My dear Mr. Hopkins:
 This is my first report to you on the survey of New York and metropolitan New Jersey. It is
necessarily fragmentary and inconclusive since I have spent time only in Harlem, East Harlem
and Queens. Any previous notions on relief were dispelled by getting into the field. Thus there
are no preconceptions in these reports.
 Certain definite conclusions have appeared which have held true in the sections visited. These
represent changes over the past year as compared with the two years before.
 Relief rolls are still increasing. No private jobs are in sight. From Mr. Hodson on down to case
workers and investigators, there was unanimity on this point. Relief workers report a complete
lack of faith in the vast majority of clients that private jobs are coming back. My talks with
clients brought the same reaction.
 Secondly, the psychology of relief has gone through the whole population within the past year.
Relief is regarded as permanent by both clients and relief workers. Clients are assuming that the
government has a responsibility to provide. The stigma of relief has almost disappeared except
among white collar groups.
 Thirdly, after all manner of skeptical questioning on my part, the conclusion is inescapable
that there is growing unrest. This is not yet expressed in any large measure through existing
organizations, but supervisors and investigators are almost all agreed that the last year has
brought a great many clients to a frame of mind where they will follow a leader. Clients are more
critical, more complaining, more ready to react. All workers seem to sense the feeling that
something is going to happen, that things can't go on, and all insist they did not have this feeling
a year ago. Only one -Mr. Hodson--would venture to be specific. He said confidentially that he
didn't see how we could go on for more than a year more without being forced to bring in a new
social order--unless the trend began back towards private jobs.
 Jobs is the cry everywhere, and I can't over-emphasize this point. All agree that this is the one
solution, and with no jobs in private business, they must be created by the government. There is
no stigma attached to work relief jobs, but there is a growing hatred of home relief. Neither
clients nor relief workers understand why jobs can't be created.
 All report that mental deterioration has increased in the past year. An evolutionary process,
except for the lowest classes, and they are better off than ever before. Clothes present the most
serious need at present, with 25% of clients in critical need and 75% in need. Household
equipment is worse because of lack of money for maintenance.
 There is a surprisingly uniform belief--at least to me--among supervisors and case workers that
they feel the government has a definite responsibility and obligation to provide a minimum
subsistence level for every person, regardless of jobs. If private jobs bring in income below this
level, then the government should supplement. This feeling has also gained amazing tenacity
among clients, who are definitely more dependent on the government.
 As for young people, one Queens administrator supplied the best term. He said they were
bored with relief. They want something to do. an influx recently of young boys and men, in late
'teens and early twenties, was reported in both Harlem and Queens. They did not apply for relief
because they need food, but because it seemed to be a matter of form. Some relief workers
considered this the most pernicious phase of relief. Young men out of school since 1929 have
never had a contact with private industry--they live in a world of government subsidy.
 There is a growing feeling of resentment among clients of the better class at not having an
opportunity of getting somewhere in life; this feeling has been slow to develop, but has grown in
the last year as the word "emergency" disappeared out of the relief picture. Men of 40 and 50
years of age are realizing very definitely that they are out for good and tins results in a sense of
futility. But there are growing complaints of the inadequacy of relief, a growing awareness of the
problem. There is no question that President Roosevelt has lost some popularity. The next idol is
likely to be someone who has a promise and plans for jobs.
 The above has consisted of summaries. To take up specific topics, the matter of relief roils is
pretty definite. In Queens the administrator for the borough said she saw some signs of leveling
off, but if there is a tendency in that direction it is only in its earliest stages. Mr. Hodson reported
a drop in the rolls recently, but said he was certain that this was accounted for by involuntary
closings on the part of investigators who have been busy checking frauds. Both Harlem and East
Harlem reported drops due to closings for fraud. New applications have continued at the usual
rates. In one large precinct in Queens where I spent some time among white collar clients and
investigators, there are more cases than ever before.
 As for jobs, there are very few closings because clients have gone back to work. Investigators
are checking with former employers but find many firms out of business. A fair proportion of
former employers are willing to take back their people "if business picks up" but are not hopeful.
Some business men are amazed when an investigator calls and says that it must be impossible
that their former employees are in need. "Why he must have saved while he was working". Some
employers are resentful of calls of investigators. These contacts with employers have no-t given
investigators any confidence that jobs will come back. Occupational directors in Harlem and East
Harlem report calls for jobs but they are almost all in the lowest types of work and at very low
pay so low that the relief bureau supplements the incomes. In Queens the administrator of one
precinct said "I don't think we should subsidize private industry by supplementing low wage
scales. I don't think the government should lend itself to exploitation by industry's low pay."
