journal of Southeast Asian
Studies, no. 3, 2006, pp.77.
32 Geoff Wade, ibid.
Champa peoples, some traders Southeast Asian countries in the island, Southwest Asia could
come to Dai Viet, China, and Japan.33
Thus, when review the sea tradition of Vietnam, such as united nation, we need
objective valuations, more and more understanding about unique marine values of culture and
contributions of cultures, nations which formed Vietnamese nation. Through that, we
understand the path of development with the rise and fall of the Kingdom of Champa, Funan
and Dai Viet. When world trade system change, the country was divided by the marine
environment or by the limited vision of the polity.34
3.2. Indonesia
Indonesian territory which has a strategic location at the intersections are traffic and
world trade, is always engaged and encouraged to participate in the movement of world trade
especially with China and India Affairs. Initially the Chinese traders just across the Straits of
Malacca to reach India, and vice versa. However, it was eventually stopped by Chinese
traders also in Indonesia to increase supplies and merchandise. Thus, developing trade
relations with India and China. Trade goods from China such as silk and porcelain, from
India in the form of ivory and carvings, while from Indonesia in the form of gold, rice and
spices. Along with the development of trade relations, appeared several ports and markets
along the east coast of Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, the northern coast of Java, Borneo, the
sooner after an ancient kingdom in Indonesia established since the 5th century AD.
At this time, Sriwijaya (or Shi li fo shi in Chinese) was the first Malay maritime
empire, lying astride two strategic waters, the Malacca and Sunda straits. Between the
seventh and the eleventh centuries, it flourished and almost eclipsed its neighboring ports,
wielding an influence as far the Kra Ithmus. Srivijaya sent trade missions to China (Canton)
and its traders were leaders of the foreign merchant’s community in Canton. Srivijaya owed
its success to its rich hinterland which had products that were sought by East-West traders.
Furthermore, it had brought the Orang Laut, the notorious wanderers of the sea, under its
control enabling safe shipping in the Straits, free of piracy. (Picture 6)
Beginning at around the 7th century the trading 'state' of Srivijaya began its
emergence. It covered both sides of the strategic Straits of Malacca along the coasts of the
Malayan Peninsula and the island of Sumatra.35 Srivijaya's role or activity could have been
more that of a toll-keeper, rather than trader, controlling as it did the important trade between
33
Do Truong Giang (2011), ibid.
Nguyen Van Kim (edit.) (2011), Vietnamese with the sea, Ha Noi: World Publisher, pp.24-26.
35 Paul Michel Munoz, Early Kingdoms of the Indonesian Archipelago and the Malay Peninsula, Singapore:
Editions Didier Millet, 2006, pp. 102.
34
the Middle East, India and China through its control of the Straits. As a consequence of
geography Srivijaya became a major Asian emporium of its time.36 Indeed, Srivijaya was the
forerunner of later maritime powers that gained their wealth through their control of the sea
routes.37
In the 7th century, until 13th century AD, Srivijaya was be experiencing a golden age.
As a maritime empire, his name is known to the foreign tourists. Maritime power steering
heritage can be traced from Sriwijaya ship found in the River Fruit, Palembang, in the 1960s.
The steering wheel is made of black wood onglen reach eight feet in length. No wonder that
owned Sriwijaya fleet capable of sailing to China with the plantation commodities, such as
cloves, nutmeg, pepper, tin, spices, gold, and silver.
In the world of commerce, Srivijaya controlled trade routes between India and China,
that the possession of the Straits of Malacca and the Sunda Strait. The Arabs noted that
Srivijaya had various commodities such as camphor, aloes wood, clove, nutmeg, cardamom,
ivory, gold, and tin, which made the king of Srivijaya as rich as kings in India. Abundant
wealth has enabled Sriwijaya buy loyalty of his vassal-vassal throughout Southeast Asia.
Entreport or by acting as a major port in Southeast Asia, by getting approval, consent, and
protection of the Emperor of China in order to trade with China, Srivijaya maritime trading
networks constantly managing and mastering vein shipping between China and India.
During the period we are examining - 900 to 1300 CE - the Chinese noted the
existence of a polity they knew by the name of San-fo-qi (likely a rendering of the Arabic
term Z¯baj) and previously was known as Shi-li-fo-shi (frequently rendered as Srivijaya), in
southern Sumatra. Oliver Wolters in Early Indonesian commerce
38
provides a helpful
historical background to the polity. Pierre-Yves Manguin has detailed ninth-century Guangdong ceramics (and later Chang-sha wares) excavated in the Srivijayan centre of Palembang,
suggesting that this Sumatran port was already a node in long-distance trade networks at the
beginnings of the Early Age of Commerce.39 The Arabs were well aware of the importance of
Srivijaya by the early tenth century.
Wolter further suggests that the increased expansion of Song traders weakened the
polity of Srivijaya as these Chinese traders took on many of the functions which those of
36
Krom, N.J., Het oude Java en zijn kunst (2nd ed. ed.), Haarlem: Erven F. Bohn N.V, 1943, pp. 12.
Jean Gelman Taylor, Indonesia: Peoples and Histories. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2003,
pp. 29.
38 Oliver Wolters, Early Indonesian commerce: A study of the origins of Śrīvijaya, Ithaca:Cornell University Press,
1967.
39 Pierre-Yves Manguin, ‘Sriwijaya and the early trade in Chinese ceramics, observations on recent finds from
Palembang (Sumatra)’, in Report, UNESCO Maritime Route of Silk Roads, Nara Symposium ’91, Nara:
The Nara International Foundation, 1993, pp. 122-33.
37
Srivijaya had previously fulfilled as regional traders.40 Wolters concludes his study of the
polity by claiming that ‘By the end of the 13th century, Srivijaya was no longer an extensive
imperial power’,41 and its demise seems to have been almost concurrent with the end of the
Early Age of Commerce in Southeast Asia. Spice trade in Indonesia became one important
part in history of Southeast Asia maritime trade in ancient time.
