Indigenous education in Peru
When opportunity speaks one language
1
Introduction ................................................................................................................1
2
What does it mean to be indigenous in Peru? .........................................................2
2.1 Indigenous groups in Peru ................................................................................... 2
2.2 Ethnicity and culture ............................................................................................ 4
2.2.1 Indigenous values ....................................................................................... 5
2.2.2 Socialization and childhood ......................................................................... 5
2.3 Poverty and ethnicity............................................................................................ 6
2.4 Violence and migration: being indigenous in the city ............................................ 8
3
Education and inequality in Peru ............................................................................ 10
3.1 Who comes to school?....................................................................................... 10
3.2 Who stays… and for how long? ......................................................................... 15
3.3 Learning in the mainstream system ................................................................... 19
3.3.1 Academic achievement: Who actually learns? .......................................... 20
3.3.2 The learning process as experienced by indigenous children .................... 22
4
Outside the mainstream: bilingual education in Peru............................................ 25
4.1 History of bilingual education in peru: a long term struggle ................................ 26
4.2 Bilingual education accomplishments ................................................................ 27
4.2.1 Expanding access to bilingual education ................................................... 27
4.2.2 Social contribution: the impact beyond the classroom ............................... 30
4.3 Learning in Bilingual schools.............................................................................. 30
4.3.1 Educational indicators ............................................................................... 30
4.3.2 Teaching practices .................................................................................... 33
5
Final comments ........................................................................................................ 36
6
References ................................................................................................................ 38
1 Introduction
Indigenous people in Peru have being structurally and historically marginalized from the
rest of the society. This has led to place their children as the most vulnerable group in the
country. They meet all the characteristics of social and economic discrimination: age, race,
language, “ruralness”; and in the case of indigenous girls, the situation is even worse.
In the past years, education in Peru has made a twist towards a more inclusive and
culturally sensitive perspective, to offer indigenous children a better education. Quite
recently, in March 15th, president Toledo announced the implementation of the Plan
Nacional de Educación Bilingüe, as an attempt to strengthen indigenous education. It is
the moment to take a look at what has being achieved so far and at the persisting
obstacles for equity, as well as to reflect about what needs to be done now.
The purpose of this paper is to explore the educational opportunities for indigenous
people in Peru. I begin with a chapter that describes the ethnic, linguistic, and cultural
composition of Peruvian society, providing also information about cultural patterns,
broader socioeconomic characteristics. Since Peru is coming out from almost two decades
of political violence, I devote a section to analyze the situation of immigrant indigenous
children, which has significant implications in urban education.
The second chapter analyzes the situation of indigenous children within the
mainstream education system in terms of access, effectiveness, equity, and quality,
comparing educational indicators for indigenous and non-indigenous children, as well as
specific data for rural and urban settings. Here I present the result of the analysis of mainly
two databases, one coming from LLECE-UNESCO (1998) and the other one from INEI
(2000).
The third chapter shows the history and current trends of bilingual education, as
well as educational indicators for indigenous children enrolled in this alternative system. I
present also the outcomes and limitations of bilingual education in Peru, discussing its
pedagogical and social impact.
2 What does it mean to be
indigenous in Peru?
Peru is a culturally and linguistically diverse country, where more than 60 ethno-linguistic
groups coexist under quite complex sets of intercultural relations. Statistics regarding
indigenous population are not only scarce, but also ambiguous and, sometimes,
contradictory. This is due in part to the variety of criteria used to define who is indigenous.
Absence of information is even greater when related to education indicators. Although
language does not always have a direct correspondence with culture or ethnicity, for the
purpose of this paper I will consider as indigenous the native vernacular speaking
population, since this is the indicator most frequently used in Peru in surveys and census
to account for ethnicity.
2.1
INDIGENOUS GROUPS IN PERU
In 1997 16.2 percent of Peruvian population (3,849,925 people) spoke an
indigenous language as their mother tongue. In terms of the variety of language or dialect
spoken, 80 percent of indigenous people
Table 1: Varieties of Quechua by geographic
are native Quechua speakers, accounting
localization (Based on Pozzi-Escot, 1997)
for 13 percent of the total Peruvian Area
Variety
Speakers
population. However, there are 17
Chachapoyas
?
Quechua
Cajamarca
10,000
varieties (see Table 1), in some cases Norteño
Ferreñafe (Incahuasi-Cañaris)
24,000
Conchucos
500,000
unintelligible among them. This raises
Callejón de Huailas
350,000
serious problems at the educational level,
Alto Pativilca
?
Quechua Central Yaru
38,000
particularly in terms of language
Huanca
35,000
Yauyos
?
standardization
and
production
of
Pacaraos
100
teaching materials.
Ayacucho (Chanca)
900,000
Quechua Sureño
Pozzi-Escot (1997) mapped the
geographical distribution of Quechua
speakers across the country. Although it
provides a good idea of the Quechua
Quechua de la
Selva
Total
Cuzco-Collao
Q. del Napo
Q. del Pastaza
Q. de San Martín (Lamas)
Q. santarrosino
Q. del Tigre
1,400,000
8000
1500
15,000
450
1,500
>1,883,550
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
composition, the table accounts for only two thirds of that population, which exceeds the 3
million inhabitants (Cuánto, 1997).
The second largest ethnic group is the Aymara, concentrated mainly in the south of
Puno (INEI, 2002). The Aymara group in 1997 represented 2,5 percent of the total
population, with 599020 habitants (Montero
Table 2: Censed indigenous population in the
et al., 2001). And finally, the Amazonian
Amazonia, by ethnic groups (INEI, 1993)
indigenous groups, which all together
represent less than 1 percent of the
population, but constitute more than 50
ethno-linguistic groups (see Table 2).
On the other hand, the presence of
indigenous
population
varies
widely
between rural and urban zones, as well as
among geographic regions (Costa, Sierra
and Selva). While only 6.6 percent of urban
population is considered indigenous under
Figure 1. Geographic concentration of
vernacular-speaking population
(Elaborated by the author from INEI, 2002)
Ethnic groups in the Peruvian Absolute
% of the
Amazonia
population Population
Achual
4,719
2.0
Aguaruna
45,137
18.8
Amahuaca
247
0.1
Amarakaeri
1,000
0.4
Amuesha
6,980
2.9
Arabela
302
0.1
Bora
371
0.2
Campa Asháninka
40,518
16.9
Campa Del Alto Perené
1,180
0.5
Campa Del Pichis
3,918
1.6
Campa Del Ucayali
2,793
1.2
Campa Nomatsiguenga
5,531
2.3
Campa Pajonalino
3,823
1.6
Candoshi – Murato
1,916
0.8
Capanahua
267
0.1
Cashibo – Cacataibo
1,661
0.7
Cashinahua
909
0.4
Chayahuita
13,717
5.7
Cocama – Cocamilla
10,705
4.5
Culina
300
0.1
Ese’ejia
600
0.3
Huambisa
5,545
2.3
Huitoto Meneca
676
0.3
Huitoto Murui
1,136
0.5
Kichwaruna (Santarrosín)
254
0.1
Lamas – Chachapoyas
22,513
9.4
Machiguenga (Matsigneng)
8,679
3.6
Mayoruna – Matses
1,177
0.5
Orejón (Maijuna)
288
0.1
Piro (Yine)
2,553
1.1
Quechua (Napo, Pataza, Tigre)
10,553
4.4
Secoya
678
0.3
Sharanahua, Marinh.
438
0.2
Shipibo – Conibo
20,178
8.4
Ticuna
1,787
0.7
Toyoeri
248
0.1
Urarina
564
0.2
Yagua
3,487
1.5
Yaminahua
324
0.1
Other
1,075
0.4
Not specified
10,927
4.6
Total
239,674
100.0
3
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
the linguistic criterion, in rural areas this proportion surpasses 34 percent (Montero et al.,
2001). The contrast is even higher in the rural Sierra, where 49% of the population is
indigenous, whereas in the rural Costa it barely reaches 4%. Considering this fact, paired
with the unavailability of enough data for indigenous populations, I will consider the
difference between rural and urban education, as one that relates to the contrast between
indigenous and non-indigenous populations.
Figure 1 shows that the Andean South of Peru (Puno, Cusco, Ayacucho,
Huancavelica and Apurímac) is the region where the highest percentages of native
indigenous speakers are found. It is predominantly Quechua, although it contains almost
the entire Aymara population in the country. According to census data (INEI, 1993), the
percentage of indigenous people in the Andean South exceeds by far the national
average: Apurímac (77,4%), Puno (76,5%), Ayacucho (71,3%), Huancavelica (67,3%), and
Cusco (64,9%).