There was considerable feeling in Queens that clients are not to be blamed for turning down
offers of work where the pay is below subsistence levels established by the government. On the
other hand, in East Harlem, two Jewish investigators, young men recently out of college, were
distinctly resentful of the Italian clients for refusing any kind of jobs. They felt that these people
aren't trying to get jobs, that they don't want to work and are only interested in getting relief
checks. In both upper Manhattan and in Queens the Italians are considered much better off under
relief and are more adept at chiseling. Racial feeling undoubtedly enters into appraisals of case
workers. I heard numerous complaints that the Italians knew more about relief than the relief
workers. "We are treated like messenger boys" "Relief is just like the milkman and the postman".
"Relief is worth protecting and it is inconceivable to them that the government would stop it."
"They have made home relief a business and spend as much energy getting relief as they would
in working." Odd jobs appear to be plentiful among the lowest classes and it is difficult to check
up on them. Hence the lowest classes prefer home relief because it gives them a chance to make
a few dollars on the side. Those who really want to work are antagonistic to home relief.
 Every worker in relief has definite ideas on the percentage of clients who want to work. In
Queens the-average is 80 to 85%, with the percentage as high as 95% to 99% among white collar
people. Among Negroes and Italians the percentage drops to as low as 50%, but I discount this
because of racial prejudice. I should say that the average is easily 80%, although this does not
take into account the increasing number of unemployables.
 As for health, the lowest classes are better off. I am referring to the minority of clients who
were always in the poverty classification and who never had permanent homes or jobs. Now they
have medical care and go to clinics, and some take advantage of educational facilities which they
never had before. Also, a complete system of diets has been instituted, and while many of them
skimp on food to use the money for other things, all are agreed that the health situation is not
bad. Above this level there is a variety of opinion. In some parts of Harlem as many as nine out
of ten clients hold clinic cards. The majority claim to have something ailing, even among the
single liege clients. In one case load of 82 singles, 75% have clinic cards. There is no way of
determining the real health problem, but white collar people are using clinic and free medical
facilities to good advantage. Most investigators consider the health problem "serious", but not
one of them is able to compare health with pre-depression days because they have never been
connected with medical institutions. It is probably a safe conclusion, however, that health
conditions are worse among the better class of relief clients because of their inability to use
private facilities they formerly enjoyed. Among those who do not want to work, the usual excuse
is health. Case workers know that often this is an alibi. Mentally the havoc wrecked ;among
skilled and white collar people cannot be estimated, but it is serious. Many skilled men will
never be useful again because of this interlude of worry.
 So far the bulk of trouble has been caused by Communists. Unemployed Councils are active in
sections of the city that are congested and where lower classes live. There has been an increase in
strength in Harlem, for the Negroes are more receptive. Probably the biggest single cause of this
increased strength is the actual effectiveness of the councils. They make complaints regularly to
bureaus, and more than often they get action. For every successful complaint, they can get new
recruits. This does not mean subservience on the part of bureaus, but Simply because a fair
proportion of complaints turn out to be justified. Usually the councils are orderly, and in white
collar sections they have gotten no following at all. But they cause an enormous amount of
trouble in the bureaus by demanding immediate action for their members.
 Hodson's complaint is that they (Communists) are always seeking the dramatic and never want
to sit down and work things out. He is having trouble with fifteen ringleaders within his own
organization. These, he said, are causing much of the trouble that reaches the newspapers. In
Queens the borough administrator said the Unemployed Councils are definitely gaining strength
in Jamaica and Flushing. In Harlem the district supervisor said the clients used to laugh at the
radicals, but that this has changed to receptiveness. "They react more readily now to radical
leadership. They are still confused on issues, but the radicals tell them they can get more by
joining, so they do." Mrs. Mason, Harlem administrator, said the councils have more strength
than before. In East Harlem, the Italians are content to stay away from organization for fear of
disturbing the status quo of relief. But the administrator there said she felt like she was "sitting
on a volcano" and expected things to begin happening. But more important than the councils, it
seems, is the attitude and morale of the vast majority who have grown up under the American
tradition of opportunity. And in this group there is unanimous opinion that there is growing
discontent with relief as now administered and that the cry for jobs is bound to grow. My talks
with clients, ranging from Italians and Negroes to white collar people in Queens, revealed
nothing definite in their minds except a growing feeling that they couldn't go on as they have. In
Harlem the Negro is likely to reply "revolution" if asked what would happen if the government
withdrew relief. But this is old talk. The feeling is prevalent among case workers and
investigators that a vast majority of people on relief for two years or more are reaching "the
cracking point" and have got to have jobs or go to pieces. The security of a minimum subsistence
on relief is not enough, and many of the clients actually applied for relief with the mistaken
notion that it meant jobs. And they all look to the government for those jobs. They feel that the
government promised them jobs and that jobs are coming to them.