3.3. Butuan empire
Trading is to give in exchange for something else or to take part in the exchange,
purchase, or sale of goods. Even as early as tenth century, according to the Chinese Soong
Shi (history), people from Butuan have already established trading relations with the
kingdom of Champa. Later, these Butuanons came to China contrary to long - held belief that
it was the Chinese who are to the Philippines first.42 (Picture 7)
In the Song Chinese texts, the polity of Butuan (!!) appears from a date equivalent to
1001 CE, and missions from there to China are recorded for the first decade of the eleventh
century. It is described as a small country to the east of Champa. An account of the polity,
taken from the Song hui-yao, has been translated by William Henry Scott.43 This notes that
the traders from Butuan brought camphor, tortoise-shell, cloves, mother-of-pearl and other
aromatics to China during this period. They took back from China gold and silver as well as
flags and pennons. Butuan is indicated to have been a supplier of cloves to the Song in the
eleventh century, which suggests that it was a port on the route linking the southern Chinese
ports and Champa with the Spice Islands, in what is today eastern Indonesia.44
The brief burgeoning of Butuan as a major trade port between Southeast Asia and
China suggests that it was taking advantage of the mercantilism of the Song prior to being
replaced by Champa and Brunei as the main suppliers of these products to the Song ports in
probably the twelfth century. However, there is evidence that trade to the Philippines by Indic
traders had a fairly long history. The earliest writing systems were all Indic-inspired and
40
O.W. Wolters (1967), ibid., pp. 250-253.
O.W. Wolters (1967), ibid., pp. 252. So Kee-lung also considers that Srivijaya declined in the 13 th century, but
suggests that this resulted from ‘a shift from a transhipment orientation to an export orientation rather than the
mass arrival of Chinese merchants’. See So Kee-long, “Dissolving Hegemony or Changing Trade Pattern?
Images of Srivijaya in the Chinese Sources of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries” in Journal of Southeast
Asian Studies, vol. 29, no. 2, 1998, pp. 307.
42 See the link http://www.mysmartschools.ph/web/ancientkingdom/trade.html
43 William Henry Scott, Filipinos in China before 1500, Manila: China Studies program, De La Salle University,
1989, pp. 3-4, 27-8.
44 Roderich Ptak, ‘China and the trade in cloves, circa 960-1435’ in Journal of the American Oriental Society,
no.113, 1993, pp 1-13. See chart on p. 7.
41
many of the trade terms derive from Sanskrit.45 Such influences may well also have been part
of the Early Age of Commerce.
Chinese records show that regular and active trade between China and the Philippines
took place only in the tenth century. Earlier trade between China and the Philippines had to
be transacted mainly through the Champa (Vietnam) coast.46 But Mai-i (Mindoro) traders
who previously went through Vietnam before proceeding to China decided in 972 to
circumvent Vietnam and instead to trade directly with China by sailing into Canton.47 In
order to do so, Mindoro traders had to secure the blessing of the Chinese emperor with a
tribute mission. They gifted the emperor with exotic gifts like pearls, frankincense, myrrh,
and colorful animals. Thereafter Mindoro delegation was treated as state guests and enlisted
as feudatory princes of the empire. They were bestowed with corresponding seals and patents
of office.
By eleventh century, Butuan was the center of trade and commerce in the Philippines.
The Balangay boats were said to be the means of transportation of the Butuanons in trading.
In fact, there were nine Balangay boats that were dug at Ambangan, Libertad, Butuan City,
near the old El Rio de Butuan and now called as Masao River, in the year 1976. Some
artifacts were also discovered and it is now located at the Butuan National Museum and are
being preserved right now. The presence of the Balanghai boats proved that the early people
are engaged in maritime industries. These are strong evidences that prove that Butuan is
really the center of trade and commerce of the Philippines by 11th century.48
Indeed good Sulu political relations and cooperation with China which dated back to
the Yuan dynasty (1278-1368).49 The Sulu missions had convinced the Chinese to view Sulu
as an equal of Malacca. With Chinese co-operation, Sulu subsequently became an
international emporium.
Since trade missions were viewed by the Chinese as diplomatic initiatives, the
Butuan missions can be viewed as the beginning of official relations between the
Philippines and China. The residence of Paduka Batara’s heirs in Techow, can in fact be
interpreted as the first Philippine embassy in China. More importantly, from the standpoint
of the Philippine side, the Mai-i trade mission, the Butuan and Sulu missions were
Juan R. Francisco, ‘Sanskrit in Philippine languages: Reflections on pre-colonial trade and traffic’, in Mariners,
merchants and oceans: Studies in maritime history, ed. K.S. Mathew, Delhi: Manohar, 1995, pp. 43-56.
46 William Henry Scott, “Filipinos in China Before 1500,” Asian Studies, April, August, December,
1983, pp.1-19.
47 William Henry Scott, ibid.,
pp.2.
48 See the link http://www.mysmartschools.ph/web/ancientkingdom/trade.html
49 Wu Ching-hong, “A Study of Reference to the Philippines in the Chinese Sources from Earliest Times the Ming
Dynasty” Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review, 24, University of the Philippines, Quezon City,
1959, pp. 1-181.
45
attempts by separate Philippine chieftains or polities not only to bypass Champa as a trade
entrepot but to establish themselves as new centers of international trade.
Luzon ships were also plying the Manila, Fujian, Timor, and Malacca route during
this period. By this time, the tung-yang chen-lu, the eastern route from the South China Sea
to Sulu, Borneo, and the Moluccas was fairly well established.50
Therefore, Butuan kingdom was not the big polity in this time. However, Butuan sea
trade also was a part of Southeast Asian sea trade history, especially spice trade. Butuan
kingdom was not much influenced but this was a part that was intergral to this area.
3.4. Dai Viet Empire
It has, in recent years, been increasingly proposed that the Vietnamese polities have
long been tied intimately to the maritime trade networks of East and Southeast Asia. 51 The
Đai Viet polity was obviously rich in the twelfth century, where the ‘tribute’ offered to the
Song court included 1,200 taels of gold wares, pearls as big as auber-gines, huge amounts of
aromatic woods, textiles and other products.52 Much of this wealth appears to have come
from maritime trade. How did the polity achieve this? (Picture 8)
A convenient trade port was a major requirement. It was at Van Ðon on the estuary of
the Bach Ðang River, the main waterway connecting the Đai Viet capital with the sea, that
the new trade port was to grow. It may well have emerged in the eleventh century, but
certainly burgeoned in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, serving Đai Viet trade with Hainan, southern China and ports to the south in Southeast Asia until at least the Tran Dynasty
(1225-1400).53 Li stressed the importance of the links between maritime Đai Viet and the port
of Qin-zhou (in today’s Guang-xi) during the twelfth century, where traders came from as far
afield as Si-chuan to trade with maritime merchants, and from where many of the trade goods
used by the Vietnamese were traded in. With the inflow of Song copper cash, the increasing
power of Chinese networks in the South China Sea and the movement of Chinese people into
the region, the region of Van Ðon was also tied into both international and internal markets.
Wu Ching-hong, “Supplements to a Study of References to the Philippines in Chinese Sources from Earliest
Times to the Ming Dynasty,” University of Manila Journal of East Asiatic Studies, 7, 1958, pp.307-393.
