Alyson Sprague
Unfinished Draft 2008
The Syncretic Illusion:
A Psychodynamic Examination of Religious Syncretism in Colonial Mexico
“Life, as we find it, is too hard for us; it brings us too many pains, disappointments, and
impossible tasks. In order to bear it we cannot dispense with palliative measures…religion is an
illusion which is created to fulfill the child’s instinctual needs and desires”
--Sigmund Freud
The topic of religious syncretism is one of zealous debate for anthropologists and
historians alike. Some scholars argue that syncretism—the blending of two or more differing
cultures, religions, or ideas which merge in a novel creation—is the best approach to the
scientific and historical study of religion (i.e.: Nutini 1988). The topic of the current inquiry is
why religious syncretism occurs, the region of focus: Colonial Mexico.
For thousands of years, ancient Spanish America, a region of diverse political and
cultural systems, was united by an almost uniform worldview. Ancient Mesoamericans lived
according to a complex calendrical system of ritual and ceremony, and lent their beliefs to a
polytheistic pantheon of Gods. Today, however, a mere 500 years after Spanish contact, over
90% of Mexico’s inhabitants proclaim their beliefs and practices to be largely Catholic-based1.
Why would the native cultures relinquish the rituals and gods of their ancestors for those of the
enemy? How is it that after a relatively short period of approximately 500 years, the polytheistic
1
Based on census
cosmovision,2 and the rich historical traditions of the Native Mexicans have seemingly
disappeared—vanished under the cloak of Catholicism?
Experts have attributed the ostensibly seamless process in this region to several factors:
forced conversion, inherent parallels between Catholicism and native beliefs, and the flexibility
of native Mexicans’ faith to allow other Gods into their cosmology. Each of these explanations
offer invaluable insight, though I hope to convince the reader that a holistic approach to the topic
of religious syncretism in colonial Mexico is incomplete without the examination of at least one
additional perspective—that is, the underlying and universal psychological function which
religion itself serves for individuals and their community.
Drawing from psychodynamic theory, and via a thorough examination of the celebration
of Todos Santos in Tlaxcala, Mexico, I hope to show that religious syncretism occurred so
seamlessly and on such a large scale in this region because both Catholicism and the native
spirituality fulfill the same psychological purpose.
Religious syncretism is best examined under the scope of communal ritual rather than
personal religious beliefs because the external and public nature of ceremony creates a platform
under which the analyst can more directly examine the process of syncretism. The focus of this
monograph will be the ritual practice of Todos Santos in Tlaxcala, Mexico. I have chosen to
focus on the Todos Santos ceremony in this particular region because it is viewed by at least
some scholars as the single most successful implantation of Catholicism in the New World
(Nutini, 1998).
Todos Santos is the title given to the private cult of the dead (as opposed to the public
celebration??) in the region of Central Mexico. Nearly every member of society takes part in the
ritual ceremony of Todos Santos, and the ceremony itself has changed very little since the
2
This term is borrowed from Carrasco, 1990
Colonial era, creating an ideal platform for examination (Nutini, 1993). The ritual was brought
to the new world by the Spaniards and was quickly adopted by the native Nahuatl-speaking
people. In fact, evidence suggests that merely two decades after the beginning of the conquest,
the Tlaxcalan Indians were honoring and worshipping the dead in a basically Catholic fashion
(Nutini, 2993: 85). The question remains and must be repeated: why did the ancient Mexican
peoples discard the traditions and beliefs of their ancestors for those of their enemies?
Complete justice on the topic requires a brief background of both the beliefs of
prehispanic Mexico and the pre-conquest Spanish Church. For the sake of brevity, but perhaps
at the sake of completeness, what follows is a brief, rather than comprehensive summary of this
information
Pre-Conquest Spanish Church
Popular Christianity today is seen as a largely monotheistic faith, not tainted—at least
ideally—with impurities. When the Spaniards originally landed in the Americas, they reported
disgust with the blasphemous nature of the local spiritual beliefs. Bernal Diaz reports: FIND
SOMETHING DIAZ SAYS ABOUT THE EVIL NATURE OF RELIGIONS OF AZTECS.