Similar numbers are found in relation to school-age children in those Departments,
as it is shown in Table 3:
Table 3. Children in Andean South Departments by mother
tong learned in childhood (5 to 14 years old) in 1993
Department
Total Population 5
to 14 years old*
Ayacucho
Apurímac
Cusco
Huancavelica
Puno
Andean South
136,708
109,617
274,559
115,264
283,084
919,232
Population with
vernacular mother
tongue
88,871
79,346
160,210
69,541
187,197
585,165
Percentage with
vernacular mother
tongue
65,0
72,4
58,4
60,3
66,1
63,7
* Excluding population that did not declare mother tongue. INEI (1993)
In this paper I will take these five Departments as referents to analyze broadly
equity of educational opportunities. Thus, I will compare some educational indicators in the
region with those at the national level
2.2
ETHNICITY AND CULTURE
When addressing equity issues in education for indigenous people, we cannot limit
the discussion to linguistic considerations. Ethnicity also, and fundamentally, entails the
creation and recreation of cultural patterns for defining social relationships, forging identity,
rearing children, and understanding life. Although it is not the purpose of this paper to
deepen in the description of cultural beliefs and structures, I would like to mention a few
4
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
things regarding indigenous values, particularly in relation to child rearing, since it has a
direct relationship with education.
2.2.1
Indigenous values
As collectivist societies, Peruvian indigenous groups give more emphasis to social
roles, norms and duties, instead of to individual expression. The idea of “individual” is not
natural from this culture, and it accentuates the fact that the person is inherently and
fundamentally connected to others. Therefore, identity is developed not in individual terms,
but in collective ones, through the construction of the sense of belonging to a family and a
community. In most of the indigenous cultures, particularly Quechua and Aymara, the core
values are reciprocity, empathy, loyalty, hierarchy, search for consensus, respect, and
response to social obligations. Life is evaluated in terms of the satisfaction of collective
needs and the personal contribution to that end (Markus, Fiske, Nisbett y Kitayama, 1998;
Markus y Kitayama, 1994).
These characteristics are considered good and necessary, and need to be fostered
through the relationship of children with their caregivers, peers and teachers (Markus,
Fiske, Nisbett y Kitayama, 1998). School, thus, plays a major role in cultivating these or
other values in indigenous children.
Another important feature of indigenous cultures that contrasts with the main
Spanish society, is the attachment to the land (Pachamama), which organizes the life of
the community. Through the bond with the land, indigenous people are able to maintain
their relationship with the tutelary gods (dioses tutelares) and with the ancestors. Being
connected to a place, then, enables them to find the ground from where to interpret the
world. This is particularly important to understand the impact of forced migration.
2.2.2
Socialization and childhood
Indigenous cultures are structured around family as the basic production unity of
society. Each family member assumes complementary functions following reciprocity
patterns. Thus, children are educated to integrate reciprocity networks from a very early
age (Anderson, 1994; Silva, 2000; Ortiz, 1990; Herzka, 1995). Indigenous people want
they children to develop a sense of belonging, an understanding of hierarchy and social
duties, as well as attitudes of loyalty, respect, and personal contribution to satisfaction of
social needs (Markus, Fiske, Nisbett y Kitayama, 1998; Markus y Kitayama, 1994).
Although indigenous groups share most of these features, they vary from culture to
culture.
5
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
Indigenous family and community structures in the Andes are characterized by a
vertical and rigid system of hierarchy, originating a strict and authoritative disciplinary
system. Punishment, submission and violence are the constants in the process of
socialization (Silva, 2000; Rodríguez Rabanal, 1986).
There is a strong reliance on children, especially on girls, to take care of younger
siblings while mothers work in the fields. Andean children acquire productive and domestic
responsibilities at a very early age, becoming a very important labor resource and in role
models for younger siblings (Schade and Rojas, 1990; Anderson, 1994; Ortiz, 1990).
Since it is a cultural pattern, children see their contribution not as an external demand but
as necessary for the family’s subsistence. They understand quite soon that they are part of
some kind of exchange relation with their parents, and develop the sense of reciprocity
(Anderson, 1994).
Amazonian cultures also place high value in children’s contribution to family
income. For instance, being “komintsaantsi” or “the man that frequently hunters and
succeeds” is one of the most appreciated qualities in an Asháninka man. It is fostered
since the child is three years old and entail a whole set of skills that range from hunting
animals and knowing their natural cycles, to understanding social relationships and the
with natural environment (Trapnel, 1996).
In Andean and Amazonian cultures, family offers the children a sense of being a
necessary part of a collective, which contributes to their identity development. They grow
up being valued according to their capacity to respond to social demands and to contribute
to the family (Schade y Rojas, 1990). However, when external demands exceed the child’s
actual possibilities or require an early over-adaptation, they can jeopardize his/her
psychological development (Silva, 2000).
2.3
POVERTY AND ETHNICITY
Indigenous people in Peru, as I mentioned before, have suffered historically from
discrimination and marginalization, which has had economic, social, cultural, and
educational consequences.
Almost four-fifths of the indigenous population is poor, and more than half of them
are below the extreme poverty line. Thus, if two children are born in Peru under the same
socioeconomic conditions and one of them is indigenous, he is 3 times more likely to be
extremely poor than the non-indigenous child (Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, 1994).
6
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
Table 4: Risk of poverty in Peru
Group
1994
1997
Indigenous (vernacular speakers)
Infants (0-5 years old)
Children (6 to 14 years old)
Youngsters (15 to 17 years old)
Rural families without land
Rural families with female head
Migrants
40.2
26
24.5
5.5
3.4
-12.8
-16
48.7
27
25.5
8.6
-4
-16.5
-18
Source: World Bank, 1999
In Table 4 we can see the groups with higher absolute risk of being poor in
comparison with the rest of the population in Peru. The positive sign means people in that
group have higher probabilities of being poor than the rest of the population; the negative
sign indicates the opposite. It is clear not only that the social group with the higher relative
risk of being poor is by far the indigenous, but also that this differential has increased from
1994 to 1997.
In terms of basic indicators, the information available distinguishes generally
between rural and urban areas, but it does not make any discrimination by language or
ethnicity. Thus, I will briefly comment some of the indicators of social development and
poverty contrasting rural and urban realities.
Malnutrition rate in 1997 was 23.8 percent country wide, ranging from 12.2 in urban
areas to 37.3 percent in the rural sector (World Bank, 1999). There is also a difference of
25 percent in poverty rate (65% rural, 40% urban), and extreme poverty rate in rural areas
is 2.6 times greater than its urban equivalent (24.5% and 9.3% respectively). The poverty
gap in rural zones (23.5%) is, as well, twice as large as the gap in the cities (11.8%).
Access to facilities shows also significant disparities. Urban households have
electricity connections in 97 percent of the cases, in contrast with the 30 percent for rural
areas. More than 85 percent of urban homes have sanitary connection and public water
network, whereas less than 12 percent of rural households have sewage disposal and only
43 percent count with running water (World Bank, 1999).
But the differences are even greater between indigenous and non-indigenous
populations. According to Psacharopoulos and Patrinos (1994), the housing conditions for
indigenous families are consistently deficient when compared to those of Spanish
speakers. For instance, 39 percent of rural indigenous households and 16 percent of
urban indigenous households have access to water through wells; while their Spanish
speaking counterparts that use wells are 2 and 10 percent respectively.
7
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
The contrasts point towards the importance of considering the growing marginal
presence of indigenous people in the cities, particularly in New Towns (Pueblos Jóvenes).
Regarding this point, Psacharopoulos and Patrinos (1994) sustain that “[t]he relatively
large proportion of urban indigenous households without public water, public sewage
disposal and electricity is evidence of a group of indigenous squatter settlements in the
urban areas” (p.208).
2.4
VIOLENCE AND MIGRATION: BEING INDIGENOUS IN THE CITY
During the decade of 1980 and half of the next one, political violence reached civil
population both, by the terrorist action and by the contra-subversive strategy applied by
the State (DESCO, 1989; Coral, 1995; Tapia, 1997, Degregori, 1990; Comisión Especial
de investigación y estudio sobre la violencia y alternativas de pacificación, 1992).
The generalized situation of terror and insecurity aggravated the already
precarious condition of life of indigenous people, generating a massive displacement from
communities to bigger towns, from rural towns to the cities, from the province to the
capital. Approximately 600 thousand people were displaced during the 12 years of war.
More than 70% were from indigenous origin (Coral, 1998).
The refugees migrated without having enough time to plan minimal conditions for
their arrival to the new place (Coral, 1995). Therefore, they not only had to adjust to new
life conditions, but to do it from a marginalized and aggressive setting (Rojas and Brondi,
1987). In addition, cultural factors played a fundamental role in the experience of
displacement. Individuals, groups and families lost those elements that gave sense of
permanence and stability to their lives. As Granda and Gamarra (1987) said:
No es únicamente el desarraigo de las tierras, sino que es además el dejar
los dioses tutelares, los antepasados. Estos dan al hombre andino no sólo
un sentido de pertenencia a un lugar, sino que además le permiten sentirse
ubicado para interpretar el mundo. En este entorno, el hombre andino tiene
la fuerza suficiente para enfrentar la cotidianeidad. La ruptura de las
relaciones del hombre con su contexto se traduce, en este caso, en el
sentimiento que nuestro campesino define como desolación. (p.74)1
1
It is not only being uprooted from the land, but also leaving the tutelar gods, the ancestors. They
give Andean man a sense of belonging and allow him to interpret the world. In this environment, the
Andean man has enough strength to face everyday life. The rupture of the relations between the
man and his environment is traduced, in this case, in the feeling defined by our peasant as
desolation.