51 Momoki Shiro, ‘Dai Viet and the South China Sea trade from the 10th to the 15th
century’, Crossroads, 12, 1, 1998, pp 1-34; Li Tana, ‘A view from the sea: Perspectives on the northern and
central Vietnamese coasts’, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 37, 1, 2006, pp 83-102; and John K.
Whitmore, ‘The rise of the coast: Trade, state and culture in early Dai Viêt’, in Journal of Southeast Asian
Studies, 37, 1, 2006, pp 103-122.
52 Li Tana (2006), ibid., pp. 88.
53 Yamamoto Tatsuro, ‘Van Ðon, a trade port in Vietnam’ in Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo
Bunko, 39, 1981, pp 1-32.
50
The participation of Muslims in this Vietnamese trade, at least in the thirteenth century, is
suggested by Li Tana, as are the links of these merchants to the island of Hai-nan.54
Besides, relation with Song dynasty, Dai Viet also had trading relation with Java. In
the ancient writings, trading-friendship relation between Dai Viet and Java in the Ly –Tran
dynasty was supposed to the official relation. Based on the data in Complete Dai Viet
historical text (Dai Viet su ky toan thu). In the Ly dynasty, the ships from Java came to Dai
Viet for “tribution” and traded in 1066, 1149, and in Tran dynasty in 1349, 1360, 1394.55 Or
“in the spring 1184, March, merchants from Siam and Palembang came to the Van Don port
to offer the tribution for trading here”.56 In Nagarakertagama was composed in the end of
century XIV. Writings about trade in it were not so much. Trading activity associated with
festival, especially Caitra festival- be an important one annual, where Indian, Cambodian,
Champa, Vietnam merchants met together to express their honor and tribute to Majapahit
kingdom.57 In this relationship, political factor was not affected this, while economical factor
played an significant role in Dai Viet – Java relation. Therefore, we can saw that “tribute to
trade was the usual matter”. This was often seen when any country came to trade with Dai
Viet, especially in Ly-Tran dynasty. So that, international economical relation and politicalforeign relation had the intimate relation each other.
In general, in terms of geographical location, four countries located in Southeast
Asia, but Champa and Dai Viet located in the continent, while the Srivijaya and the
Philippines located in the island. These four countries have come together to contribute to
the development of maritime economy of the region from 9th - 12th century. The owner of
these lands were known based on the source of natural resources, the source of which was
the precious aromas and strategic geographical location of the country to make the
maritime trade economy more powerful. They quickly built the largest trading port in order
to contribute the development of maritime trade.
So that, the changes in the region derived collectively from the economic revolution
which occurred during the Song dynasty (960-1276) in China, social changes in southern
China, the burgeoning of Islamic trade in Southeast Asia and southern China, and the
increased role of both Tamil and Chinese merchants and communities in the region.
Another indirected - derivation was that the geographical position of Southeast Asia. Lying
54
Li Tana (2006), ibid., pp. 92.
Nguyen Thi Phuong Chi, Nguyen Tien Dung, “About trade relations of Dai Viet nation in Ly Tran dynasty
(century XI to century XIV)”, Journal of Historical Research, no 7, 2007, pp.30.
56 Complete Dai Viet historical text, vol.1, pp.295.
57 Kenneth R. Hall, Maritime trade and state development in Early Southeast Asia, Honohulu: University of
Hawaii Press, 1985, pp.246.
55
in the continent area with plenty of valuable sources such as spices, this area soon became
the objectives of countries which found the way to this miracle land. This position caused
to the ups and downs of Southeast Asia last years.
4. The results from the development of spice trade in Southeast Asia from 9 th
century to 12th century
4.1. Increased relationship between countries in Southeast Asia via maritime
trading
Although the increase in the maritime interactions between societies of southern
China, Southeast Asia itself and the societies of the subcontinent was obvious, but it was very
difficult to quantify how the great that increase. All evidence suggests that new trade routes
were being opened and new links were being created by societies which had earlier not been
so closely linked. The growing links between Champa, Cambodia, Java, Đai Viet and
southern China, the direct links between Butuan and the Song, as well as between the various
ports of the eastern seaboard of the peninsula, suggest that this must have been a time of great
cultural flux and indeed the beginnings of the cultural cosmopolitanism which marked ports
cities during Reid’s Age of Commerce. This was also the reason caused to the change in the
social of nations in this area. A lot of chances to trade with other countries has brought the
big interests to community. Not only in international economical relation, but also in social,
culture and politics were affected by these chances. Therefore, relations between countries in
this area as well as with countries outside this area has established since years ago. Not wait
until modern society, this relationship has become reality. These relations usually associated
with politic. Because politic and economy always were two factors which cannot be
separated. The data of history has already proven this.
3.4.
The coming of new religions
The burgeoning of Muslim trade activities in both Southeast Asia and southern China
over these several centuries meant a slow but very obvious growth in Islamic communities in
these areas. The region around Quan-zhou saw great Islamic influence and conversion, while
Srivijaya, Champa and Kalah (likely the area around Kedah) all had thriving Muslim
populations. Toward the end of the Early Age of Commerce, we observe the first
Southeast Asian Islamic rulers appearing in Sumatra, in polities which were intimately
tied with the maritime trade routes.
The spread of Islam to various parts of coastal India set the stage for its further
expansion to island Southeast Asia. As we have seen, Arab traders and sailors regularly
visited the ports of Southeast Asia long before they converted to Islam. These trading links
were to prove even more critical to the expansion of Islam in Southeast Asia than they had
earlier been to the spread of Buddhism and Hinduism.58
Another religious phenomenon was the introduction of Theravada Buddhism into the
region, particularly through links with Sri Lanka. It is suggested that Tambralinga played
quite some role in the Theravada-isation of the peninsula and Siam during these centuries.
One new religion which affected strongly the culture of Southeast Asia was that Hinduism
from India. This religion had profound impact here.
3.5.
Maritime trade-related warfare
Based on the emergence of Angkor in the ninth century, the frequent conflicts
between the Khmer polity and Champa were predominantly related to access to China trade
products and control of ports (remembering that much of what is today the southern
Vietnamese coast was at this time subject to the Khmer polity of Angkor). These battles
appear to have ceased with the ending of the Early Age of Commerce.