What lies beyond the scope of popular conception, however, is that Christianity itself is often
described as a syncretic religion (i.e.: Nutini 1988), and the early Catholic Church endlessly
echoed the vices of its roots. Early Catholicism was created by the influence of the monotheistic
Judaic tradition, Islam, and the polytheistic traditions of the Roman Empire. The early Spanish
Church was especially vulnerable to these influences because of the history of foreign
inhabitation in the country.
The early Catholic Church was wrought with the former influences of polytheism, and
church leaders were in a constant battle to control the continuation of beliefs and practices of the
past. The church was viewed as a religious organization, but it is no secret that they used
business-like motives to advance and progress. Catholicism, in early Spain, was often used as a
tactic of fear for the crown to control, organize, and unify the people and country of Spain
(CITE!!!!). The Catholic Church at the time of the Spanish conquest was fairly new, having
evolved over only ______ years.
It is not a far stretch to say that the early Catholic Church and the ancient Mexican beliefs
at the time were surprisingly similar. More on these parallels are to follow, but for now it
suffices to say that the Aztec beliefs were also highly structured and may be interpreted as a
method of fear and control of the people as well. It is my belief, however, that the Aztec beliefs
were genuine and universal—after all, the lives of the people depended on faith and ritual.
Mexican Church pre-conquest
In contrast, the prehispanic Mexico was colored with a unique cosmovision evolved over
literally thousands of years. The Nahuatl-speaking people lived their lives according to a
complex calendrical system of rites, ritual, and celebration, and the existence of their race
depended on the everyone in the community’s participation in these ceremonies (Carrasco,
1990). The Aztecs of Tlaxcala and Central Mexico, along with other native tribes of the
Americas, had an impressive understanding of the sciences of human anatomy and astronomy,
and created an intricate system of cosmology and spiritual hierarchy. The Earth and the
creatures which inhabited it, worked according to the Aztec worldview, not as a systemic whole
but as a small but very integral piece in the entirety of the cosmos. Animals, the human body,
and all aspects of the naturally created universe were considered sacred beings, or sacred space.
The pantheon of gods which the native Mexicans created had the familiar capability of forming,
changing, and creating the natural world, but their powers were limited by human interaction.
The Aztecs which originally inhabited the Tlaxcala region and throughout central Mexico
believed that the gods and humans worked in a reciprocal relationship, and that sacrifices and
offerings would be rewarded in due time with plentiful agriculture, victory in battle, etc. The
lives of the natives, then, were lived according to the complex calendrical system of ritual.
These rituals were viewed as requisite to the survival of their race, for any pause in practice
could lead to gods angry and unwilling to help. Also central to the religious beliefs of
Prehispanic Central Mexico is the concept of duality. Whereas the Spanish Catholics gave
credence to the concept of polarity—good and evil as two distinct entities—the Aztecs believed
that all beings had a dual nature. That is, all beings have the capacity for both good and evil,
both creative and destructive entities (Carrasco, 1990).
Despite the apparent disparity between 16th Century Spanish Catholicism and native
Mexican spirituality, the two meet their parallels in an unlikely place—in one of their most
important religious rituals, worship of the saints and of the dead.
ANCIENT SPANISH DAY OF THE DEAD/TODOS SANTOS
It may come as a surprise to hear that today’s valued cultural celebration of the Day of
the Dead has historical roots in Western Christendom. In fact, the tradition was so integral to the
early Catholic Church that by the 4th Century, it ranked directly after Easter and Christmas in
importance (Nutini, 1988: 38). The tradition began as two distinct ceremonies: All Saints Day
and All Souls Day, held on November 1st and 2nd respectively.
All Saints Day in the early Catholic Church aimed at the celebration of the martyrs who
died for their faith prior to Catholicism becoming the official religion. Once the status of
sainthood was popularized, the tradition continued as a celebration of all Saints both past and
present. Celebrations would consist of a large and often communal meal and prayers of
thanksgiving and requests for the Saints to watch over the city. The tradition was eventually
sanctioned and fostered by the church as a means of generating ritual devotion and unity
amongst the congressional and public members.