 One complaint of relief workers was in the publicity on FERA from Washington. They said
this publicity misleads clients and has caused an untold number of dashed hopes for jobs. The
workers keep promising that something will come, but nothing comes. It is this "promise without
action" that is causing a growing resentment.
 In reference to criticism often made that people are getting relief that don't need it, I can say
that as far as I have gone the percentage of frauds is very low. Only a very small percentage are
getting away with anything. Most of the chiseling is on a small scale and the people who do it
use the money for essential maintenance. As for that minority that wouldn't work anyway and
that has always been poverty-stricken, it becomes a matter of policy. Should the government be
responsible for a minimum standard of living? The majority of case workers believe so. As for
administration, it has been amazingly efficient considering the obstacles--this is the view of an
outsider--and the personnel of investigators has been surprisingly good. The investigators I
talked with are not only conscientious but are active in tracing down frauds, and I say this
knowing that they would make a good appearance to an investigator from above.
 Clients have no ideas about what the government should do except that it should provide jobs.
Among the supervisors and administrators, they are at a loss to predict what is to come and have
only one suggestion to solve the problem. That is jobs. They do appeal, however, for more
experts and better supervision an personnel as a means of keeping relief rolls down to the needy.
Subsistence homesteading and farming is considered out of the question by these people for New
York relief families.
 Comment of Mr. Hodson: "Unless there is a trend toward recovery within the next year, the
situation will be very bad. An increase of industrial employment would aid greatly; if this doesn't
come, and come pretty quickly, there is trouble ahead. A new social order is inevitable then-socialization. In general the people are worse off. Can't expect them to be content indefinitely."
 Comment of Mr. Corsi: "No improvement in New York. Situation very bad and continually
worse. No new jobs except very infrequently. Morale of the people is bad."
 I quote these comments because I found them to be substantially correct as I went down the
line. The most definite conclusion I found is a complete change to dependence on the
government. Few want relief or are contented with it. They want to get back on their feet via
jobs. Discontent is still an individual matter for the majority, but has reached the stage where it
can take more specific form. This report has been rambling, but I hope succeeding ones will be
more coherent. I have the honor to remain,
Yours very sincerely
Wayne W. Parish
November 17, 1934
My dear Mr. Hopkins:
 During the past week I gave attention to the lower east side, to the white collar district in
Manhattan's west side, to the Bronx, and several left-wing organizations.
 Despite a considerable number of closings as a result of investigation, relief rolls in the four
precincts visited have continued to increase. New applications are coming in at usual rates and a
larger number of re-applications have been reported. Only in one section of the Bronx were there
signs of leveling off; there was an influx of applicants during the summer months and less last
month. Figures showing a tendency for relief rolls to level off for the whole city are discounted
by relief people as arising from stringent investigations and forced closings.
 For the first time there were indications of a return of jobs among white collar people.
Although this trend has not affected relief rolls in any large degree, there is a constant turnover in
the white collar clients and a small but appreciable number are getting permanent jobs. These
range from editorial work to real estate, with the salaries generally much lower. In the lower east
side, where the bulk of the people are needle workers in the garment industry, season work is
getting less and less each year, according to the bureau occupational directors. The clients go
back to work for shorter periods at a time and return to the relief rolls more quickly.
 In contrast to Harlem, East Harlem and Queens, where considerable apprehension was felt
concerning future trouble, the districts visited this week are free of that feeling to a large extent.
Because each precinct in New York is almost unique in itself, it is difficult to classify the report,
except to discuss the situation by districts.