By the twelfth century and in the wake of the surge in regional maritime trade, there
was increased conflict between Angkor and Champa. Michael Vickery suggests that the
conflict derived from rivalry over access to the valuable products desired by China and the
ports used for transporting them. The culmination of this rivalry was the twelfth century
wars in which Angkor invaded Champa, first under Sūryavarman II then under
Jayavarman VII almost certainly for control of the central Champa ports, especially Vijaya
(Qui Nhon nowadays). The apparently fierce Cambodia -Champa conflicts seem to have
ended toward the end of the thirteenth century. Vickery said that this was perhaps due to
political decline within Cambodia, the Mongol invasions of Vietnam and Champa, and the
Vietnamese expansion into Champa.59 However, the coincidence of this cessation with a
period when maritime trade saw a downturn is such that we cannot ignore this as a possible
factor.
In the Straits of Malacca, attacks on Srivijaya were initiated by Java in the tenth
century and then by the Cōlas in the eleventh century. The important location and role of the
Srivijayan polity on the maritime trade routes was undoubtedly a major factor in inducing
these attacks. Champa case also was such as typical example for attacks because of the
interests on the sea.
3.6.
58
The emergence of new ports in Southeast Asia
See the link http://history-world.org/islam5.htm
Michael Vickery, ‘A survey of the Cambodian economy - Funan to 14th century’ in paper presented at the
‘Angkor - Landscape, City and Temple’ Conference, University of Sydney, July 2006.
59
It is certainly the case that new ports were established along the southern coast of
China in the twelfth century to exploit booming maritime trade. We also observe the new
port of Van Ðon being established in Đai Viet in the eleventh century as a channel through
which to manage maritime trade between the Viet polity and the ports of southern China. In
Champa, the new port of Thi Nai (modern Quy Nho’n) emerged in Vijaya in the mid-twelfth
century, and it thrived on the trade between eastern Java and China, as well as through
tapping the upland suppliers of forest products.
In Java, the shift of the capital to the Brantas River delta also saw new ports emerge
at the modern Japara, at Tuban and at Gresik. In Sumatra, ports like Kota Cina emerged and
lasted only from the twelfth to early fourteenth century. Some of these ports would have been
the earliest urban centres in these areas.60
Moreover, the development of this port was one of the causes of the problem of war
and peace in the region. Maritime trade not only promoted trade development in the region
as Champa, Srivijaya, etc., but also led to fierce competition, even war, mutual takeover.
Srivijaya had invaded Champa to strengthen viable commercial location right on the sea in
the period from 9-12 century. In addition, Vietnam and Angkor (in the 12th -13th century)
were attracted by the development of an important seaport of Champa; Champa was attacked
because of the economic benefits.
Thus, we can see that the east coast seems to have become one of the key objectives
which should be appropriated for the three large polity such as Champa, Vietnam and
Angkor. With Champa, the protection of the territory, the harbor and the important sources
are the reasons which caused the conflict with the two neighboring countries. With Dai
Viet, that was not only the action which represents the position of a country on the rise, the
demand to find the new territories and new land because of the pressure of population in
the Red River Delta, but also realized its ambitious plans to connect into the regional
maritime trade network through occupying and sponsoring regional trade routes, resources
and especially the coastal trading port. With Angkor, it was the ambition to dominate the
trade routes both on land and sea in order to open the way to connect directly with the
South China market and the maritime trade routes transportation in the South China Sea.
Morever, because the ambition of monopoly trading in Southeast Asia in that time,
Srivijaya attacked Champa, as the rival of Srivijaya in the maritime trading, to ensure the
position of the Srivijaya trading. Seemly, sharing many influenced factors as well as the
60
Geoff Wade, ibid., pp.259-260.
general expression of an early commercial era in Southeast Asia (900-1300), maritime trade
was becoming more increasingly important to be on the main coast East, whether it was the
trade-oriented polity as Champa, or the agriculture-based polity as Dai Viet and Angkor.
The sea, the harbor, the source and the maritime trade routes increasingly became a major
concern of these regimes. These factors did not have little impact on political and economic
life of this state.
Conclusion
Southeast Asia with strategic geographical position which mentioned above quickly to
made advantage of economic growth, not only in the land but also by sea. The ups and downs
of the history of each country was affected by many factors such as political, social and
economic. Instable of politic caused to the difficulty in economic development and social
consequences that the development of social was delayed. This may be the cause of the
collapse of kingdoms in Southeast Asia. Based on the history of Southeast Asia, such as
known, century 9th and 10th was the significant centuries, and important for the Southeast
Asian region. This was the period when kingdoms were established and a few countries
entered the developing period. Thanks to maritime trade, Southeast Asia was known to the
world more and more. Even, countries in the Middle East (West Asia) also began coming to
the land which was rich in natural resources. With the coming of the traders from all over the
world mainly Chinese, Indian and Muslim, Southeast Asian cultural has been changed and
the new religious appeared. This has led to certain changes in religious matters in this area. In
addition to, the explosion of maritime trade in the region not only to connect with the outside
world, relations between countries in the region were also increasing. This became the basis
for the trade and diplomatic relations today. However, when Southeast Asia joined the
international transport network, major economic centers became weak, or the maritime trade
routes changed, more or less affected the maritime kingdom in this area.
Spice trade does not need to wait until the colonial period began to develop. The
commerce of this commodity has been going on for a long time and during the period from
the 9th century to the 12th century, this valuable forest products has exploited and exchanged
commodities with other countries in Asia. Then spice was transferred to distant lands.
Mentioned to spices, people often thought of India. And the truth that the world in the outside
of Asia only known Indian spices. Until Western colonialists step foot on this land this land
was discovered and this land is a land of spices. But local people were not there for others to
help to explore this resource exploitation. Such as the subject of the national which were
wealth of valuable forest products, the residents of Southeast Asia have been acted to suitable
for their role. They actively on the maritime silk route. They were not only effective trading
activities, but they also invaded into other lands in order to bring benefits to the country.
Since then, the war boom made the region become unstable. Along with the invasion and
expansion of the Mongol military has made these countries quickly collapsed. The early age
of trade in Asia ended and prepared to come into a new phase with new things such as ships
with bigger capacity and more modern techniques along with the emergence of the peoples
which spoke different languages and skin color completely different from the native people.
Since then, Southeast Asia entered the turbulent period in its history. History of spice
trade in Southeast Asia brought a new look and more records by Western colonialists. If the
history of ancient South East Asia Middle before depended much on the writings of the
Chinese, Arabs, Western materials, history in the colonial period has become a valuable
resource to historians which can imagine the appearance of Southeast Asia at that time.