All Souls Day, which is a tradition that can be even more closely linked to the
contemporary Day of the Dead celebrations, also has originations in the early Catholic tradition.
All Souls Day in early Spain was a celebration of those faithful departed who had died within the
folds of the church. Prayers and celebrations were focused towards an honoring and rejoicing of
those in heaven, prayers and offerings for those in purgatory, and a supplication of the dead to
watch over the living, thanking them for past intercessions (Nutini, 1988: 40-41).
By the 16th Century, those who took part in the celebration of All Souls Day, are said to
have believed that on the vigil of November 2nd, the souls in heaven returned to the Earth to bless
the households where they had perished. The souls in purgatory returned in the form of witches,
toads, lizards, and other animals in order to frighten or harm those who had injured or wronged
them in their lives. Food offerings were made to the dead at the cemeteries, and the food was
ritually disposed of after the sacred day. Believers attracted the spirits with a feast of their
favorite foods, herbs, spices, and flowers, creating a path to their earthly households (Nutini,
1988: 45-47).
Both All Saints Day and the celebration of All Souls Day echo the influences of early
Roman polytheism. The Spanish Catholic Church never officially sanctioned All Souls Day,
presumably in an attempt to dissociate themselves from the “impurities” of the Roman
polytheistic religions from which Catholicism itself is partially derived. According to many
scholars, however, the tradition continued with fervency throughout the middle ages.
ANCIENT MEXICAN DAY OF THE DEAD
The early Spanish Catholic traditions of All Saints Day and All Souls Day were
surprisingly similar to the native Mexican tradition of honoring the dead (also known as ancestor
worship). Ancient Mexican peoples believed they had a profound connection with their
ancestors, and exhibited a pronounced concern with the dead. Their belief system delineated the
destination of the dead, the nature of the afterlife, and the relationship between the living and the
dead (Nutini, 1988: 54). .
Reports from various Spanish Catholic friars have been recorded that suggest the
prevalence and importance of worshipping and honoring the dead in ancient Mexico, and many
scholars believe the traditions in ancient Tlaxcala to be even more intense than in Catholicism.
Although the Friars Motolinía and Durán are deserving of a honorable mention for their reports
on the topic, for the sake of brevity I will focus on the reports of Sahagún. One of the original
twelve Franciscan Friars in the New World, Fray Bernadino de Sahagún recorded what some
consider the first ethnographic data in New Spain, meticulously recording the beliefs of the
native Nahuatl-speakers. His work has proved invaluable to the holistic study of the history,
theology, and anthropology of Mexico and the Spanish conquest, and is replete with evidence for
the ancient celebrations of honor and worship of the dead. He writes:
“On the fifth day [of the fourteenth month of Quecholli], they made small arrows in
honor of the dead…and placed them on their graves; at the same time, they also placed a couple
of sweet tamales. These offerings remained on the graves all day; at sunset the torches were
lit…and burnt…the resulting charcoal and ashes were buried on the grave of the dead, in honor
of those who had died…” (Sahagún, PAGE 58—CITE!!!)
He continues, describing a similar ceremony which convenes on the eighteenth month:
“Every household used to offer to the fire five amaranth cakes [tamales] on a platter; they
also made this offering to the dead, placing a tamale on each of the graves where they were
buried” (Sahagún—CITE!!! Page 59)
Again, evidence for celebration and honor of the dead in ancient Mexico in Tepeilhuitl,
the thirteenth month:
“…They dressed to resemble mountains topped by a carved head in human form. They
also made these images in memory of people who had drowned or had died in such a fashion that
they did not cremate but buried them. After having placed these images on their family altar
with great ceremony, they offered them tamales and other foods, and they also sang their praises
and drank wine in their honor” (Sahagún—CITE PAGE 55!!)
The Códice Telleriano-Remensis (FIND WHAT THIS IS!!!) also provides historians
with insight into the ancient celebration of the dead. The Códice reveals information which is
not found in any of the other main sources:
“The great feast of the dead (Hueymiccaylhuitl) was celebrated at the end of the month of
Xocotl Huetzi…During the last three days of this month, the living fasted in honor of the dead,
and they rejoiced by going to the fields to play. Every year, when they celebrated the feast of the
dead, and while the priests made sacrifices, all the people, each one in his own house…prayed to
their own kin, entreating them with the words, ‘Come quickly, for we are awaiting you’” (Codice
Telleriano-Remensis 1964: 158, plate 4 PAGE 65!!).