8
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
However, the forced migration was just part of the national trend of “urbanization”
that characterized national demographics in the second half of the twentieth century. In the
last 60 years the urban-rural ration has been inversed, going from 65 percent of the
population living in rural areas in 1940, to 28 percent today. Towards the mid 90’s the rate
of urbanization decreased significantly, due mainly to the end of political violence and to
the government’s effort to promote the return of the displaced to their communities (INEI,
2002, MINEDU, 2002).
Figure 2 shows similar trends for the population 5 to 17 years old, which
corresponds to primary and secondary education age for the last 30 years and with
projections until year 2025. We can see that between 1970 and 1995 the proportion of
rural children at these ages dropped from 42 to 33 percent (MINEDU, 2002), after what
there is also a stabilization of the urbanization trend.
Figure 2: Rural and urban school age children by year (1970-2025)
Elaborated by the author from MINEDU (2002).
100%
80%
Urban
60%
40%
20%
0%
Rural
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025
Urban 2.54 3.10 3.58 4.03 4.45 4.80 4.97 5.20 5.29 5.26 5.23 5.26
Rural
1.85 1.96 2.13 2.29 2.33 2.34 2.51 2.53 2.45 2.37 2.32 2.24
School age children by year (in millions)
Currently, around two thirds of children in the normative school age live in cities. It
is estimated that in the year 2025 the proportion of urban children will exceed 70 percent,
representing 5,3 million. This which entails a whole different set of educational demands
for indigenous children in urban settings (MINEDU, 2002). Forced migration has created a
whole different set of education demands that are not adequately attended, as we will see
in the analysis of the data. It causes not only problems of access to quality education in
marginalized urban settings, but also learning disparities derived from language
limitations, cultural differences, and probably discrimination.
9
3 Education and inequality in Peru
As we have seen in the previous chapter, indigenous children are amongst the poorest in
the country. They are concentrated mostly in rural populations, in the Sierra region, and
particularly in the Andean South departments.
In this chapter I present the overall situation of educational opportunities for
indigenous children in the mainstream education system in Peru. Most of the information
comparing indigenous and non-indigenous children has been obtained from two sources:
the database of the Primer Estudio Internacional Comparativo sobre Lenguaje,
Matemática y Factores Asociados en Tercero y Cuarto Grado (LLECE-UNESCO, 1997)2,
and the household survey held by the Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (INEI,
2000).
Given the scarcity of specific data at the system level related to indigenous
children, I complement the aforementioned information with comparisons by SES and area
of residence (urban-rural), as well as the interaction of those conditions to gender. I also
make some comparisons by Departments to contrast those in the Andean South with the
rest of the country. This approach provides a broader picture of the inequalities that
indigenous children might face in the Peruvian education system.
3.1
WHO COMES TO SCHOOL?
During the last three decades there has been an important improvement in terms
of school enrollment. At the primary level, enrollment rate increased from 78 percent in
1970 to 96 percent in 1985, when it reached its peak. Between 1985 and 1993 there is a
decline, both in primary and secondary enrollment, probably due to the escalation of
political violence in the country, paired with economic recession and hyperinflation in the
region. Although secondary enrollment suffered during the late 1980’s and early 1990’s,
2
I thank Ernesto Treviño for the information and data provided. In 1997 LLECE-UNESCO evaluated
3rd and 4th students in math and language all over Latin America. Along with the academic tests,
surveys were administered to the children and their tutors.
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
Figure 3: Net enrollment rates by years and levels
Elaborated from UNESCO (2000)
100.0
90.0
80.0
70.0
60.0
50.0
40.0
30.0
20.0
10.0
0.0
1970
1981
1985
1988
1993
1995
1996
1997
Pre-school*
5.8
15.9
20.6
28.8
32.6
36.4
38.6
39.7
Primary
77.7
91.1
95.9
92.3
86.5
90.8
91.0
91.0
Secondary
26.8
45.7
49.0
49.6
46.3
53.1
54.6
55.2
* There is no longitudinal net enrollment data for pre-school, therefore, I have used gross enrollment rate for this level
between 1970 and 1997 there has been more than a doubling in school attendance at this
level, going from 27 percent to 55 (UNESCO, 2000).
The gross enrollment rate for pre-school education seems to indicate that the
increase in access was continuous during the 3 decades. Starting from a very low base of
5.8 percent in 1970, by 1997 pre-school enrollment had raised in almost 8 times (40%).
This reflects the expansion in public supply of pre-school education as well as its official
recognition in 1973 as part of the basic education system. However, the numbers are still
low, considering that pre-school enrollment is mandatory. There is still a long way to go
(see Dunkhelberg, 2002).
According to LLECE-UNESCO (1998), out of the 40533 Peruvian children
evaluated in 1997, 75 percent of non-indigenous students in urban schools had access to
pre-school education, compared to 21 percent of their indigenous classmates. In rural
areas the gap between non-indigenous and indigenous children is smaller but still
significant (57% vs. 40%, respectively). However, it is interesting to see that 24 percent of
indigenous parents in urban schools say there was no pre-school education available for
3
I have included for the analysis all children whose home language is Spanish or any indigenous
language, excluding foreign language speakers.
11
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their children, compared to only 3 percent of non-indigenous parents in the same schools,
and to 7.6 percent of all parents in rural areas.
Table 5: Enrollment rates by age, SES and Area
From World Bank (2000)
Age
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
ALL
Richest
SES
Poorest
86.8%
95.4%
97.1%
97.2%
97.0%
97.4%
95.8%
92.8%
87.2%
96.4%
96.9%
98.4%
99.6%
98.2%
99.6%
98.8%
97.0%
94.4%
82.2%
93.7%
96.5%
96.1%
96.3%
96.6%
93.7%
89.4%
80.5%
Gap
Urban
AREA
Rural
Gap
14.2%
3.2%
1.9%
3.5%
1.9%
3.0%
5.1%
7.6%
13.9%
92.9%
97.5%
98.2%
98.4%
97.1%
97.9%
97.6%
95.9%
93.3%
81.8%
93.5%
96.2%
96.1%
97.0%
96.9%
94.1%
89.6%
80.3%
11.1%
4.0%
2.0%
2.3%
.1%
1.0%
3.5%
6.3%
13.0%
Table 5 shows enrollment rates in the year 2000 for school-age children up to 14
years old (9th grade), differentiating by socioeconomic level and area of residence. It
shows that inequality tends to be greater by socioeconomic status than by area of
residence. However, the widest gaps in both cases are found at the extreme ages, which
relates to late entry and the completion of the primary level (World Bank, 2000).
In order to have a better idea of the disparities in late entry, enrollment and
educational lag, we can look at the percentage of children who are enrolled in the grade
Figure 4: Urban enrollment by age and
correspondence with grade
Figure 5: Rural enrollment by age and
correspondence with grade
Elaborated by the author from INEI (2002)
Elaborated by the author from INEI (2002)
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Underaged
Overaged
Normative
6
7
8
9
10
11
Age
12
13
14
15
16
100
Underaged
90
80
70
60
50
40
Overaged
30
20
10
0
Normative
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
Age
that actually corresponds to their age. In Figures 4 and 5 we can see the significant
12
16
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
overage enrollment in rural areas, compared to urban, as well as its progressive increase
throughout secondary education. It is clear that in rural areas, as the proportion of children
enrolled at a normative age decreases, so does the overall enrollment. This points out the
problem of education attainment, repetition and drop out rates, which we will examine
next.
In the sample of LLECE-UNESCO (1998), I found that 83 percent of indigenous
children in 3rd grade, and 80 percent in 4th grade, are overaged, compared to 50 and 47
percent of non-indigenous children, respectively. Indigenous students are on average 1
year older than their Spanish peers in 3rd grade, and 1.5 years older in 4th grade. Urban
indigenous children in 4th grade are also 1 year older than indigenous children in rural
schools, that is, two years over the normative age.
Psacharopoulos and Patrinos (1994) found that only 36 percent of indigenous
school-age children were enrolled in school, compared to 40 percent of non-indigenous
children. At this point, it is important to remember that indigenous groups in Peru are quite
complex and diverse, and differences can be found even among them. For instance, the
same authors detected that Quechua children present lower enrollment rates than their
Aymara peers.
To explore that statement, I analyzed the results of the representative household
survey administered by INEI (2000), which did not show significant differences in
enrollment between indigenous and non-indigenous children. Selecting sub-sample that
corresponds to the school age population (6 to 17 years approx.), we can see in Table 6
that Aymara students tend to have higher enrollment than other indigenous children, but
the differences are not statistically significant (Chi Square 2-tailed Sig.=0.42). It can be
due to the size of the sample, but this is still a nationally representative sample.