Whether documents of the Chinese, Indians, Arabs or Western colonialists, these materials
still was the thought from one side. Southeast Asian history in general and the history of
Southeast Asian spices in particular need to be researched more and more from the
perspective of the local writings. This is a problem to nowadays, the historians of Southeast
Asia were trying to do but not yet efficient because of the limitations in the use of the data
sources and the ability to understand the content of the documents was very limited. The local
languages of the data are the barrier that we need to overcome. To understand and bring the
truth of history, nothing more than that we must consider the problem from different aspects
and by various methods. Hopefully in the near future, local historical sources of spices will
help us better to understand the nature of spice trade in Southeast Asia in the ancient and
medieval history, especially in the ninth century to the 12th century. At the same time, it
helps us to more clearly about the idea of Anthony Ried, Geoff Wade and J. W. Christie.
Whether or not this period from 9th to 12th century was the foundation of the boom period of
spice trade in the 14th – 15th century in Southeast Asia.
To trade is human. Like the ability to communicate abstract ideas, trade is one of
those activities that differentiate Homo sapiens from the rest of the animal world. And trade
is more than just a mere exchange of surplus; its social and political impact is profound
binding families, tribes and nation-states into intricate webs of human intercourse. These
ever widening circles of trade interaction encompass the world within a vast network of
patronage, obligation and interdependency. Hence, we can see that all development was
rooted from human factors. With the human intelligence, they knew how to use the natural
resources to trade and exchange with other countries not only through the road, but also
through the sea. Sea traffic has grown from a long time ago in South East Asian waters.
Before colonists arrived in this land to bring this new civilization, but few knew that the
native civilization here has been brilliant. Western peoples came to Southeast Asia and did
not provide any benefits; they just stole the precious natural resources of the Southeast Asian
region. Besides, the ambition of the people here have done for the Southeast Asian region's
maritime trade development, as well as maritime trading in this region has become turbulent
because of the competition of the empires in the region .
It is not possible to separate economics from its social and political consequences.
Throughout history trade has been an important driving force, impacting upon societies - for
better and for worse - throughout the entire world. Perhaps more than any other region on
earth, Southeast Asia has felt the driving force of economics transform its social and political
structures, absorbing as it has strong cultural impacts from external trade powers starting with
India and China, the Middle East, Europe, the United States and Japan. As local peoples
enter into the wider circles of contact they must inevitably make adjustments to their own
worldviews.61
Traditionally, Southeast Asian cultures emphasized the unity or synthesis of the
social, economic, political, and religious spheres. Such an all-encompassing lens was an
impractical analytical tool, so it was necessary to attempt to use only one of these spheres
without losing sight or consciousness of the other spheres and their close interconnectedness.
Today, when we speak of 'the world', we more often than not speak using the vocabulary of
economics. Until recently the average Southeast Asian would think of 'the world' in purely
religious or mystical term.62
Southeast Asian countries have common characteristics of the strategic geographical
location, as well as abundant natural resources, especially spices. Each country had different
strengths in the spices source (Champa incense, Java pepper, Maluku nutmeg). At the same
time, although there was the same trading relationships with countries such as China, India
and Arab, but each country had different development processes. Trade appears to have been
the key to economic growth, control of trade seems to have provided the key to political
development (Christie 1995:227). Conduct of actors in Southeast Asia more or less affects
the ups and downs in the history of each country. Each country had different trade policy but
in the general, these countries towards the prosperity of the society in Southeast Asia. In the
9th – 12th century, the general characteristics of the territories in this area were the
61
62
P. Stange, Ancestral Voices in Southeast Asia, Perth: Murdoch University, 1995, pp.99.
Stange, ibid., pp.88.
establishment of the kingdoms, the empires on the sea (such as Champa, Srivijaya,
Sailendra). Besides, the emergences of the ports have contributed to the economy
development in Southeast Asian countries and make them achieve the period of glorious
development of Southeast Asian economy and marked their traces on the map of the world's
maritime trade. Moreover, maritimes ports contributed to the development of maritime trade
networks in general and spices in particular. These kingdoms are trying to make full
advantage of their strength. Although they were in the same historical stage of development,
located together on the Maritime Silk Road, the fate and the development of each dynasty
followed different trends. The collapse of these dynasties caused by different reasons. The
most important thing is the human factor. Human from long ago was the subject of history.
Same ethnic origin as Southeast Asian, but the people in each country will have different
behavior in the same case. Therefore, we can conclude that even in similar conditions, the
results will be variable. The subjective and objective factors have affected these results.
Though matter what, through history, we can conclude that, Southeast Asia in all cases
always towards the slogan "Unity in diversity". Although natural resources, ethnic, historical
circumstances and fate were variable, the subject of Southeast Asia always towards the unity.
Finally, we can realize that the sea is important to Southeast Asia region. Sea helped
to form the Southeast Asian history in general and the history of maritime trade in particular.
Water world, including the sea and the river has become an integral part of Southeast Asia.
Many of major debates in Southeast Asia historiography involved the role of water. Related
attempts to assess the relative roles of “local genius’ and “external influence” in decisive
phases of cultural change once known by such simplistic terms as “Indianization”,
“Islamization”, and “Westernization” have confronted historians with fundamental, and
sensitive, questions of agency local, comparative and regional approaches to the Southeast
Asian history of the late nineteenth and twentieth century’s are still dominated
categorizations derived from Western priorities.63
63
Heather Sutherland, Geography as destiny? The role of water in Southeast Asian history, in Peter Boomgard,
“A world of water: Rain, rivers, and seas in Southeast Asian histories”, Singapore: Nus Press, p.56.
APPENDIX
PICTURES
Picture 1: Some kinds of spice
http://originexports.com/products/spices
Picture 2: Maritime trading route in Southeast Asia
http://piebie23.wordpress.com/2011/04/04/proses-masuk-dan-berkembangnya-agamaserta-kebudayaan-hindu-budha-di-indonesia/
Picture 3: Maritime spice routes from Southeast Asia
http://www.silkroutes.net/SilkSpiceIncenseRoutes.htm
Picture 4: The Asian spice trade in pre-European era
http://maharlikan.blogspot.com/2009/10/pre-colonial-empires.html
Picture 5: Champa empire, 7th-13th century
http://lichsuvn.com.vn/forum/showthread.php?t=25844
Picture 6: Srivijaya empire, 7th-13th century
http://asianhistory.about.com/od/indonesia/ss/Srivijaya-Empire.htm
Picture 7: Butuan kingdom
http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=575319&page=452
Picture 8: Dai Viet kingdom
http://dongten.net/noidung/6841
TABLES
Table 1: Maritime polities which sent official trade missions to the Song court
Polity
960-1087
1087-1200
1200-1276
Srivijaya
20
8
-
Champa
44
7
-
The Arab lands
30
5
-
Annam
4
10
6
Butuan
3
-
-
Cla
4
-
-
Java
2
1
-
Brunei
2
-
-
Cambodia
2
3
-
Fu – lin (Rum)
2
-
-
Cambodia
2
-
-
Note: The Arab lands (Da-shi), the Cla polity, India and Rum (Byzantium) are
included in this list as there are indications that the envoys claiming to represent these places
traded through or from ports in Southeast Asia. Source: Based on Billy K.L. So, Prosperity,
region and institutions in maritime China, p. 56, adjusted through reference to Hartwell,
Tribute missions to China 960-1126
REFERENCES
References in Vietnamese
Doanh 2006 Doanh, Ngo Van, “Incense tree, incense land and Po Nagar Goddess” in
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies no.6, 2006.