Both the reports of Sahagún and the Códice Telleriano-Remensis give readers insight into
the past. The celebrations and honorings of the dead took place in ancient Central Mexico,
according to the aforementioned reports, several times throughout the year. The rituals were
highly intricate and included large feasts, sacrifices to the gods and offerings to the dead, and a
calling of the dead back to the Earthly realm. As most other rituals of the ancient world, these
celebrations were held according to the native’s calendrical system.
It is interesting and worthy of mention that in the Americas, the ancient Spanish Catholic
celebrations of All Saints Day and All Souls day was celebrated as a single entity. There are
several speculations as to why this occurred. Some scholars highlight the caution of the
Franciscan friars, who feared that a celebration of All Souls Day might ignite a relapse in
conversion, creating a mass misunderstanding of Catholicism and a return to the native structure
of beliefs (CITE!!! ). Another explanation, which I will borrow for the present purposes, is
proposed by the erudite scholar of Mesoamerican syncretism, Hugo Nutini. In his 1988 book, an
extensive ehtnographic publication of the Todos Santos ceremonies in ancient and contemporary
(1960) Tlaxcala, and a primary source for the current research, suggests that the Saints and Souls
served a similar enough function to have been collapsed into one. He writes:
“In folk Catholicism of rural Tlaxcala…the saints and the souls of the dead have
essentially the same structural and functional positions: they are objects of propitiation and
supplication as intermediaries between individuals and the community on the one hand and the
Christian God and other high supernatural powers in the universe in the other. The people
approach, worship, and pray to the saints and the souls of the dead in the same fashion, and
essentially no distinction emerges between the cult of the saints and the cult of the dead…”
(Nutini, 1988: 8).
It was this collapsed New World version of the Spanish-Catholic All Saints and All Souls
Day that eventually blends with the ancient celebrations of the dead to create the syncretic
ceremony of Todos Santos.
SYNCRETIC SHIT
It is a worthy endeavor to stop at this point, and assure that the reader is clear on what is
meant by the term “syncretism”. The term is now widely used in the study of culture, history,
and theology, and denotes the process by which two disparate cultures, practices, or religions
fuse together to create a previously unknown hybrid of the two. To be clear, if two religions
syncretize, they influence each other in such a way that a new belief system—one with
influences of both of the originals—is born. Todos Santos is a unique syncretic tradition in that
it originated from the Judaic and Roman polytheistic persuasion on Catholicism, and continued
to be molded by influences of the New World to its current state in Tlaxcala, Mexico.
The full integration of the Todos Santos celebration in Central Mexico is widely
documented (see i.e.: Motolinía 1969), and can be viewed as a multi-step process. In an ardent
attempt to christen as many Indians as possible, the first generation of Friars sought to connect
with the natives in such a way that they would receive the Holy message. In this beginning stage
of the birth of Todos Santos in Tlaxcala, the friars encouraged the Indians and other Catholic
priests to recognize the similarities between Catholic Saints and the local city gods (Nutini,
1988: 85). Because of these similarities, Indians were able to more easily self-identify with the
Catholic faith.
The second stage of integration of Catholic traditions, worked at a similar level as the
first, though it is documented that some of the later friars were uncomfortable with the idea of
recognizing and preaching similarities. It is documented that they feared natives would
misunderstand the Catholic faith and that ancient beliefs would persist (i.e.: Durán, 1967, vol. I:
269-270). Because of the similarities in both traditions, and the acceptance of the Natives
maintaining what were deemed benign beliefs (CITE!!!!), during this time, observers found it
difficult to discriminate what was pre-Hispanic and what was Catholic (Nutini, 1988: 85).