Table 6: Current enrollment by first language (ages 6 to 17\)
Elaborated by the author from INEI (2000)
First language
Spanis h
Current
enrollment
Yes
%
No
Total
Count
Count
Quechua
Other native
language
Aymara
Total
2205
325
17
6
2553
90.7%
89.0%
94.4%
85.7%
90.5%
226
40
1
1
268
%
9.3%
11.0%
5.6%
14.3%
9.5%
Count
2431
365
18
7
2821
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
%
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Ines Kudo
Psacharopoulos and Patrinos (1994) relate the differences in enrollment partially to
child labor differentials, since Quechua speakers are more likely to work than Aymara
children, assuming that workforce participation negatively affects school attendance.
However, I would like at least to put that assumption under reconsideration.
Analyzing the reasons children or their parents give for not being enrolled, we can
see that not being interested in school and having economic problems are the two most
common reasons provided for not being enrolled (see table 7). Nevertheless, for
indigenous children lack of interest (37%) is more important, while for non-indigenous
families the most important factor is the economic one (37.6%). Working, on the other
hand, is not a major reason to prevent enrollment in Peru, and although housework is
more frequently mentioned, they together they are not the main cause attributed. Actually,
Post (2002) found that in 1997, 29 percent of Peruvian children aged between 12 and 17
worked and attended school at the same time. When discriminating by social groups, the
author found that child labor is concentrated in rural areas and in the poorest quintile.
Table 7: Reasons for not being enrolled, by first language
(ages 6 to 17)
Elaborated by the author from INEI (2000)
First language
Reason
for not
being
enrolled
I am working
I am not interested
Illness
Economic problems
Family problems
I used to get bad grades
Finished my studies
Too young
Housework
Other reason
Total
Count
%
Count
%
Count
%
Count
%
Count
%
Count
%
Count
%
Count
%
Count
%
Count
%
Count
%
Spanis h
13
5.6%
38
16.4%
9
3.9%
86
37.1%
19
8.2%
2
.9%
1
.4%
15
6.5%
49
21.1%
232
100.0%
Quechua
2
4.9%
15
36.6%
1
2.4%
10
24.4%
4
9.8%
1
2.4%
1
2.4%
1
2.4%
4
9.8%
2
4.9%
41
100.0%
Aymara
Other native
language
1
100.0%
1
100.0%
1
100.0%
1
100.0%
Total
15
5.5%
54
19.6%
10
3.6%
96
34.9%
23
8.4%
1
.4%
3
1.1%
2
.7%
19
6.9%
52
18.9%
275
100.0%
Two issues stem from these findings. First, the fact that more than a third of
indigenous children decide not no enroll due to lack of interest should alert about the
importance of focusing in the relevance of education for indigenous people and realities.
14
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
That is, making sure that the school experience is connected to the other spheres of their
lives, as well as to future opportunities for economic improvement. As we mentioned in
chapter 1, as long as discrimination plays a major role in determining income and job
status (Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, 1994), education will not contribute enough to
reduce socioeconomic disadvantages faced by indigenous children. If, at the same time,
that education is not relevant in content and method for those children, if it does not
contribute to their present or future well-being, it is understandable that they loose interest.
Second, it is important not to undertake the issue of child labor pre-assuming that it
is wrong and damaging for kids. There are, definitely, conditions under which no child
should work; however, the issue is far more complex. It requires an anthropological
understanding of the role of the child labor in socialization and social integration in
indigenous cultures, which I have mentioned briefly in chapter 1. This perspective is
usually not included in educational research regarding child labor (Post, 2002). It requires
as well an economic understanding of the real urgencies some families face, that impel
them to have most of their members involved in economic activities. The education system
must look for different ways to respond to the varied realities of working children. One
basic example is to regionalize the school year calendar to suit agricultural seasons, as it
established is in Ecuador. But we need to go far beyond that, and re-think school activities,
homework load, etc. It is also necessary to address also the needs of working children in
urban settings.
3.2
WHO STAYS… AND FOR HOW LONG?
In Peru the increase in access was achieved by maintaining relatively low levels of
expenditure on education, which “has come at the expense of quality and opportunities for
the poor” (Bing et al., 2000:379). This resulted in unequal outcomes in terms of school
attainment, repetition, and drop-out.
Looking at recent World Bank estimations (World Bank, 2000), the greater
differences in educational attainment in Peru are found when comparing socioeconomic
groups (Figure 6). As we saw before, almost all children are enrolled in first grade, and this
continues to be true for the richest kids at the end of primary school. However, only 77
percent of the poorest complete that level. Similar trends are found in the contrast
between rural and urban areas (Figure 7), although there is slight decrease in attainment
in urban areas, probably due to urban poverty.
15
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
Figure 6: Attainment rates by SES and gender in year 2000
(population 15 to 19 years old)
Elaborated by the author from World Bank (2002)
Figure 8: Attainment rates by
SES and Area in 1991-92
(15 to 19 years old)
100.0%
90.0%
80.0%
Taken from World Bank (2000)
70.0%
60.0%
50.0%
40.0%
30.0%
20.0%
10.0%
0.0%
Rich/Male
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
99.8% 99.8% 99.8% 99.7% 99.7% 99.2% 97.4% 94.5% 87.9%
Rich/Female 99.4% 99.3% 98.8% 98.7% 97.8% 96.7% 93.1% 89.7% 82.7%
Poor/Male
99.1% 98.4% 95.8% 92.0% 86.4% 79.6% 58.8% 49.5% 34.9%
Poor/Female 96.6% 95.3% 92.8% 87.3% 80.9% 73.5% 51.0% 41.3% 28.6%
Figure 7: Attainment rates by area and gender in year 2000
(population 15 to 19 years old)
Elaborated by the author from World Bank (2002)
100.0%
90.0%
80.0%
70.0%
60.0%
50.0%
40.0%
30.0%
20.0%
10.0%
0.0%
Male/Urban
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
99.5% 99.4% 98.9% 98.1% 97.2% 95.7% 89.7% 83.2% 71.1%
Female/Urban 99.2% 99.1% 98.5% 98.0% 96.9% 95.3% 89.8% 84.0% 73.7%
Male/Rural
99.1% 98.4% 95.8% 92.1% 86.4% 79.7% 60.1% 51.3% 37.2%
Female/Rural
96.7% 95.3% 93.0% 87.4% 81.3% 74.0% 51.5% 43.3% 31.4%
16
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
The gap is strikingly evident when we analyze the relationship between those who
graduated from primary and those who actually enroll in secondary (Bourdieu and
Passeron, 1977). Of those who finish primary (6th grade) in the richest sector and in urban
areas, 3 and 6 percent respectively decide not to enroll in secondary school. In contrast,
almost one third of primary graduates in low economic sectors and in rural areas, do not
enter secondary (calculated from World Bank, 2000). The differential drop out at the
transition point widens considerably the gap. In addition, at the secondary level the decline
in attainment is steeper than in primary, keeping a faster pace in rural and poor sectors.
Women show consistently lower education attainment rates than men. The biggest
gender gap takes place in rural areas, where only 51 percent of girls enter secondary
school, compared to 61 percent of boys. There is also a higher gender difference at the
poorest socioeconomic sector than in the richest sector, although the effect of poverty in
gender disparity is not as pronounced as the impact of “ruralness”. From all social groups,
poor girls are the most at risk, followed by rural girls.
The gender gap is also higher among indigenous students, as it is reflected in the
sample taken by LLECE-UNESCO (1998), particularly in rural areas. Rural schools have
around 15 percent more indigenous boys (57%) than indigenous girls (42%), while this
difference is 8 percent in urban schools. Among non-indigenous students, girls represent
51.4 percent in urban classrooms and 46 percent in rural schools.
In relation to other countries in the region, Peru presents the greatest differences
by SES, along with Bolivia. The advancements in educational attainment during the past
decade have benefited mostly the richest sector, widening the educational gaps due to
poverty and “ruralness”. Figure 8 shows the attainment gaps in 1991-92, which are bigger
in comparison to the year 2000. In this sense, it is not enough expand access to education
to combat educational and social inequalities. As Bing et al. (2000) say:
Increasing public expenditures on education and targeting specific
assistance to the disadvantaged groups, particularly to indigenous people,
is necessary to provide the educational opportunities for the poor that are
essential to a long-term reduction in poverty. (p.379)
According to household surveys by INEI (2000), 30 percent of indigenous people
over 25 years old have no instruction, and 50 percent have not finished primary school. In
contrast, among non-indigenous people from the same age, 9 percent are illiterate and
23.4 percent have not complete primary education. The situation looks much better for
younger generations, reflecting the advancement in access to education. Among
17
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
indigenous people between 16 and 25 years old, only 7 percent are illiterate, and 19.7
percent have not complete primary education. However, there are still three times more
percentage of indigenous people who have not complete primary, than non-indigenous
people.