Dung 2007 Dung, Lam My, “Position of Cu Lao Cham in trading history of Vietnam”
in Vietnam in the Asian trading system in the century VXI-XVII, Ha Noi: World Publisher,
2007.
Giang 2006 Giang, Do Truong, “The development of Champa trade in the century IXX” in the Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, no. 3, 2006.
Giang 2011 Giang, Do Truong, “The era of early trade in Southeast Asia (900-1300) –
Case of Champa” in Nguyen Van Kim (edit.), Vietnamese with the sea, Ha Noi: World
Publisher, 2011.
Kim 1996 Kim, Nguyen Van, “The China Sea – the matter of security and area
cooperation (An historical approach and the view from the location of Vietnamese sea)” in
Institute of Southeast Asian Reasearch, The sea with ancient Vietnamese, Ha Noi:
Information and Culture Publisher, 1996.
Kim 2011 Kim, Nguyen Van (edit.), Vietnamese with the sea, Ha Noi: World
Publisher, 2011.
Ninh 2004 Ninh, Luong, History of Champa kingdom, Ha Noi: University of National
Ha Noi, 2004.
Phuong 1991 Phuong, Tran Ky, Vu Huu Minh, Port of Great Champa in the 4th –15th
centuries in Ancient Town of Hoi An, Ha Noi: World Publisher, 1991.
Tuan 2000 Tuan, Hoang Anh, “Cu Lao Cham and trading in Southern China Sea in
the period of Champa kingdom” in Faculty of History, The period of historical research
(1995-2000), Ha Noi: National Politic Publisher, 2000.
Tuan 2000 Tuan, Hoang Anh,”Cu Lao Cham and maritime trade in Southern China
Sea n the era of Champa kingdom”, in: Faculty of History, University of Social Sciences and
Humanities Ha Noi: A stage of historical research (1995-2000), National Political Publisher,
2000.
Tuan 2007 Tuan, Hoang Anh, “Position of Vietnam in Southern China sea trade in the
ancient and medieval time” in University of Social Sciences and Humanities Ha Noi, Ha Noi
National University, Vietnam in Asian trading system, Ha Noi: World Publisher, 2007..
Van Huy 2007 Van Huy, Duong, “Trade between Northeastern of Vietnam with ports
in the South of China in century X-XV”, in University of Social Sciences and Humanities Ha
Noi, Ha Noi National University, Vietnam in Asian trade system, Ha Noi: World Publisher,
2007.
Vuong 1985 Vuong, Tran Quoc, “Chiem Cang Hoi An the view about the sea of
Champa peoples and Vietnamese” in Book about Scientific conference about Hoi An ancient
city, first time 23-24.07.1985, Province Quang Nam Da Nang, 1985.
Vuong 1995 Vuong, Tran Quoc, The central of Vietnam and Champa culture (a geoculture view) in Journal of Southeast Asia no.4, 1995.
References in English and Indonesia
Absari 2011 Absari, Julia Sejarah rempah: Dari erotisme sampai Imperialisme,
translated from Tuner, Jack (2005), Spice: The History of A Temptation, New York; Vintage
Book, Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu, 2011
Appadurai 1986 Appadurai, Arjun, “Introduction: Commodities and the politics of
value”, in Arjun Appadurai (ed.), The social life of things; Commodities in cultural
perspective, Cambridge (etc.): Cambridge University Press,1986
Articles in journal
Cady 1964 Cady, John F., Southeast Asia: its historical development, America:
McGraw-Hill, Inc.,1964.
Ching-hong 1958 Ching-hong, Wu, “Supplements to a Study of References to the
Philippines in Chinese Sources from Earliest Times to the Ming Dynasty,” University of
Manila Journal of East Asiatic Studies, 7, 1958.
Ching-hong 1959 Ching-hong, Wu (1959), “A Study of Reference to the Philippines
in the Chinese Sources from Earliest Times the Ming Dynasty” Philippine Social Sciences
and Humanities Review, 24, University of the Philippines, Quezon City, 1959.
Christie 1998a Christie, Jan Wisseman, “Javanese markets and the Asian sea trade
boom of the tenth to thirteenth centuries A.D.” in Journal of the Social and Economic History
of the Orient, 41, 3, 1998.
Christie 1998b Christie, Jan Wisseman, “The medieval Tamil-language inscriptions in
Southeast Asia and China” in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 29, 2, 1998.
Christie 1999 Christie, J., ‘Asian sea trade between the tenth and thirteenth centuries
and its impact on the states of Java and Bali’, in Archaeology of seafaring: The Indian Ocean
in the ancient period, ed. Himanshu Prabha Ray. Delhi: Pragati Publication, 1999.
Coedès 1992 Coedès, George and Damais, Louis-Charles, Sriwijaya: History, religion
and language of an early Malay polity, ed. Pierre-Yves Manguin and Mubin Sheppard,
JMBRAS, 1992.
Da-Sheng 1992 Da-Sheng, Chen, “A Brunei sultan in the early 14th century: Study of
an Arabic gravestone” in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 23, 1, 1992.
Farrington 2002 Farrington, Karen, Historical Atlas of Empires. New York:
Checkmark Books, 2002.
Fell 1991 Fell, R. T., Early maps of South-East Asia. Singapore : Oxford University
Press, 1991.
Francisco 1995 Francisco, Juan R., “Sanskrit in Philippine languages: Reflections on
pre-colonial trade and traffic”, in Mariners, merchants and oceans: Studies in maritime
history, ed. K.S. Mathew, Delhi: Manohar, 1995.
Franke 1973 Franke, W. and Ch’en T’ieh-fan, “A Chinese inscription of A.D. 1264
discovered recently in Brunei” in Brunei Museum Journal, 3, 1, 1973.
Fry 1970 Fry, H. T., Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808) and the expansion of British
trade. London: Cass for the Royal Commonwealth Society, 1970.