The final phase of the Todos Santos syncretization in Colonial Mexico continued a single
generation after Cortes’ victory over the Aztecs. As stated previously, the Todos Santos
ceremony is viewed amongst some scholars as the single most successful implementation of
Catholicism into the New World. Out of the wreckage of the badly-translated Catholic faith of
the friars, and the remains of the native traditions, Todos Santos was born. The syncretism
between these two traditions occurred relatively quickly. “Todos Santos,” writes Nutini,
“became syncretized within the folk Catholicism of the Tlaxcalan area faster than perhaps any
other complex in the administrative, ritual, and ceremonial organization of Catholicism” (Nutini,
1988: 89).
As previously mentioned, the contemporary (1960) celebrations of Todos Santos in
Tlaxcala, Mexico, have changed little since the traditions of the Colonial Era (Nutini, 1988: 115).
HIGHER IMPORTANCE?? PAGE 119The changes that have occurred, however, can be
attributed to the modernity of society, the need to work, and the growing poverty in the region.
Just as in the early Colonial period of the 16th Century, Todos Santos is celebrated in Tlaxcala
with a large feast, family gathering, and intricate decorations of zempoalxochitl, marigold
flowers and the Nahuatl word for ‘flower of the dead’).
Syncretism requires a certain amount of flexibility and acceptance for each of the parties
involved. For example, had the early Catholic friars not been so accepting of the similarities
between the Saints and the local gods, it is likely that Todos Santos would not be so prevalently
celebrated in modern Mexico. Similarly, the faith and even race of the Indians may have been
lost completely had they not subsumed at least some of the Catholic traditions.
CONTEMPORARY TODOS SANTOS IN MEXICO--SYNCRETISM
But the question is still ever-present: why did the people native to Central Mexico give up the
gods and traditions of their ancestors for those of the Spanish enemy—and so quickly? As stated
previously, scholars generally rely on one or more of the following three positions to explain this
syncretism in Colonial Mexico:
1. Indians were forced to convert to and regularly practice Catholicism.
2. There were inherent parallels between 16th Century Spanish Catholicism and the native
spirituality which allowed for a seamless transition from one faith to the next.
3. The belief system of prehispanic Mexico was flexible, and allowed for additional Gods to
become part of their cosmology.
Each of these explanations illuminates for the interested scholars the various aspects of
the “Spiritual Conquest,” and offers valid insight to the syncretism that occurred in Colonial
Mexico. Following is a brief discussion and evidence for each of these explanations.
DISCUSS FORCED CONVERSION (TORTURE, DE LAS CASAS, ETC)
DISCUSS SIMILARITIES
Nutini accredits the ease and speed of syncretism in Tlaxcala to the various similarities
between folk Catholicism and native traditions. They key to successful syncretism, he says,
is that, “…the elements…interact [with a] relatively high degree of initial similarity in
structure, function, and form” (Nutini, 1988: 78).
Although it may seem through the lens of a modern world view that Catholicism and the
native Aztec spirituality are distinctly dissimilar, the differences are purely superficial.
Catholicism offers its believers a story of creation, based on an all-powerful God. They offer
patron Saints to the cities and people for protection, and rely on prayer, praise, and
ceremonial rituals for success. Catholicism offers believers a description of the afterlife
based on behaviors of the Earthly life, as well as a moral code by which to live.
The cosmovision of the Native Mexicans offer a similar solace. It provided the people
with a story of creation and a hierarchy of gods for every nearly every natural phenomenon
and object in the cosmos. Aztec gods offered its people protection and wealth which was
dependant on the amount of ritual and sacrifice that the natives performed. Too, native
spirituality offered the people a description of the afterlife, the dimensions of the Earthly
world and the realm of their ancestors. It is not difficult to see the parallels between the two
faiths, and there is no doubting natives actively went to great lengths to seek out these
parallels in order to be more at ease with the destruction of their culture (Gossen, 1993: 178).
DISCUSS FLEXIBILITY IN NATIVE FAITH
The ancient Aztec’s spiritual beliefs allowed for an enormous amount of flexibility when
it came to the ruling gods. Those gods who were trumped or defeated were easily discarded and
the natives would often adopt the Gods of their enemies. This flexibility in the Native
worldview allows for yet another explanation for why the Aztec and Spanish Catholic belief
systems syncretized so smoothly to create an entirely different religion.