 In the lower east side, with a 90% Jewish population, much trouble at the precincts is caused
by Unemployed Council demonstrations, but no one expresses any great fear that the
Communists are gaining in strength or that trouble in the future will be any more than there has
been for several years. Discontent has actually decreased with the improvement of relief
administration. The likelihood is that if checks arrive on time and immediate problems are taken
care of, relief can go on for some years without any change. It is the feeling that practically all
trouble in the precinct is caused by professional agitators, and after talking with the Communists
there and with quite a few clients in homes or in the reception room, I think that is true. The
Jewish people there can make the relief budget stretch; there is dire need of clothing, but as far as
putting up with it is concerned, the people have accepted it and will not complain much. In short,
as far as the east side is concerned, there is a status quo that took effect some time ago with
better administration. Fifty per cent of the relief load has unemployment as the sole cause and
jobs would solve the matter. Seventy-five per cent in this section want to work at reasonable
jobs; fifteen per cent are no good any more except for certain types of easy jobs; ten per cent are
chiselers and chronic cases.
 In the east side, work relief as set up in the city is useless. The Jewish clients cannot work at
manual labor; some of those who wanted to work "at anything" have been injured by labor. They
require certain types of skilled jobs which the work relief division cannot supply. Relief workers
plead for Federal projects which would supply a variety of jobs. The Jews can't do construction
work or shovel snow. There have been numerous refusals to work at such jobs.
 Jewish young people comprise the big and uncertain problem. They are personally ambitious,
they want to get somewhere and most of them have taken advantage of high schools and
colleges. Very few are on relief independently. They are included in the family budget and it is
difficult for the Jewish youth to strike out against family wishes. For this reason there is an
increasing amount of "ingrown" family trouble, and the Unemployed Councils and Communists
have made definite inroads among young people. Old time case work falls down completely with
young people. "You can't do case work on people unless something's the matter", said one
supervisor. "And the thing that's the matter with 85% of these young people is jobs. There's
nothing else the matter, but let it go on for two or three years and there will be something the
matter." The old people will not protest and demonstrate, but the young people will.
 In contrast to Queens and Harlem also, is the attitude toward the government. People I talked
with think business is coming back. They prefer to work for private industry and business, and
quite a few of the Jewish people would start in business on their own if they could get the money
from banks. They feel that somebody has to be responsible for the unemployed, but only as a last
resort. The dependency on the government felt in other parts of the city is not felt in the east side
among the Jews. Relief investigators and supervisors, however, feel that private business and
industry will never absorb more than a fraction of these people. They feel that the depression,
however, has not destroyed the initiative of the people and has not had widespread mental
deterioration. These people could more quickly and easily adjust themselves to a low relief
budget and were accustomed to periods of hardship. But the feeling was also present that unless
jobs appeared within another year or two years, this section would have its hands full of
psychiatric cases. The people are naturally emotional and hysterical, and diabetes and cardiac
cases have increased. Health is not serious and is being taken care of by the medical service.
Household equipment is much worse this year. Many of the clients do get work by the day
occasionally but it is difficult to check. One dissenting voice to this appraisal was heard. A case
supervisor said "I don't think this group is willing to stay on relief much longer. The government
will have to take a stronger stand and provide jobs."
 The Unemployed Council organizer and chief associates are a noisy outfit demanding
everything under the sun and shouting in the reception room in order to attract attention. They
complain every day about individual cases, the majority of which have been previously
investigated and found ineligible for relief.
 On Manhattan's west side, the problem is entirely different. No unrest is shown and no trouble
expected. The serious problem is the unattached man and woman, and the inadequacy of the
relief budget gets plenty of panning. These singles live in furnished rooms and the rent checks do
not cover the rent. This means moving frequently. Without clothes fit to wear, many of them
have to stay in their rooms most of the time. The mental deterioration is reported to be extremely
serious and the clients I visited with an investigator bore that out. The unattached woman above
forty is in a pretty hopeless situation and she is usually aware of it. A mere job is not enough for
this group, for their morale is broken. These singles have been approached by the Unemployed
Council without results. They live by themselves, still hopeful of "a chance," but their mental
and physical conditions are much worse. There is not the feeling, however, that private jobs are
never coming back. They are not organization-conscious and are going to pieces on relief.
 As for the man of 40 and 50 in this white collar section, the situation is not as bad as in other
places. The family unit has remained pretty close and while the men never expect to get back,
family resources of one kind or another will take care of the older members. Mental deterioration
and broken morale is chiefly among singles. Household equipment was of the better sort anyway
and has lasted pretty well. This district also includes Columbia University, where some students,
professors and others of this class are on relief. Here again, there is no great dependency on the
government. They still believe private business and industry will pick up, and accept relief as a
last resort. There are numerous instances of men in this district passing the relief bureau six or
seven times before getting the courage to walk in and ask for relief. There is still much stigma
attached to it. Among students and younger men who have come out of college, there is a distinct
radical trend. They see no way out except government control. One investigator in the Columbia
section reported that almost every one of her clients has talked suicide at one time or another.