Fukami 1998 Fukami, Sumio, “San-fo-qi, Srivijaya, and the historiography of insular
Southeast Asia”, in Commerce et navigation en Asie du Sud-Est, XIVe-XIXe siècle, ed.
Nguyen The Anh and Yoshiaki Ishizawa, Paris & Montréal (Québec): l’Harmattan, 1998.
Furber 1976c Furber, H., Rival empires of trade in the Orient, 1600-1800.
Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press, 1976.
Goitein 1973 Goitein, S.D., Letters of medieval Jewish traders, New Jersey: Princeton
University Press, 1973.
Gungwu 1958 Gungwu, Wang, “The Nan-hai Trade: A Study of the Early History of
Chinese Trade in the South China Sea”, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society 31.2, 1958.
Gungwu 2003 Gungwu, Wang, The Nanhai trade: early Chinese trade in the South
China Sea, Singapore : Eastern Universities Press, 2003.
Guy 2001 Guy, John, ‘Tamil merchant guilds and the Quanzhou trade’, in The
emporium of the world: Maritime Quanzhou, 1000-1400, ed. Angela Schottenhammer, 2001.
Hall 1995 Hall, K.R., Maritime trade and state Development in Early Southeast Asia,
University of Hawaii Press, 1995.
Houran 1995 Hourani, George F., Arab seafaring in the Indian Ocean in ancient and
early medieval times, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995.
Huidian, Daming, Political institutions and monetary, Tokyo, 1989, vol. 97.
Ishii, Y. (Ed.). (1998), The junk trade of Southeast Asia: translations from the Tôsen
Fusetsu-gaki, 1674-1723. Singapore: [Canberra]: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
Jacques Jacques, Claude, Sources on Economic Activities in Khmer and Cham Lands,
in: Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th centuries, Institude of southeast asian studies Singapore
and the Research School of Pacific studies Australian National University
Jin 2012 Jin, Lee Hye, Maritime History : The South China Sea until the later 19th
Century, Term Paper, AP World History Class, 2012.
Klavern 1953 Klavern, J. J. Van, The Dutch colonial system in the East Indies, 1953.
Krom 1938 Krom, N.J., "Het Hindoe-tijdperk". In F.W. Stapel. Geschiedenis van
Nederlandsch Indië. Amsterdam: N.V. U.M. Joost van den Vondel. vol. I, 1938.
Krom 1943 Krom, N.J., Het oude Java en zijn kunst (2nd ed. ed.). Haarlem: Erven F.
Bohn N.V, 1943.
Kulke 2009 Kulke, Hermann, ”The naval expeditions of the Cholas in the context of
Asian history in Kulke, Hermann, Kesavapany, K., Sakhuaja, Vijay, Nagapattinam to
Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on the Chola expeditions o Southeast Asia, Singpore: Institute of
Southeast Asia Studies, 2009.
Laffan 2005 Laffan, Michael (2005), “Finding Java: Muslim nomenclature of insular
Southeast Asia from Srivijaya to Snouk Hurgronje” in Asia Research Institute Working Paper
Series, No. 52, 2005.
Latham 2006 Latham, A.J.H. and Kawakatsu, Heita (eds), Intra-Asian trade and the
world market. London: Routledge, 2006.
Leur 1955 Leur, J.C. Van, Indonesian Trade and Society: essays in Asian social and
economic history, The Hague: W. Van Hoeve Publishers,1955.
Lombard 1928 Lombard, Dennys, Le carrefour Javanais: Essai d’histoire globale
(Paris: EHSS), vol. II, p. 28. For an English version of the tale, refer to the translation by
Peter Quennell, The book of the marvels of India (London: Routledge and Sons, 1928.
Lyons 2001c Lyons, K., & Sarwal, A. (Eds.), The encyclopedia of Malaysia, vol. 7,
Singapore: Archipelago Press, 2001c.
Manguin 1989 Manguin, Pierre-Yves, A bibliography for Srivijayans studies, Jakarta:
EFEO, 1989.
Manguin 1993 Manguin, Pierre-Yves, “Srivijaya and the early trade in Chinese
ceramics, observations on recent finds from Palembang (Sumatra)”, in Report, UNESCO
Maritime Route of Silk Roads, Nara Symposium ’91, Nara: The Nara International
Foundation, 1993.
Mills 1971 Mills, L.A., British Malaya, 1824-1867, New York: AMS Press, 1971.
Moore 1998 Moore, Wendy (Khatijah). (Ed.), The encyclopedia of Malaysia, vol. 4,
Singapore: Archipelago Press, 1998.
Munoz 2006 Munoz, Paul Michel, Early Kingdoms of the Indonesian Archipelago
and the Malay Peninsula, Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2006.
Parimartha 2008 Parimartha, I Gde, “Contextializing trade in East Nusa Tenggara,
1600-1800”, in Boomgaard, Peter, Kooiman, Dick and Nordholt, Henk Schulte (ed.), Linking
Destinies: Trade, Towns and kin in Asian History, Leiden: KITLV Press, 2008.
Parkinson 1937 Parkinson, Cyril Northcote, Trade in Eastern Seas, 1937. Cambridge:
The University Press, 1937.
Pires 1966 Pires, Tome, Suma Oriental que trata do Maar Roxxo ate os Chiins,
Tokyo, 1966.
Ptak 1993 Ptak, Roderich, ‘China and the trade in cloves, circa 960-1435’, Journal of
the American Oriental Society, 1993.
Rapanie Rapanie, Ahmad, Sulistianingsih, Cahyo, and Nata, Ribuan, Kerajaan
Sriwijaya, Beberapa Situs dan Temuannya (Srivijaya kingdom: some places and meetings),
Museum Negeri Sumatera Selatan, Dinas Pendidikan Provinsi Sumatera Selatan.
Ray 2003 Ray, Haraprasad, Trade and trade routes between India and China, c. 140
B.C. - A.D.1500, Kolkata: Progressive Publishers, 2003.
Ray 2004 Ray, Haraprasad, Chinese sources of South Asian history in translation:
Data for study of India-China relations through history, Kolkata: Asiatic Society, 2004.
Reid 1990 Reid, Anthony, “An Age of Commerce in Southeast Asian history”, in
Modern Asian Studies 24, Great Britain, 1990.
Salmon 2004 Salmon, Claudine, ‘Les Persans à l’extrémité orientale de la route
maritime (IIe AE - XVIIe siècle)’ in Archipel no. 68, 2004.
Sastri 1955 Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta, The Cōlas, Madras: University of Madras, 1955.