It is now where I would like to stop for a moment to summarize what this writing has thus far
accomplished, and give the reader a moment to ponder the implications. Thus far, we have
discussed a brief summary both the pre-conquest Spanish Catholic Church and the preColumbian Mexican cosmovision. I have provided the reader with the traditions associated with
All Souls Day and All Saints Day in early Spain, and similar ceremonies of the Dead in native
Mexico, and I discussed the syncretized Todos Santos which was present in colonial Tlaxcala
and remains present today. I have given a few of the more prevalent explanations for the
occurrence of such syncretism, and given evidence for each of these. In order to add further to
the discussion of why religious syncretism occurred so ubiquitously in Tlaxcala, Mexico, and to
provide the analyst an additional dimension of the inquiry, I will now discuss what I believe to
be an integral aspect of studying the topic: believe that the psychological function which
religion serves for the individual and her community must also be considered. Following is a
brief summary of the Freudian psychodynamic analysis of religion, and its application to the
current investigation.
SUMMARY OF FREUD’S VIEW OF RELIGION
The works of Sigmund Freud, a prominent 20th century psychologist, have had a
profound impact on the modern world. Not only have they opened the doors for a
completely different form of health care, but the implications of such research and
development and the mind have extensive psychological, philosophical, and historical
implications—particularly, for our purposes, regarding religion. Freud was a self-proclaimed
atheist and spent much of his life trying to figure out what it was in the human condition that
necessitated the “irrational” beliefs in God. In order to do justice to the topic, it is requisite
to provide the reader with a short background of one of Freud’s major theories: the Oedipus
complex.
It is well-known that Freud’s work focuses on the developmental aspect of psychology to
predict later psychological behaviors. It is no surprise, then, that he relates religion to early
childhood trauma, and the instinctual desires for love, attention, and care. In his book The
Future of an Illusion, Freud describes the harsh reality that is nature: there is d
APPLICATION TO TODOS SANTOS IN MEXICO
OBJECTIONS/RESPONSES
1. But you are talking about 16th Century Catholicism, and the Franciscan Friars
came with the goal of beginning anew, and not carrying through with the original
blasphemies and polytheistic rituals in medieval Spain.
2. Response: they came with the goal but because of tradition, continued with the
original
CONCLUSIONS
conversion by the Spaniards, similarities between Catholicism and native beliefs, and
flexibility in the native beliefs which allowed for the acceptance of other Gods into their
cosmology. I hope to convince the reader that one additional perspective must be accounted
for—that is, the underlying and universal psychological functions which religion itself serves
to believers.
Thesis: Although the true success of the Spanish in implementing a pure Catholicism in
the New World is controversial amongst the experts….Through a thorough investigation of the
ancient and modern traditions of Todos Santos both in the Spanish church and in Prehispanic
Mexico…
It seems a mystery that modern day Mexico lends its faith to the “ultimate” monotheistic religion
of Catholicism, given their polytheistic spiritual roots. “Why,” some may ask, “did the native
cultures relinquish the gods of their ancestors for those of the Spaniards, whom destroyed their
population, land, and culture?” “How is it,” others inquire, “that after the relatively short period
of 500 years, the rich historical cosmology of the native Mexicans has seemingly disappeared—
christened under the cloak of Catholicism?”
Shortly after news of Cortes’ victory over the Mexican empire reached the Spanish
crown, it was decided that religious ______ would be a top priority. The Crown and the Church
sent to the New World twelve meticulously-chosen Franciscan friars armed with the goal and
intention of conversion of the Indians and starting anew given the recent reformation. Initially,
the Church was extremely pleased with the progress that was being made in New Spain, as friars
reported back stories of mass baptisms and willingness on the part of the Indians.