Figure 9: Promotion, repetition and drop-out
rates in Primary by Departments
Elaborated by the author from INEI (2002)
Repetition and drop-out rates are
Figure 10: Distribution of population by
language and Department
Elaborated by the author from INEI (2002)
Tacna
Callao
Piura
Lima
Tumbes
Moquegua
La Libertad
Arequipa
Cajamarca
Tumbes
Lambayeque
Ica
San Martin
Madre de Dios
Loreto
Lambayeque
Callao
Junín
Ica
La Libertad
Lima
Piura
Amazonas
Puno
Ucayali
Pasco
Pasco
Ucayali
Junin
San Martín
Arequipa
Cajamarca
Moquegua
Amazonas
Tacna
Ancash
Madre De Dios
Loreto
Huanuco
Cusco
Ancash
Huánuco
Cusco
Huancavelica
Huancavelica
Apurímac
Ayacucho
Ayacucho
Puno
0%
20%
Promotion
40%
60%
Repetition
80%
100%
Apurimac
Drop-out
0%
Quechua
Spanish
20%
Aymara
Foreing
40%
60%
80%
100%
Amazonic
DK
also higher in the Departments with
greater proportions of indigenous population, as it is shown in figures 9 and 10. With the
exception of Puno, in 2000 the Andean South departments were among the worst in terms
of school success or promotion at the primary level. Cajamarca, Ancash, and Huanuco
have also important concentrations of indigenous people, and present some of the lowest
18
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
promotion rates. In contrast, the highest promotion rates are found in Coast departments
with less than 25 percent proportion of indigenous population.
Figure 11: Repetition rate in indigenous and non-indigenous
students by area of residence
Elaborated by the author from LLECE-UNESCO (1998)
50.0
43.4
45.0
40.0
32.1
35.0
30.0
25.0
20.0
15.0
10.0
20.1
21.2
15.6
13.7
10.8
9.2
11.2
8.1
6.5
11.2
5.0
0.0
Spanish
Indigenous
Spanish
Urban
1st grade
Indigenous
Rural
2nd grade
3rd grade
According to the data collected by LLECE-UNESCO (1998), on average repetition
rates are higher in rural than in urban schools, and also among indigenous children
compared to non-indigenous kids. However, and what calls most the attention is that the
highest repetition rates are found among indigenous urban children, at least for the first
two grades. 43 percent of indigenous children in urban areas repeated first grade,
compared to 14 percent of their non-indigenous classmates, and to 32 percent of
indigenous students in rural schools. The same trends are found in second grade. In other
words, indigenous children are 3 times more likely to repeat first grade if they are studying
in urban schools, and 1.5 times more likely to repeat second grade (see Figure 11).
In third grade, repetition rates get smaller and there is no difference between
indigenous students in urban and rural schools. However, indigenous students in urban
schools still have twice probabilities of repeating than their non-indigenous classmates,
while the difference is not so sharp in rural schools.
3.3
LEARNING IN THE MAINSTREAM SYSTEM
Beyond disparities in access and promotion, the learning experience for indigenous
children is qualitatively different from what the majority of students’ experience, both in
terms of outcomes and processes.
19
When opportunity speaks one language
3.3.1
Ines Kudo
Academic achievement: Who actually learns?
Disparities in school quality contribute not only to low internal efficiency, but also to
poor achievement, matching the disadvantages associated with student background. In
fact, achievement studies by Bing et al (2000) show that in terms of learning outcomes
indigenous people are the most disadvantaged group. Their analysis of 4th grade
mathematic tests administered in 1996 reveals that
Quechua-speaking students who were attending schools with a
predominantly Quechua student population, as well as Quechua-speaking
teachers and principals, were associated with lower achievement. If
indigenous Quechua-speaking students are already behind in fourth grade,
their prospects of advancing through the education pyramid are dim; in turn,
this poor outlook negatively affects their opportunity to break out of a cycle
of poverty after they grow up (p.391).
Here the authors find a potential for policy to reduce disparity, since Quechua
students in non predominantly Quechua schools performed at the same level than Aymara
and Spanish-speaking students: in-service and pre-service training for indigenous
teachers, special support to
Figure 12: Percentage of students with minimal to
compensatory
programs
in
optimum reading skills by home language
bilingual,
multicultural,
and
Elaborated by the author from MINEDU (2000b)
multigrade settings, bilingual
Spanish
Quechua
Aymara
programs, bilingual textbooks,
Word separation
have to be both increased and
Calligraphy
targeted to the disadvantaged
Orthography
groups,
mainly
indigenous
Punctuation
teachers and students.
Acentuación
Similarly, the same year
near 50,000 students that were
about to finish 4th grade of
primary school, were evaluated
in the language and math tests
called “CRECER”. This set of
tests was developed by the
Ministry of Education as part of
the
program
for
quality
improvement (MECEP).
Consistence
Concordance
Style and expressiveness
Use of substitution
Broadness
Sequence
Nature
Related details
Main subject
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
20
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
The results in the reading evaluation show consistently better achievement for
children of Spanish speaking parents, than those who come from Aymara and Quechua
households. Again, Aymara children do relatively better than their Quechua peers. An
outcome that calls the attention is the style and expressiveness results, which are the only
ones where Quechua children do better than Spanish speaking students (Figure 12).
The LLECE-UNESCO (1998) evaluation shows, again, that indigenous children
have lower academic achievement than non-indigenous, and rural students do worse than
urban students. On average, indigenous children in urban schools score higher than
indigenous children in rural schools. However, the difference in scores in relation to their
Spanish classmates is greater in urban schools than in rural schools (Table 8). The
standardized scores (Z Scores) have mean=250 and SD=50.
Table 8: Z-scores by area and home language
Elaborated by the author from LLECE-UNESCO (1998)
Urban-Public
Rural
Difference
Spanish
243.86
222.40
21.46
Indigenous
211.78
203.77
8.01
Difference
32.08
18.63
We would be tempted to explain this by arguing that education provided in urban
areas might be better in relative terms, so that indigenous children have access to better
quality education than those in rural schools. Nevertheless, not only indigenous children
do not have similar learning opportunities as their classmates in urban schools, but also
non-indigenous children in rural schools score higher than indigenous children in urban
schools. In other words, regardless area of residence -which we have identified so far as
the main factor contributing to inequality-, indigenous children are learning less than nonindigenous children.
These results should lead us to re-examine assumptions about quality of schools a
the product of intrinsic characteristics of those schools, and begin thinking about it in terms
of differential quality provided by the same school to different children, by the same
system to different social groups.
Finally, academic achievement is the result of the education processes that occur
within the classroom, as well as at home, and the way both match or mismatch. This is
what I examine next.
21
When opportunity speaks one language
3.3.2
Ines Kudo
The learning process as experienced by indigenous children
Analyzing the responses given by the children in the LLECE-UNESCO’s
international comparative study, I found that the students who experience more difficulties
to understand what the teacher explains are the indigenous children in urban schools.
Thus, 18.4 percent of them say they do not understanding anything in class, compared to
2 percent of their Spanish classmates, and to 2 percent of indigenous students in rural
areas (see table 9).
Two possible hypotheses come to my mind. One, the level and contents of what is
taught might be more complex, and therefore, harder in urban schools (which also
explains their better performance in the tests). Two, the pace and method of teaching in
rural schools fits better the characteristics of indigenous children, since they are a
significant percentage of the school population. In urban schools indigenous children are
only 5 percent, so they have more difficulties in adapting themselves to a school dynamic
and language quite different from what they experienced at home (Bernstein, 1971).
Table 9: Students’ perception of what they understand from
teacher’s explanations
Elaborated by the author from LLECE-UNESCO (1998)
% within Home language
Understands w ha t the tea che r
ex plai ns
Zone
Urban Public
Everything
Somet hing
Spanis h
65.0%
32.8%
2.2%
100.0%
Indigenous
29.6%
52.0%
18.4%
100.0%
63.2%
33.8%
3.0%
100.0%
Spanis h
57.5%
39.3%
3.2%
100.0%
Indigenous
43.3%
54.5%
2.2%
100.0%
53.4%
43.6%
2.9%
100.0%
Total
Rural
Total
Nothing
Total
The problem does not stop there, because indigenous children in urban schools
are also the least likely to ask if they have doubts. 21 percent of them do not ask,
compared to 9 percent of non-indigenous students in urban schools. In general, nonindigenous students in urban and rural schools tend to ask immediately when they have
doubts. Also, more than half indigenous students in rural areas ask immediately, but 16.5
percent never asks. Still, indigenous children in urban schools seem to have the hardest
time (see table 10).