They are apt to despair and several cases I talked to in this district were ample evidence of what
the depression has done to the more sensitive white collar groups. Work, an extremely simple
thing in words, would have done wonders and still can do a lot. One man, who was a civic
organizer, and has held pretty big jobs, is slowly going to pieces in his furnished room. He tried
getting jobs through politics but was of the wrong Democratic stripe. He was extremely bitter
against Farley and was trying to work out a "clean-up, paint up, build-up" campaign for the
country. He had suggested it to Roosevelt. Two years ago he helped poor people to get relief, but
now he is out and just dabbling away in his room.
 In this white collar neighborhood, those on relief are too depressed and "bowled over" by the
shock of going on relief to take any action. Only the younger ones would follow a leader. Most
still feel their problems are individual ones and don't blame anybody in particular. Relief checks
are extremely inadequate for this white collar group, but feeling is that if checks continue to
come there will be no outward trouble, only serious psychiatric problems. Among young people,
however, the answer is the same, that they are receptive, have nothing to do, and find the doors
to work closed against them. They are more aware of mass psychology and possibilities of mass
action. This applies only to those out of school since l929; the single men in furnished rooms are
not likely to organize or follow a group or leader.
 In the Bronx, the big problem is rent, and trouble is likely over this irritation. The maximum
rent allowance is $17.50; it is absurd to think that this covers rent in this middle class area, for
the vast bulk of apartments rent for $30-40. So far the clients have had to supplement from some
source. There is considerable bitterness from both clients and relief workers over the rent
problem. Investigators admit they are "kidding themselves" that the people borrow money from
friends. Actually, most of them work at odd jobs, but are afraid of being caught and taken off
relief. Chiselers here run about 15 to 20%, but this average includes the Italian section which is
better off than before home relief.
 Aside from rent, the clients are no more restless than before and relief could go on for some
time, a couple of years, without any change. Unemployed Councils are active, but only on
individual complaints and are orderly. They have not gained much strength, as the case load is an
older one and family people only protest in such acute crises as evictions or lack of coal or
clothing. There seems to be tremendous apathy in this big area; the people are not organizationconscious and will not revolt. Young people are an unknown quantity in this section. One
administrator believes they are getting restless and feel cut off from future jobs. One investigator,
who is an ardent Communist, calls them "the lost generation" and considers the situation tragic.
But the truth is that nobody really knows what is happening to the young people and it is no
small job to find out. They are rarely at home, and not many of then are working. Few are on the
relief rolls as individuals.
 As far as the Bronx goes, more adequate relief would solve the problem. Most of them want
jobs, but will not revolt if they don't get them. Only the Italians are satisfied on relief; the family
units are depressed, and with no car fare or adequate clothing, leisure time stuff is out. One
investigator believes the stigma of relief, very high in the Jewish-Bronx, is gradually leaving and
that government responsibility for the individual's welfare is soaking in. Many clients still
believe private industry is the solution and will come back, but two administrators and most
investigators see no chance of business revival taking more than a fraction of the unemployed
back. Work relief is always brought up and is the obvious answer to an immediate solution. One
administrator strongly advocates factory production for the jobless. "Industry can't recover
without purchasing power. There is no purchasing power in relief money. I can't see any way to
avoid competition with private industry. Why be so tender towards business?". Household
equipment in the Bronx is getting I bad shape. "They can tie over individuals for a month, but
not for two years." Health is believed to have suffered considerably in the Bronx. "Relief has had
a degrading, placid effect."
 Clients visited in the Bronx were obviously in need of clothing and household incidentals.
Clothing is particularly acute. The bulk of apartments are fairly modern and have most
conveniences. Food is the least of the worries. But with landlords, the rent situation is bad.
 Many relief clients still have a sense of humor. One applicant held up his application paper
and called it "The Pauper's Lullaby" and said, "And this is the sheet of music." One expression of
an investigator was "The emergency is over but the depression lingers on." Another investigator
told of a friend who was driven by curiosity to go through the files of the New York Daily News
and add up the unemployed it had put to work through front page headlines. The answer was
56,000,000 people since Roosevelt went into office.