. In what follows I will first offer a brief, rather than comprehensive summary of this
information, and then discuss the importance of the Todos Santos ceremony which is reflected
both in the early Catholic Church and pre-Columbian Mexico, as well as offer insight into the
syncretic beliefs and ceremonies which have been carried into contemporary Tlaxcala.
driven by and focused on the ritual calendars. Some of the defining features of the region’s
cosmovision were their beliefs in animism, reciprocity, and duality. Being a culture reliant on
the Earth rather than on technology, it is no wonder the Native Mexicans held the belief of
animism—the concept that all things that are naturally created have a spirit—so integral to their
worldview. It is nothing short of impressive that this ancient civilization created such a complex
pantheon of Gods and spirits associated with every weather pattern, astronomical cycle, and
aspect of the world in general. The native Mexican Gods had the familiar capability to create,
destroy, and change the world, but their powers were limited without the aid of human
intervention, for the Aztecs believed that gods and humans worked in a reciprocal relationship.
That is, offerings and sacrifices were made to the gods in expectation of the favor being returned
with good weather, victory in battle, etc. (Carrasco, 1990). In addition, the ancient peoples of
Mexico held the dualistic belief that all creatures—humans, animals, and gods alike—had the
capacity for both good and evil, and embodied both creative and destructive energies.
The concept of good and evil (God and the devil) as two distinct opposites was brought to the
Americans by the Spaniards, though the Aztecs did carry a similar belief in duality. For them,
everything in the world has the dual features of both good and evil in itself, rather than an all
good and an all evil system.
INFO ON MEXICAN COSMOVISION—CARRASCO,
According to Freud, much of a child’s battle of successfully integrating into the world lies at the
hands of his mother and father. As an infant, he says, we instinctually connect with our mothers,
our loving caretakers. Shortly after, we realize that our fathers are the protective figure, and a
battle ensues between both mo
e, the 16th Century Spanish Catholic Church and the native Aztec beliefs are strikingly
similar. The similarities between 16th Century Spanish Catholicism and native Mexican
spirituality are far reaching and must not be underestimated when examining and assessing
religious syncretism in the Colonial era. From what has thus far been discussed, it is not
difficult to see the parallels between both Spanish Catholicism and the Aztec cosmovision.
For one, the tradition of the Saints strongly paralleled that of the Aztec’s spirit-gods. Saints
watched over the Catholic Church and blessed new towns, and the Aztec’s spirit-gods
fulfilled a similar purpose. Both religions believe in the necessity for constant
communication with the higher being, and in ritual and ceremony which aids in this process
of communication (prayer for the Catholics, sacrifice and offerings for the Native Mexicans).
Finally, … It is likely that these core similarities between ancient Mexican belief system and
the 16th century Spanish Catholic church can at least partially illuminate why syncretism
occurred with such ease in the region.
All Saints Day in the early Catholic Church is a tradition that cannot be separated from its
Roman and Northern Indo-European polytheistic roots. Roman polytheistic traditions celebrated
a complex ceremony of rites and rituals around late autumn which was intended to honor the
gods of agriculture and the natural elements so as to give thanks for the harvest and protection
against the impending winter. All Saints Day adopted (Todos Santos) is speculated to have
begun in Spain around the 4th Century and was dedicated originally to the martyrs who had died
for Christianity before it was proclaimed the official religion of the Roman Empire. Once
Sainthood became a popularized status, the celebration continued to celebrate all Saints, living
and dead, of God. Though the tradition was canonized for centuries before, it wasn’t until the
latter part of the 11th Century, during the papacy of Gregory VII, that November 1st became the
official date of the ceremony. Contemporary ethnographers are finding that even today there are
semblances of the continuation of this tradition in both Eastern and Western Europe.
As several scholars have remarked (see e.g.: Caso, 1945: 82), religion was the driving
force of Mesoamerican culture. One of the most intricately celebrated traditions of Central
Mexico prior to the Spanish Conquest—worship and dedication to the dead and the ancestors—
helped conduct this force.
sum, the celebrations of All Saints and All Souls Day in Spain were intimately connected with
the Catholic Church, and ranked in high importance to followers of the faith. Similar to the
Spanish celebrations, the cult of the dead among the peoples of Central Mexico was also an
integral part of their theology and cosmology and played a major part in the annual cycle of rites
and ceremonies. The dead were worshipped and treated as intermediaries between man and the
gods, were propitiated as agents of protection and intensification, and were regarded as being in
rather intimate contact with the living. These two prevalent pre-conquest traditions eventually
created the syncretized Todos Santos celebration in modern Central Mexico.