22
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
Table 10: Students’ coping strategies when they do not
understand something
Elaborated by the author from LLECE-UNESCO (1998)
% within Home language
In case of having doubts
As ks
immediately
As ks later
W aits until
next class
As ks other
students
Does not
as k
Spanis h
61.8%
17.2%
7.7%
4.2%
9.2%
100.0%
Indigenous
38.8%
17.3%
17.3%
5.1%
21.4%
100.0%
Zone
Urban Public
Total
Rural
Total
60.6%
17.2%
8.2%
4.2%
9.8%
100.0%
Spanis h
60.8%
15.7%
9.6%
3.5%
10.4%
100.0%
Indigenous
54.9%
17.1%
7.3%
4.1%
16.5%
100.0%
59.1%
16.1%
9.0%
3.7%
12.1%
100.0%
Total
The lack of confidence to ask for help goes beyond academic issues. Table 11
shows that indigenous children in urban schools are also the least likely to go to the
teacher when they are experiencing problems at home or with their classmates. These
differences do not seem to respond to cultural patterns, since indigenous children in rural
schools behave more similarly to non-indigenous students than to indigenous children in
urban schools. Probably it is related to the fact that indigenous children are a small
minority in urban schools, with the stigma this has in Peruvian society. It would be
important, therefore, to explore how does this stigma translate into different classroom
experiences. On the other hand, rural schools are in general smaller and more closely
related to the children’s communities, and the social environment tends to be more familiar
for the kids in those schools. However, ethnographic studies are needed to better
understand the school experience of indigenous children in urban areas. We also notice
that in rural schools children talk to their teachers more than in urban schools.
Table 11: Ask the teacher for help or advise when students
have personal problems
Elaborated by the author from LLECE-UNESCO (1998)
% within Home language
Ta lks to te acher w he n ha ving
proble ms at hom e or with cl assm ate s
Zone
Urban Public
No
Total
Spanis h
Yes
35.7%
32.8%
31.5%
100.0%
Indigenous
33.0%
25.0%
42.0%
100.0%
Total
Rural
Somet imes
35.6%
32.3%
32.1%
100.0%
Spanis h
41.6%
27.0%
31.4%
100.0%
Indigenous
39.5%
26.0%
34.5%
100.0%
41.0%
26.7%
32.2%
100.0%
Total
23
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
Clearly, being indigenous carries on major learning difficulties in part because the
education system fails to respond to specific needs and characteristics of indigenous
students, particularly in urban areas.
24
4 Outside the mainstream:
bilingual education in Peru
The debate surrounding bilingual and intercultural education in Peru, and in Latin America
in general, has been sustained for almost three decades. During the 70’s and 80’s the
indigenous organizations and NGO’s played the key role in implementing bilingual
programs, mainly as alternatives to the hegemonic model of schooling promoted by the
state (Akkari, 1998). These programs had a strong awareness of linguistic diversity,
concentrating their efforts largely in translating and adapting learning materials to the
particular cultural contexts.
However, bilingual programs lacked of reflection about how to treat cultural
contents involved in the educational process. The question soon rises: do we want an
education in two languages but with contents that come from one culture, or a process not
only bilingual, but also bicultural? (Zuñiga and Ansion, 1997; Barnach-Calbó, 1997).
Intercultural education appears as a more complete response to diversity, stimulating the
construction and recognition of personal and cultural identities as the basis to establish
relationships with others in a multicultural society.
In spite of all the efforts, there is not yet a consistent policy of bilingual intercultural
education in Peru (Ramírez et al., 1997). The bilingual intercultural programs are still
experimental, have limited impact, and develop very slowly. Among all the underlying
problems, the most critical is the absence of real political intention to support indigenous
languages and cultures. In addition, there is no clarity or consensus in the way of
understanding and practicing an intercultural education. Finally, the indifference toward
indigenous groups and their needs, as well as the resistance of rural teachers to make a
commitment in the project, makes it more difficult to incorporate the intercultural bilingual
perspective in the national educational system (Zúñiga, 1997).
In this chapter I will briefly review the history and present situation of bilingual
education in Peru, analyzing some indicators taken from the database of the school
census for the year 2000.
When opportunity speaks one language
4.1
Ines Kudo
HISTORY OF BILINGUAL EDUCATION IN PERU: A LONG TERM STRUGGLE
In 1945, the “Nucleos Escolares Campesinos” program began in Peru, recognizing
for the first time Quechua and Aymara as languages of alfabetizacion in public schools.
But despite the wide diffusion of the program, vernacular literacy was soon abandoned
due to strong social resistances and lack of political will. That same year the Summer
Institute of Linguistics (Instituto Linguistico de Verano) signed with the Ministry of
Education in Peru to delegate adventist missionaries from US the responsibility for
bilingual education of Amazonian ethnic groups. Their work started in 1949 maintaining a
very traditional and religious approach of evangelization and castellanización.
The 1972’s education reform of Velazco’s military government, introduced major
changes in the Peruvian education system. In 1975 the military government of General
Velazco recognized Quechua as an official language in Decree Law 21156. Aiming to
create a more cohesive and inclusive sense of national identity, the education reform
envisioned a truly “bilingual system of education”, with equal respect given to indigenous
language and culture (Post, 2002). However, it failed to produce an effective change in the
education policy and service delivery (Paulston, 1990).
After Peru returned to civilian regime many of the achievements gained in bilingual
education and indigenous rights were weakened. In 1982, the General Law of Education
of 1982, under Belaundes’ administration, conceived again bilingual instruction as a bridge
to Spanish (castellanización), and only in communities with the majority did not understand
Spanish. The goal was to merge indigenous students’ cultural characteristics with those of
modern society (Post, 2002).
In 1987, the Garcia’s government created the General Direction of Bilingual
Education, which played mainly a nominal and symbolic role. It is not until 1996 that the
Ministry of Education can have a unit specialized in bilingual education, when the Unidad
Nacional de Educacion Bilingue (UNEBI, now DINEBI) is created (Supreme Decree 00296-ED). Since 1996 there have been significant achievements in terms of access to
bilingual education.
According to the present Political Constitution of Peru (1993), the official languages
are Spanish and, in the areas where they are predominantly spoken, also Quechua,
Aymara and other aboriginal languages (Art.48). It is also recognized in the Constitution
the right of every Peruvian citizen to use his/her own language before any authority
through a translator (Art.2, Inciso 19).
26
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
Despite all the efforts made in the past three decades, the proportion of indigenous
vernacular speakers is systematically shrinking. The Ministry of Education, through the
DINEBI (MINEDU, 2002a), states now that there has not been significant advancement
beyond recognizing vernacular tongues as official and considering them as partial vehicles
for education. It is necessary, they say, go further and guarantee indigenous peoples’
participation in the process of decision making that affect their lives and future. Thus,
bilingual education policy in Peru is at a turning point, searching to strengthen its
contribution to the recognition and promotion of Peruvian languages and cultures, as well
as their preservation.
4.2
BILINGUAL EDUCATION ACCOMPLISHMENTS
Bilingual education is defined as the use of two languages “as a medium of
instruction for the same pupil population in a well-organized program which encompasses
part or all of the curriculum and includes the study of the history and culture associated
with the mother tongue” (Akkari, 1998:2). The underlying assumption is that a strong
foundation in the mother tongue enhances acquisition of official language skills.
Several studies have concluded that bilingual education leads to positive growth in
the child’s overall cognitive and linguistic development (Beykont, n/d), and similar results
have been found in Peru (see Trahtemberg, 1998). Bilingual education advocators sustain
that these programs also provide more opportunities for parental involvement, at different
levels depending on the model of the program.
4.2.1
Expanding access to bilingual education
At the beginning of the year 2000, the National Direction for Intercultural Bilingual
Education (DINEBI) was providing attention to children from 13 departments within three
sets of strategies: treatment of languages (standardization), teachers’ training in
pedagogic competences for bilingual education, and production and use of learning
materials in vernacular tong.
There are currently 1,771 bilingual primary schools operating in the country, from
which 629 are Quechua schools, 212 Aguarunas, and 196 Machiguengas. There are also
schools in Aymara and in at least 15 other amazonic languages. At present the Peruvian
Ministry of Education is providing bilingual education to 340,000 children, which
corresponds to 52 percent of the population who requires this kind of educational service.
The plan contemplates reaching 88% in 2005. In other words, more than half indigenous
children receive (in theory) bilingual pre-school and primary education. However, the fact
27
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
that these children are receiving bilingual materials does not necessarily account for the
actual delivery of bilingual education (MINEDU, 2002c).
This year, the DINEBI in Peru handed out 700 thousand workbooks in 13 native
languages to children in primary schools. These materials have been elaborated for the
basic areas of Math and Integral communication in 8 Amazonian dialects and 5 Andean
tongues (1 Aymara and 4 varieties of Quechua).