 In the Jewish sections, both in the Bronx and lower east side, complaints are bitter against the
surplus food division. The meat that comes here is not suitable for the Jews and the waste, etc.,
has caused no little resentment at bad management. Other outspoken complaints were against
such Federal projects as Knickerbocker Village, despite the fact that this was built merely on a
government loan. Impression is that the Village is a government-sponsored project and that it
was a pitiful answer to slum clearance.
 Work relief also received complaints in Jewish sections, since no jobs are provided suitable for
them. Some relief people who have ideas can't understand why the government doesn't use the
garment workers to make clothes for the relief clients.
 Small business men, barbers, cigar store managers, food merchants, restaurant managers, etc.,
of the small class, are mostly unanimous in saying that business is either no better or is definitely
worse. A high editor of Fortune Magazine, however, is convinced that industry will absorb about
half of the unemployed when the adjustment is over.
Very truly yours,
Wayne W. Parish
Investigator
Mr. Harry L. Hopkins
FERA Administrator
1734 New York Avenue
Washington, D.C.
Dear Mr. Hopkins:
This report, the third, covers two of the worst trouble centers in Brooklyn, the Unemployed
Councils, two of the largest unions, the garment industry, and a portion of the works relief
division. Good administration of relief, with tactful handling of complaints, is taking the heart
out of the local Unemployed Councils. The councils are vocal, but their actual strength is small
and greatly over-estimated. In Brooklyn's largest precinct, with a cumbersome case load of
15,000, the guts have been knocked out of the councils by good handling of
clients and complaints in reception. In another precinct in Brooklyn, the councils are causing
trouble and getting by with it simply because the administrator and her staff lets them get under
their skins.
The precinct with a 15,000 case load includes the Red Hook, Puerto Rican, Negro and Italian
sections. Formerly it was constantly in an uproar with riots and everything else. The councils
found it easy to stir up trouble at any time. The situation has changed completely
within six months. The reception room handles a thousand persons a day and is as quiet as a
library. The reception supervisor is accessible to anyone with a complaint. The police have all
but withdrawn, and the Unemployed Council delegations are received in a quiet and orderly
manner. This precinct is an enlightened example of an administration using its head in handling
agitation, with the result that the councils have actually lost strength and power in this section.
The rank and file of clients are 100% with the investigators and staff. And this is the sort of lowclass section where one would expect a lot of trouble.
The other precinct comprises such middle class areas as Bensonhurst, strictly residential. The
other day there was picketing in front of the bureau, which is located in a public school.
Although only a handful of men were involved, this is the sort of stuff that makes
newspaper headlines. One of the leaders participated in the hunger march
to Albany last month. the council has made some little gain in this section, but this could be
eliminated within two weeks by tactful handling by administration. After talking with clients and
visiting homes, it seems clear that good administration can eliminate almost all trouble
from residential sections of New York City.
I watched closely the demonstration Saturday (24th) in Union Square, part of the nation-wide
protest against inadequate relief and lack of jobs. It was a fizzle. The were not more than 3,000
persons in the parade and meeting. The whole thing was supposed to have been
started and engineered by Socialists, but the majority in line were Communists and Unemployed
Councils (uninvited). Having witnessed and covered numerous other demonstrations, this one
was a weak sister. The Unemployed Council of Harlem, one of the largest and most vocal in
the city, had scarcely twenty person in line. Furthermore, the demonstration was supposed to be
part of a nation-wide unemployment protest, and was such it was a distinct failure. My own
feeling is that a vastly improved administration of home relief has kept the marginal people out
of organization protests. The raw material available in New York has not been touched by
agitation of the old order and much sympathy expressed two years ago has disappeared and been
won over by relief workers. In the congested section of Brooklyn I heard a great deal about
the young men, 18 to 25. There has been an influx of these singles on relief and the situation is
considered serious. In large measure they are immune to Unemployed Councils, but they have
nothing to do and are getting inadequate budgets. Young people in families are resentful
of responsibility for their families. They see no reason why they should work and turn over
almost all of their earnings to the family. Those who are single and living alone are having a
difficult time. Much despondency and despair has been noted in the furnished room district. As
to the receptiveness of the young people to Fascism, Communism, or Socialism, there is a wide
difference of opinion. From my own talks with young people, I should say there is little
likelihood of their following a leader as yet. Jobs, of course, is the one solution. Otherwise
these young men who have never worked and who have no resources to continue in school, are
going to be a big problem. Because they will accept home relief and pick up odd jobs on the side
for spending money. Most of them are just "hanging around", although no difficulty has been
found in getting them to work when jobs are offered.