Scott 1983 Scott, William Henry, “Filipinos in China Before 1500” in Asian Studies,
April, August, December, 1983
Scott 1989 Scott, William Henry, Filipinos in China before 1500 in Manila: China
Studies program, De La Salle University, 1989.
Sen 1995 Sen, Tansen, “Maritime contacts between China and the Cola Kingdom
(A.D. 850-1279)”, in Mariners, merchants and oceans: Studies in maritime History, ed. K.S.
Mathew, Delhi: Manohar, 1995.
Sen 2003 Sen, Tansen, Buddhism, diplomacy and trade: The realignment of SinoIndian relations 600-1400, Honolulu: Association for Asian Studies, University of Hawai’i
Press, 2003.
Shiro 1998 Shiro, Momoki, ‘Đai Viet and the South China Sea trade from the 10th to
the 15th century’, Crossroads, 12, 1, 1998.
Soekmono 1973 Soekmono, R., Pengantar Sejarah Kebudayaan Indonesia 2, 2nd ed.,
Yogyakarta: Penerbit Kanisius, 1973.
Southworth 2004 Southworth, William A., “The coastal states of Champa”, in Glover,
Ian and Bellwood, Peter, Southeast Asia: From prehistory to history, London: Routledge
Curzon, 2004.
Stange 1995 Stange, P., Ancestral Voices in Southeast Asia, Perth: Murdoch
University, 1995.
Suárez 1999 Suárez, T., Early mapping of Southeast Asia, Hong Kong: Periplus
Editions, 1999.
Subbarayalu 1998 Subbarayalu, Y., ‘The Tamil merchant-guild inscription at Barus:
A rediscovery’, in Histoire de Barus, Sumatra: Le site de Lobu Tua, I - Études et Documents,
ed. Claude Guillot, Paris: Cahier d’Archipel 30, 1998.
Sulistyono 2012 Sulistyono, Singgih Tri, “Rempah-Rempah, Imperialisme, dan
Perubahan Peta Kekuatan Maritim di Nusantara Abad XVI-XVII” (Spices, Imperialism and
the change of the big navy countries map in archipelago in the XVI-XVII century), Key
Speech in Session Spice 1, Yogyakarta, 2012.
Suparman 2003 Suparman, Trade and Shipping in Ancient Period, IPS History,
Surakarta: Tiga Serangkai, 2003.
Sutherland 2007 Sutherland, Heather, “Geography as destiny? The role of water in
Southeast Asian history” in Boomgard, Peter, A world of water: Rain, rivers, and seas in
Southeast Asian histories, Singapore: NUS Press, 2007.
Tana 2006 Tana, Li, ‘A view from the sea: Perspectives on the northern and central
Vietnamese coasts’, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 37, 1, 2006.
Tana 2006 Tana, Lina, ”A view from sea: perspectives on the Nothern and Central
Vietnamese coast” in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol 37 (1), United Kingdom, 2006.
Tatsuro 1981 Tatsuro, Yamamoto, ‘Van Ðon, a trade port in Vietnam’ in Memoirs of
the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 1981.
Taylor 2003 Taylor, Jean Gelman, Indonesia: Peoples and Histories. New Haven and
London: Yale University Press, 2003.
Trade and shipping in the Southern seas: selected readings, 1985 in Archipel 18 for
SPAFA Consultative Workshop on Research on Maritime Shipping and Trade Networks in
Southeast Asia. Bangkok: SPAFA Co-ordinating Unit, 1985.
Vickery 2006 Vickery, Michael “A survey of the Cambodian economy - Funan to
14th century”, paper presented at the ‘Angkor - Landscape, City and Temple’ Conference,
University of Sydney, 2006.
Wade 2005 Wade, Geoff, Champa in the Song hui-yao: A draft translation, Asia
Research Institute Online Working Papers, No. 53, 2005.
Wade 2007 Wade, Geoff, An Earlier Age of Commerce in Southeast Asia: 900–1300
C.E., in Fujiko, 2007.
Wade 2009 Wade, Geoff , “An early age of commerce in Southeast Asia, 900-1300
CE”, in Journal of Southeast Asia Studies, 40(2). Singapore: National University of
Singapore, 2009.
Wheatley 1959 Wheatley, Paul, “Geographical notes on some commodities involved
in Sung maritime trade”, in Journal of Malayan, Kuala Lumpur: Malaysian Branch of the
Royal Asiatic Society, 1959.
Whitmore 2006 Whitmore, John K., “The rise of the coast: Trade, state and culture in
early Dai Viet”, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 37, 1, 2006.
Wink 1981 Wink, Al-Hind, vol. II, citing A.D.W. Forbes, “Southern Arabia and the
Islamicisation of the central Indian Ocean archipelagoes” in Archipel no.21, 1981.
Wolters 1958 Wolters, O. W., “Tambralinga”, SOAS, XXI, 1958.
Wolters 1967 Wolters, O.W., Early Indonesian commerce: A study of the origins of
Śrīvijaya, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967.
Wolters 1999 Wolters, O.W., History, Culture, and Religion in Southeast Asian
Perspectives, Southeast Asian Program Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 1999.
Wolters 2008 Wolters, O.W., Studying Srivijaya, in Early Southeast Asia – Selected
Essays, Southeast Asia Program Publications, Cornell University, 2008.
Xinru 2007 Liu, Xinru and Schaffer, Lynda Norene, Connections across Eurasia:
Transportation, communication and cultural exchange on the Silk Road, New York: McGraw
Hill, 2007.
Yeok Seong 1964 Yeok Seong, Tan, “The Śrivijayan inscription of Canton (A.D.
1079)” in Journal of Southeast Asian History, no. 5 and no. 2, 1964.
Yoshinobu 1969 Yoshinobu, Shiba, partially translated by Mark Elvin, Commerce
and Society in Sung China. University of Michigan Press, 1969.
Yumio 1996 Yumio, Sakurai (1996), Try to design the historical structrure of
Southeast Asia (through relation between sea and land), in Journal of Southeast Asia, no.4,
1996.
Zhang Xie 1981 Zhang Xie, Dongxi, Yankao, English text from Komai Yoshiaki,
University of Kyoto, 1967, Zongshua Shuju, Peking, 1981.
Zumerchik 2010 Zumerchik, John and Laurence, Steven, Seas and Waterways of the
World: an Encyclopedia of Histories, Uses, and Issues, ABC-CLIO, 2010.
Websites
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shipbuilding
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spice
http://history-world.org/islam5.htm
http://www.mysmartschools.ph/web/ancientkingdom/trade.htm
Download