Nonetheless, one of the most serious disadvantages for indigenous people is the
low quality of rural teachers, which is due to a number of factors, such as lower levels of
schooling, less professional experience, less basic skills and subject knowledge (Mc
Ewan, 1999). In 1990, the government stated that
A
falta
de
profesionales de la Educación
Bilingüe se puede nombrar
docentes bilingües sin título
pedagógico, con derecho a
percibir por equivalencia las
remuneraciones
correspondientes al Primer (I)
Nivel
Magisterial.El
nombramiento de Directores
Unidocentes y profesores de
aula o asignaturas en Centros
y
Programas
Educativos
Bilingües,
se
coordinará
necesariamente
con
las
organizaciones representativas
de la comunidad nativa a fin de
tener
en
cuenta
sus
propuestas sobre provisión de
docents. (Supreme Decree N°
19-90-ED, Art. 281)
Figure 14: Bilingual schools by language and department
Elaborated by the author from MINEDU (2000)
Ucayali
Tumbes
San Martin
Puno
Pasco
Madre de Dios
Loreto
Lambayeque
Junin
Ica
Huancavelica
Cusco
Cajamarca
Ayacucho
Arequipa
Apurimac
Ancash
Amazonas
0
Aguaruna
Cacataibo
Huitoto
Piro
Yaminahua
100
Amahuaca
Cashinahua
Machiguenga
Quechua
200
300
400
Ashaninka
Cocama cocamila
Mastanahua
Sharanahua
500
Aymara
Culina
Otros
Shipiba
Significant
but
intermittent efforts have been
made in the field of bilingual teacher training. Between 1996 and 2000, 11,675 teachers,
28
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
participated in the training programs, reaching 52% of the demand for bilingual teaching
training. During the year 2001, 5,000 more bilingual teachers were trained. However, most
of these programs were conducted under the modality of distance education (UNEBI,
2000).
The emphasis, however, is placed in quantity rather than quality. The urgency to
expand bilingual education has overlooked the availability of the necessary resources to
carry this enterprise without compromising the very center of bilingual education: to
provide relevant quality education to indigenous children. This, at the same time produces
adverse effects for the acceptance of bilingual education among indigenous people. With
poorly trained bilingual teachers, children learn less and parents blame on bilingual
education as a method (Ansión, 2002). One of the main obstacles is that, due to the lack
of supply of teachers in indigenous communities, bilingual teachers are not necessarily
assigned to work in areas where the indigenous language is the same as their mother
tongue (Helfer, 2002).
In March of this year, president Toledo announced the implementation of the Plan
Nacional de Educación Bilingüe, which will not be mandatory but will promote the
teaching of Quechua and Aymara to “rescue cultural identity”. The plan contemplates a
bonus for bilingual teachers. The Minister of Education, on the other hand, declared that:
La idea es hacer un Plan Nacional de Educación Bilingüe de amplio y largo
alcance es decir, que tenga que ver no solo con las áreas donde la
Educación Bilingüe se use como instrumento pedagógico para poder
enseñarles a aquellos que cuya lengua materna no es el castellano, sino
que sea una opción para el conjunto del Sistema Educativo (Lynch, 2002).
We can see still a vertical style in the planning of bilingual education during the late
1990’s and the beginning of the new century. Nevertheless, the Program of Rural
Education of the Ministry (MINEDU, 2002b) has developed an interesting draft called
“Estrategia de Incorporación de Comunidades Indígenas en el proyecto de educación
rural”. In this preliminary document, the Ministry develops a plan for community
participation of indigenous peoples and teachers in education decision-making, which
includes dialogue tables (mesas de diálogo), regional consultant councils, national
congresses of indigenous teachers, national meetings of indigenous parents and students,
mechanisms of social control, validation of bilingual instructional materials, among other
initiatives. The discussion of this documents falls beyond the scope of this paper, but I
wanted to mention it because it entails an important (and hopeful) shift in the way
indigenous education planning has been conceived so far.
29
When opportunity speaks one language
4.2.2
Ines Kudo
Social contribution: the impact beyond the classroom
Our colonial heritage, the subtle opposition of dominant regional groups, the
internalization of domination by indigenous people, and the extreme poverty of indigenous
children, are some of the major social obstacles faced by bilingual education projects. In
this regard, very important consequences of bilingual education in Peru are the
valorization of ethnic groups, the affirmation of ethnic identities, the reliance on better
psychological conditions for children to learn, the production of textbooks, the
ethnographic contribution to better know indigenous groups, and the progress in learning
Spanish more easily (Montoya, 2001). Thus, bilingual education in Peru has had not only
pedagogical implications, but also (and perhaps more importantly) social ones.
In spite of all the difficulties and obstacles faced by bilingual programs, there is a
growing awareness of the importance and pertinence of EBI within governmental and nongovernmental sectors. There are enough EBI experiences at all educational levels, from
which we can learn. For instance, the PEBI in Ayacucho; the PEEB in Puno; the PEBIAN
in Loreto; the ISP Loreto; the CADEP programs, Pukllasunchis, ERA and the CRAM in
Cusco; and so on. There are also experiences of community and agricultural promotion
which methodologies can be useful for EBI, since the pedagogical praxis within the school
needs to interact with experiences outside it.
The controversial pedagogical value of teaching in indigenous languages in Peru is
not as strong as it used to be. An important factor that contributed to this outcome is the
sustained effort of NGO’s and other institutions to explain indigenous people the
advantages of learning first in the vernacular tongue, not only to maintain ethnic identity,
but also for a better acquirement of Spanish skills, which is one of the major concerns of
indigenous parents. Bilingual education is now significantly more accepted by parents and
teachers, although some resistance still remains.
4.3
LEARNING IN BILINGUAL SCHOOLS
4.3.1
Educational indicators
As we have seen in chapter 2, indigenous children in the mainstream system tend
to have the same access to education, but are more likely to repeat and drop-out, as well
as to be older than the normative age of the grade they are enrolled. The most recent
school census (MINEDU, 2000)4 shows that even when indigenous children are enrolled in
4
I thank Fernando Andrade, from GRADE, for his valuable help in accessing the data
30
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
bilingual schools, they tend to have higher repetition and drop-out rates than students in
Spanish monolingual schools.
Table 12: Promotion, repetition and drop-out rates in rural
schools classified by language of instruction
Elaborated by the author from MINEDU (2000)
Language of
instruction
Spanish
Quechua
Aymara
Ashaninka
Aguaruna
Shipibo
Huitoto
Cocama-cocamilla
Machiguenga
Piro
Cashinahua
Cacataibo
Yaminahua
Culina
Sharanahua
Mastanahua
Anahuaca
Huambisa
Other
Total
Percentage
promoted
Percentage
repeaters
Percentage
drop-outs
76.94%
68.19%
89.40%
71.86%
68.36%
79.45%
77.25%
70.10%
73.13%
64.37%
74.64%
69.92%
76.51%
78.42%
106.11%
83.08%
79.24%
73.13%
73.52%
76.70%
15.81%
19.41%
10.51%
16.05%
24.17%
23.62%
18.16%
28.79%
24.75%
26.15%
22.22%
17.21%
28.03%
8.00%
0.00%
25.30%
6.36%
12.59%
22.07%
16.09%
7.09%
12.32%
0.09%
11.47%
7.47%
-3.07%
4.59%
1.11%
1.81%
9.47%
3.15%
12.86%
-4.54%
13.58%
-6.11%
-8.37%
14.39%
14.28%
4.41%
7.07%
However, comparing the indicators for rural areas, between indigenous students
enrolled in mainstream schools (see figure 11 pg.25) with those in bilingual schools, the
perspective looks much better for the latter group. In other words, if a rural indigenous
child is enrolled in a bilingual school s/he is more likely to be promoted and not to dropout, than if s/he were enrolled in a regular Spanish school. Even when we cannot directly
compare both groups of indicators (the one from LLECE-UNESCO and the one presented
in Table 12), we can definitely see that, in terms of education efficiency and attainment,
the gap between indigenous and non-indigenous children is reduced by bilingual
education. However, there is no information for urban schools.
Also, there are significant differences across indigenous groups. Confirming what
has been found before, Aymara students continue to do better than Quechua students,
with lower repetition rates and almost inexistent drop-out problems. Higher repetition rates
31
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
are found in Amazonian bilingual schools than in Andean schools, but at the same time
the drop-out rates present the inverse trend. Along with this, the presence of rates over
100 or under 0 might suggest problems of miscount or definition that lead to underestimate
repetition or drop-out rates.
Table 13 shows population of rural schools by language of instruction, distributed
according to the correspondence between age of enrollment and grade. Again, indigenous
children are more likely to present educational lag, and Aymara children have better
prognosis than Quechua children. However, comparing with the 80 percent average of
overaged indigenous children in mainstream schools, bilingual schools offer better
perspectives and definitely reduce the gap in relation to non-indigenous children.
Table 13: Normative, under, and overage proportion of
students in rural schools classified by language of instruction
Elaborated by the author from MINEDU (2000)
Language of
instruction
Spanish
Quechua
Aymara
Ashaninka
Aguaruna
Shipibo
Huitoto
Cocama-cocamilla
Machiguenga
Piro
Cashinahua
Cacataibo
Yaminahua
Culina
Sharanahua
Mastanahua
Anahuaca
Huambisa
Other
Total
Percentage
underage
Percentage
normative
Percentage
overage
5.56%
4.41%
5.65%
2.30%
2.78%
2.25%
0.51%
3.11%
2.03%
0.25%
2.06%
7.63%
3.39%
0.00%
0.00%
8.70%
2.38%
8.13%
3.57%
5.43%
38.72%
31.29%
48.59%
30.69%
30.07%
36.47%
38.60%
32.11%
28.56%
42.51%
34.85%
38.56%
24.83%
36.67%
48.02%
40.67%
56.98%
42.58%
28.24%
38.37%
55.58%
64.13%
45.71%
66.25%
66.81%
61.29%
60.90%
64.78%
69.19%
57.23%
63.09%
53.81%
71.20%
63.33%
51.98%
50.63%
40.63%
48.80%
68.00%
56.06%
Although bilingual education seems to be a better alternative for indigenous
monolingual children, in terms of academic achievement there is a long way to go. In fact,
the DINEBI (MINEDU, 2002b) is concerned with the fact that by the 3rd grade, students in
bilingual schools have not yet acquired reading and writing proficiency in their mother
32
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
tongue. In many cases, they found that students were did not even have the basic literacy
skills.