For the rank and file of relief clients, pleading has changed to demanding. The clients certainly
expect checks on time and are certainly more and more dependent on the government. There is a
growing dependency on the home relief investigator. Often their main source of new
and information is through him. But the rank and file of clients are not more discontented or
restless than before.
Relief rolls in Brooklyn are still going up. There are no signs of jobs and clients invariably
answer that "business is worse." This is a reflection of neighborhood merchants and of places
where they apply for jobs. In Bensonhurst I took a dozen new applicants for relief aside
for interviews and found that most of them had been working until a few months ago. Two were
young chaps, 20 and 22, who wanted jobs. Both blamed the NRA for their unemployment. One
had been a Postal Telegraph messenger boy who was let out because NRA codes forbid
delivering of certain kinds of samples via Postal. The other was a Bohack grocer chain clerk who
blamed NRA. One blamed Hoover for the depression, the other blamed machines. Both hated
home relief, both were sure that business would recover and that Roosevelt was doing his best.
Most of their friends were in CCC or doing work relief. Another applicant had a
shoe store which was forced under. He is confident, as they all are, that he will get a job soon.
Just wants home relief to tide him over for a few months and he "will work at anything." Not
resentful and didn't blame the banks for tightening up on his credit. But his bad luck broke up
his home and he is down to last pennies. A widow with a 19-year-old daughter, lost her job
because automatic machines had been installed in her uniform polishing plant where she had
worked many years. Thinks Roosevelt is fine, but that business is worse and thinks the
government must fix things. "You're willing to work and trying to make a living, and what's the
result?", she sighed. The next applicants were a young couple, married six months. He lost his
gob in a poultry concern two months ago. Furniture company threatens to take furniture, lights
turned off, and things look black to them just as they are starting out in married life. A house-tohouse peddler, over 50, had his home foreclosed by bank and expects dispossess daily. Can't
make any more money peddling because too many people on relief and no buying power. A boy
who had worked in a match factory and went to CCC is applying for self and mother. Business
bad and his two sisters and husbands also on relief. A stone cutter out of work two years finally
comes on relief. A single woman over fifty who used to work in a hospital is down to last cent
and is obviously ashamed to have to apply. A plasterer and contractor bitter against union rackets
and kick-backs says he can't make a go of things any longer unless the government begins
building, and eliminates racketeering. All of which indicates the type of person just coming
on relief. Most of them were working until recently. Out of a case load of 15,000 in one precinct,
600 cases were closed in October but only 245 due to jobs. Despite these figures, several
administrators thought business was better and coming back gradually, although
one administrator said "I don't see how private jobs are coming back. I don't feel that they will."
There is a great deal of rent trouble in residential areas of Brooklyn and consequently widespread
deception on part of clients. Impossible for rent budgets to cover rent needs there, although okay
for tenement sections. Health situation is not serious, although I heard much
about psychopathic trouble for the future. Clothing is very bad for a fourth of the clients.
Household equipment getting bad, but not acute except in the lowest classes which never had
anything anyway. Refusals of jobs in residential section of Brooklyn runs to 30%, with alibis of
health. This is among Italians who prefer to remain on home relief. A Queens borough case
supervisor said, "Relief can't go on as it is. You can't keep a normal employable family on relief
indefinitely. By keeping them on relief you are telling them they have no future. It is
a paralyzing development to the family and the father loses his position of respect.
Psychologically, unemployment insurance is good, for it recognizes the employability of the
family and places it on a dignified standard as long as insurance meets the actual needs of the
family. Home relief ought to care only for the unemployables and the
government should classify all the others on work relief." This supervisor thinks it would be
relatively easy to put all employables at work, beautifying cities, etc. Doesn't believe relief has
hit the bottom yet but expects no trouble from clients.
Both the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America and the International Ladies Garment
Workers reported less suffering among their own workers than in other industries, probably due
to pro-rating of work in all shops. Both reported, however that the present season which started
out fine has flopped badly and has been a disappointment. Business, while not dismally bad, has
not picked up. Shops should be running top speed this month but many are not working at all.
