Directions: The following question requires you to construct a coherent essay that integrates your interpretation of documents A-K and your knowledge of the period referred to in the question. In your essay, you should strive to support your assertions both by citing key pieces of evidence from the documents and by drawing on your knowledge of the period. High scores will he earned only by essays that both cite key pieces of evidence from the documents and draw on outside knowledge of the period.
Analyze the changes that occurred during the 1960's in the goals, strategies, and support of the movement for African American civil rights. Use the documents and your knowledge of the history of the 1960's to construct your response.
Document A
“We affirm the philosophical or religious ideal of nonviolence as the foundation of our purpose, the presupposition of our faith, and the manner of our action. Nonviolence as it grows from Judaic-Christian traditions seeks a social order of justice permeated by love.
Integration of human endeavor represents the crucial first step towards such a society.
Through nonviolence, courage displaces fear; love transforms hate. Acceptance dissipates prejudice; hope ends despair. Peace dominates war; faith reconciles doubt. Mutual regard cancels enmity. Justice for all overthrows injustice. The redemptive community supersedes systems of gross social immorality.” Source: Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee (SNCC) statement of purpose, April 1960.
Document B
“The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense calls upon the American people in general and the black people in particular to take careful note of the racist California Legislature which is now considering legislation aimed at keeping the black people disarmed and powerless at the very same time that racist police agencies throughout the country are intensifying the terror. brutality, murder, and repression of black people.
Black people have begged. prayed, petitioned, demonstrated, and everything else to get the racist power structure of America to right the wrongs which have historically been perpetrated against black people. All of these efforts have been answered by more repression, deceit, and hypocrisy. As the aggression of the racist American government escalates in
Vietnam, the police agencies of America escalate the repression of black people throughout the ghettos of America. Vicious police dogs. cattle prods, and increased patrols have become familiar sights in black communities. City Hall turns a deaf ear to the pleas of black people for relief from this increasing terror.
The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense believes that the time has come for black people to arm themselves against this terror before it is too late.” Source: Statement by the minister of defense of the Black Panthers, May 2, 1967.

Document C
“This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of
Alabama National Guardsmen was required to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the
U.S. District Court that called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro.
I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened. . . . It ought to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. . . .
The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the nation in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, onethird as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is seven years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much. . . . We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the
American Constitution. The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities. . . . The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.
We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. . . . It is a time to act in the
Congress, in your state and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives.”
Source: President John F. Kennedy in a radio and television report to the American people
June 11, 1963.
Document D
“But our vision is not merely of a society in which all black men have enough to buy the good things of life. When we urge that black money go into black pockets, we mean the communal pocket. We want to see money go back into the community and used to benefit it.
We want to see the cooperative concept applied in business and banking. We want to see black ghetto residents demand that an storekeeper sell them, at minimal cost, a building or a shop that they will own and improve cooperatively; they can back their demand with a rent strike, or a boycott, and a community so unified behind them that no one else will move into the building or buy at the store. The society we seek to build among black people, then, is not a capitalist one. It is a society in which the spirit of community and humanistic love prevail.”
At the 1966 CORE convention in Baltimore, he struck a separatist note: "We don't need white liberals. . . . We have to make integration irrelevant!" Early in 1967 he declared, "To hell with the laws of the United States. . . . If we don't get justice, we're going to tear this country apart.” Source: Stokely Carmichael in "What We Want," 1966.

Document E
ESTIMATED PERCENTAGE OF VOTING-AGE AFRICAN AMERICANS
REGISTERED IN 1960 AND 1968
Document F
“I have a dream that one day even the State of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will he transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not he judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its vicious racists, with its Governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will he able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. . . .
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of that old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! Free at last! Thank God almighty, we are free at last.” Martin Luther King, Jr., March on Washington, 1963.

Document G

Document H
“The country is still reeling from the shock of what happened in Los Angeles. Six days of "racial" rioting, of violence uncontrolled and uncontrollable. Thousands of Negroes running wild, burning, destroying, looting, spreading from the Negro section outward, on a scale that made a senior officer of the National Guard, which finally quelled the rioting, describe it as veritable insurrection. . . .
Of course, the politicians and the professional bleeding hearts immediately began to mumble the tired old phrases about "poverty" and "frustration," as though nobody was, or ever had been, poor or frustrated except the Los Angeles Negroes. The living standards and conditions of life of the Negroes in Los Angeles, bad as they are, would have seemed something near to heaven to most of the immigrants who came to this country in earlier years.
. . .
Internal order is the first necessity of every society. Even justice is secondary to order, because without order there can be no society and no justice . . . . It is preserved by force, by the naked force of police . . . . but more immediately by the force of custom and respect for constituted authority. . . . This internal order is now in jeopardy; and it is in jeopardy because of the doings of such high-minded, self-righteous "children of light" as the Rev. Dr. Martin
Luther King and his associates in the leadership of the "civil rights" movement. They are the guilty ones, these apostles of non-violence. . . . with their doctrine of "civil disobedience," they have been teaching hundreds of thousands of Negroes, particularly the adolescents and the children, that it is perfectly all right to break the law and defy constituted authority if you are a Negro-with-a-grievance; in protest against injustice. everywhere, with intentions not of the best. Sow the wind, and reap the whirlwind. But it is not they alone who reap it, but we as well; the entire nation. It is worth noting that the worst victims of these high-minded rabblerousers are not so much the hated whites, but the great mass of the Negro people themselves."
National Review 17 (September 7, 1965): 769-770. 150 E. 35th Street, New York, N.Y.
10016.
Document I

Document J
Document K
“Three years ago the Supreme Court of this nation rendered. . . . a decision which . . . . came as a legal and sociological deathblow to the old Pessy doctrine of "separate-but-equal."
Unfortunately, many states have risen up in open defiance. The legislative halls of the South ring loud with such words as "interposition" and "nullification." Methods of defiance range from crippling economic reprisals to the tragic reign of violence and terror. . . . [and] all types of conniving methods are still being used to prevent Negroes from becoming registered voters. . . . So long as I do not firmly and irrevocably possess the right to vote I do not possess myself. I cannot make up my mind--it is made up for me. I cannot live as a democratic citizen, observing the laws I have helped to enact--I can only submit to the edict of others.
So our most urgent request to the President of the United States and every member of
Congress is to give us the right to vote. Give us the ballot and we will no longer have to worry the federal government about our basic rights. Give us the ballot and we will no longer plead to the federal government for passage of an antilynching law; we will by the power of our vote write the law on the statute books of the Southern states and bring an end to the dastardly acts of the hooded perpetrators of violence. Give us the ballot and we will transform the salient misdeeds of bloodthirsty mobs into the calculated good deeds of orderly citizens. Give us the ballot and we will fill our legislative halls with men of good will, and send to the sacred halls of Congress men who will not sign a Southern Manifesto,* because of their devotion to the manifesto of justice. Give us the ballot and we will place judges on the benches of the
South who will "do justly and love mercy," and we will place at the head of the Southern states." Martin Kuther King, Jr. "Give Us the Ballot--We Will Transform the South," Worker
(June 2, 1957).