Regarding Spanish as a second language, the major problems found so far are
similar to those in the mother tongue, if not worse. Although many students were able to
solve oral basic tasks related to social interaction, they had a hard time making simple
descriptions in Spanish. Greater difficulties were found in reading comprehension and
writing in second language. There are still methodological limitations in the academic
evaluation of bilingual indigenous children in Peru.
4.3.2
Teaching practices
Between 1999 and 2000, through the Programa de Formación en Educación
Intercultural Bilingüe para los Países Andinos (PROEIB Andes) the Ministry of Education
lead an evaluation of the bilingual schools in Puno, Ancash, Cuzco, San Martin, and
Amazonas. They visited bilingual schools to gather information about teachers’
performance and academic achievement (MINEDU, 2002b). This is the most important
initiative done so far to understand how is bilingual education being implemented in the
classrooms; and although it might be biased by to some extent, I think it provides very
interesting information.
The results of this evaluation process show some changes in the traditional
organization of the classroom. Students in bilingual schools are distributed in the room in a
way that favors teamwork. Very few classrooms were organized in columns and rows.
Nevertheless, the majority of teachers maintain traditional teaching styles, staying most of
the time in front of the classroom and directing the class from the blackboard.
In relation to the classroom climate, they found that it is more horizontal and
stimulates greater participation from the students. Adding to this, the use of the students’
mother tongue provides them more confidence. However, the report states that such
participation depends mostly on the “stimulus and permanent direction” from the teacher.
On the other hand, some bilingual teachers were found demonstrating
discriminatory attitudes and physical abuse towards the children. At the same time, the
report says that traditional teaching practices still subsist, evidencing signs of domination
and authoritarianism, which seems to contradict the prior statement of horizontality.
Teachers still maintain almost exclusive control over the educational processes, using
instructive and directive language, and promoting very occasionally reflection or, even
less, metacognition.
33
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
In the majority of bilingual schools the only materials used in class are chalk and
board, with the exception of few cases where the teacher uses papelografos and markers
for teamwork. The bilingual workbooks distributed by the Ministry were used in most of the
classrooms, but not in all of them. Teachers preferred Math workbooks and used very little
the workbooks of integral communication, claiming that they had complicated language
and it was hard to apply in the classroom.
Regarding the use of language in the classroom, very important changes were
reported. In the zones where students were predominantly vernacular speakers, their
mother tongue was used as medium of instruction. Spanish was used intermittently.
Teachers persist in believing that the use of vernacular languages as medium of
instruction is a transitory option only for the first grades and just until students have
enough proficiency in Spanish. I think this is in part due to the way government manages
bilingual education policy, which tends to reinforce those beliefs. It is also interesting to
notice that in the Andean case, the simultaneous use of Spanish and indigenous language
in the classroom stems from both, the teachers’ initiative, and the parents’ pressure to
favor Spanish. This leads to an asystematic use of both languages, resting in some cases
in translation or rephrasing in the other tongue.
This coincides ethnographic reports presented by Huamanquispe (1999) about the
use of quechua as media of instruction. The incorporation of many Spanish words in the
quechua vocabulary creates great confusion in the children. This is the case, for example,
of a school in Muruhuanca. The teacher asked Roxana to write the number 18 in quechua,
but the student kept staring at her empty notebook. The teacher then, trying to help her,
talking to her in quechua: “churay unuwan uchuwan”, meaning “write one and eigth”. She
pronounced both numbers with the quechua phonetic system, which changes “uno” by
“unu” and “ocho” by “uchu”. However, inquechua “unu” means “water”, and “uchu” means
“chili pepper” (aji). Literally, the teacher was asking Roxana to put water with chili pepper,
which did not make any sense to her.
The problem with this “quechua-castellanizado”, besides creating pedagogical
obstacles, is that it tends to replace existing quechua words by their equivalent in
“Spanish-quechualizado”, reducing more and more the quechua vocabulary. Research
has shown that in bilingual societies, the most prestigious language does creep into the
other languages interactions, whether in lexical, phonological or grammatical respects,
leading to partial linguistic substitution (Fishman, 1989). However the implications are not
the same for adopting the word “avión” than for replacing the verb “juk kutitawan ruwa”
with “repetir”, which means exactly the same (Montoya, 2001).
34
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
The influence of teachers in the advancement or lack of it within the field of
bilingual education is not only due to limited professional training, but also to their own
cultural identity conflict. Most of them come from indigenous origins and feel divided
between the past and the future, the traditional and the modern. Bilingual (rural) teachers
also face the most difficult work and life conditions, as well as the more challenging
student body composition. We must add to this, their insecurity in mastering the written
indigenous or Spanish language. The exigencies put upon these teachers are higher than
those located in monolingual Spanish teachers.
Additionally, bilingual teachers are not sufficiently prepared to distinguish between
teaching in one language and teaching that language. Most teachers who teach in
vernacular tongue do not reflect about it.
Much more difficult is to introduce interculturality in the classroom, since this
concept is quite abstract. Teachers require more orientation about how to implement an
intercultural pedagogy in the day-to-day classroom activities. However, some teachers are
beginning to incorporate local knowledge and practices in the learning process.
35
5 Final comments
Education inequalities against indigenous, rural, and poor children are imminent, not only
in terms of access, but also in relation to illiteracy, education attainment, school life
expectancy, quality, and pertinence. However, this reflects the broader social inequalities
of Peruvian society. Thus, reducing the education gap between social groups is an
enormous national challenge and a requisite for building a more just and truly democratic
society. However, we have to be aware that this in only one step forward in a long tough
way.
By saying this, I do not mean to underestimate the value of equitable education
opportunities for indigenous children. Relevant and quality education contributes per se to
personal growth and well being, particularly if it rescues cultural values and practices.
However, education takes place in a broader set of social networks and structures of
power that cannot be lost of sight at any point.
The situation of indigenous children in Peru calls for direct and targeted
intervention, both, educationally and socially. Nonetheless, the evidence suggests that
providing equitable education opportunities to indigenous children within the mainstream
system entails more than giving them access to the same schools, to the same learning
materials, or even to the same teachers, as non-indigenous children.
It is also necessary to address the way indigenous children are incorporated to the
education system, as well as the way in which that system responds to their particular
needs. Language is, of course, one of the major challenges they face, but it is definitely
not the only one. It is, therefore, essential to explore what other factors are interfering with
their learning processes, not only to help them learn better, but also to prevent
psychological damage stemmed from discrimination, isolation, or stigmatization.
Ethnographic research is required to explore the situation indigenous students are
experiencing in urban schools. Very little attention has been given to this social group, but
our results show that they are in a quite vulnerable situation, facing the most difficult
When opportunity speaks one language
Ines Kudo
learning conditions. Future research should illuminate in the ways to address the particular
requirements of a growing indigenous population in urban schools. Tackling the factors
that affect indigenous children in urban schools, besides the necessary curricular
pedagogical transformations, demands the promotion of an attitudinal change at three
levels: towards the groups of immigrants, towards their language, and towards individual
speakers of that language. The urban education system, in this sense, has the potential to
change the existing prejudices against indigenous people, task undertaken by Velazco 30
years ago with significant achievements.
Another limitation of indigenous education policy so far has been the marginal role
given to teachers, when in fact they are central players in the whole process. Improving
indigenous education requires more consistent and deeper preparation of teachers in
pedagogical methods for bilingual, multilingual, multigrade, and intercultural classrooms,
We have to realize that besides teaching academic contents, teachers play a crucial role
as reproducers of discrimination, racism, and violence, or, in the opposite case, as
transformative actors. If physical abuse practices and discriminative attitudes were found
in teachers in bilingual schools, we might expect to find similar situations in urban schools,
specially if we are noticing that indigenous children in those schools do not ask for help
when they have academic or personal problems.
The solution for indigenous education is hard to find. It is not just the access to the
same classroom; it is not either segregated education. We know that indigenous children
learn more when they attend to non-indigenous schools, but they still do not take full
advantage of this access for many reasons. Those are the factors that must be addressed,
in order to transform their education process into a nurturing experience.
Bilingual education, on the other hand, has demonstrated potential to reduce the
gap and provide more relevant education to indigenous children. However, it is
fundamental again to put more emphasis in the professional development of bilingual
teachers, at the same time that to address directly social resistance from parents and
communities. Successful bilingual education will stem from careful planning and genuine
community participation. The Ministry of Education seems to have this clear and I hope
this will be the trend followed in the near future.
37
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