Both had high praise for the government relief administration, both thought public works with a
wage level above subsistence was the solution. At the International, Fred Umhey, exec. sec.,
said: "Business will recover ultimately, but frankly, I've had that hope since 1929 and it's hard to
maintain optimism after five years.... I don't care how far the government goes in public
works. Relief will go on forever if only a subsistence budget is given. Only the food distribution
industry gets any benefit from that." At the Amalgamated, Jacob Potofsky, ass't pres., said:
"Relief is the crux of the economic problem facing the country. I'm
afraid technological unemployment and over-expansion and efficiency has reached a point where
industry couldn't possibly absorb all the unemployment unless something tangible is done." He
favors NRA, thinks govt. has done many good things, thinks more government regulation is
essential, and that business is improving.
Both union men thought the idea of government factories was good only if the government used
the people in the industry and maintained prevailing wages. The Amalgamated thought the
government could get together with the union and employers and produce quantities of clothing,
absorb unemployed, and keep wage scales as they are. Samuel Klein, executive secretary of the
Industrial Council of Cloak, Suit and Skirt manufacturers, and spokesman for a large portion of
the industry, says he is in full accord with the government program and prefers work relief.
Thinks the taxpayers have a right to get a return on their money through projects of lasting
worth. "Our industry is not optimistic. Except for a short period after NRA code signed,
business has not increased. We are doing no more business than we did a few seasons before
NRA. We are fearful of a demand for still cheaper merchandise in the spring, and some of the
old-standing firms may go under soon unless business picks up." Cites tremendous competition
from (1) manufacturers who have moved outside code areas and (2) from other industries like
dress, rainwear, blouse and skirt, etc. Klein is definitely and certainly opposed to government
factories, but says the industry would be glad to cooperate with the government to
produce quantities of popular priced clothing at cost plus overhead. Says if there is to be
unemployment insurance it must be done for all industries; his own group tried it in 1926 with
disastrous results. As for government factories, the announcement from Washington was
read by everyone. several clients seemed to be waiting until the government took charge, and
everyone favored it. Every announcement about relief from Washington is read avidly, and I
heard again considerable complaint from relief workers about "glowing announcements" with no
results except an influx of inquiries from clients. No opposition would be met from clients if the
government did take charge of factories and start producing, but the opposition of manufacturers
of course would be something terrific unless they got their cut.
Unemployed Councils: they claim 52 locals with a few additional small groups. A membership
check-up is being made now. Richard Sullivan, New York secretary and organizer, a young chap
in late twenties or early thirties, said "There will be change in relief soon. We want one
and they (the govt.) want one because they are afraid of what we want." Says there can be no
purchasing power on relief money, and thusly there can be no revival in industry. "The way it
looks to us is that they are trying to institute forced labor into all relief work." The
headquarters for the city are at 11 West 18th Street. Did not denote any unusual activity and the
line of chatter is the same. The councils had a bout 800-1,000 in the demonstration Saturday, and
expects to send 100 delegates to Washington on January 5. In the works division of New York
City relief, there are two sources of vociferous complaints. On the one hand you have
Col. Willgus, a Vermonter army efficiency expert who says he is in "a devil of a
fix" and complains bitterly because he isn't permitted to do an efficient job. On the other hand a
tremendous amount of what might be called "idealism" has permeated the service division which
includes music, drama, education, etc. Here the department heads are almost
hysterical because they are subject to the whims of home relief rules and can't do an idealistic job
of "public service" and usher in the new social order.
As for Col. Willgus, he said "We have got to consider some permanent plan or else end in
disaster. We are trying to eat our cake and have it too. We can't have an efficient organization
unless we can keep our best men. The PWA comes along and pays double our salaries and some
have gone to the outside with double or triple our salaries. I can't stay here and see the thing
decay and go to dust. When I came here I received many felicitations from business associates. I
was filled with high hopes, and now I'm told it isn't expected that this is to be an
efficient machine. He wants to get away from the rules and do a good job of work relief. As for
the service division of work relief, the whole business is horribly confused. The "idealists" can't
even talk coherently and say there must be a change within a month or two or the whole project
will go to pieces. This includes such items as music. They want permanent planning of "a new
type of economy" and placing work relief on a professional non-stigma basis. Since I haven't
completed a survey of the works division I shall wait until I'm through before
summarizing. Definite pick-ups in business with capacity plants were found in (1) a candy box
factory employing 70 persons; (2) a carpet and floor covering business, best business in its
history and (3) ladies neckwear business with owner making plenty of cash.
Very sincerely yours,
Wayne W. Parrish