Hughes Prospectus

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Christine Hughes
Dissertation Prospectus
August 27, 2007
Committee: Dr. Rosemarie Zagarri
Dr. Jane T. Censer
Dr. Harold D. Langley
The War Within the War of 1812:
The Role of the Slave as Property, Pawn, and Agent
Statement of Problem
Ample literature abounds on the history of the War of 1812 and of slavery during the
second and third decades of the nineteenth century——but as separate entities. Most historians of
that war have chosen to write traditional political, diplomatic, economic, or military studies.
Indeed, many dispute that slavery was a contested issue in the period from the closing of the
American slave trade in 1808 to the beginning of the Missouri controversy in 1819. Matthew
Mason’s recent work, by focusing on the rhetorical battle that Americans and British waged to
claim the title of liberator, convincingly situates the slavery debate during the war, thus
broadening the accepted historiography.i Yet, no comprehensive work has investigated the
triangular relationship that developed among slaves, white southerners, and the British when
Great Britain’s forces blockaded and raided America’s coast during the War of 1812.
This dissertation will ascertain the repercussions in the United States and the British
Empire of American slaves fleeing to their masters’ enemy. By bringing slavery to the forefront
of the war in the South, I hope to reorient the historiographical frameworks of paternalism and
slave resistance in a wartime setting. For white southerners, I seek to compare their reaction to
the perceived and real threat of slave flight and retribution. For the British, I will determine if
twenty-five years of antislavery agitation in England had humanitarian ramifications in their
prosecution of the war and treatment of the black refugees. For the absconding slaves, I will
study their roles as pawns and agents.
The South confronted two foes when Congress declared war on Great Britain in 1812—
—the British and its own slaves. The British decided from the beginning of the conflict to fight a
diversionary war in the Chesapeake Bay area that would relieve pressure on the northern theater.
Their strategists contemplated no territorial acquisitions in the bay. Blockading American
commerce and harassing coastal ports and residences, as well as protecting British trade
constituted the limited military objective. The presence of a substantial slave population
challenged both antagonists to adapt their wartime policies. The British activity in the South
compelled American slaveholders to meet the dual threat from an external and internal foe for a
second time in thirty years, paradoxically both weakening and strengthening slavery.
On the one hand, the British menace exposed the owners’ economic and psychological
vulnerability, while on the other, the response by southerners and the Madison administration to
the wartime peril resulted in efforts to reinforce slavery. Immediate, county-sponsored, defensive
measures were joined with state legislation to offset British depredations. Wartime and postwar
(overt and covert) missions undertaken by disgruntled masters or at the behest of Secretary of
State James Monroe, sought to cajole the absconders to return and demonstrate British
maltreatment. By proving British perfidy during this war, Monroe in 1815 hoped to end slaves’
attempts to flee in future wars, thus ensuring the institution’s stability. What motivated slaveowners and the Madison administration to seek the return of some of the refugee slaves during
and immediately after the war? Compensation would have been sufficient if they sought only
economic restitution. But these white Americans were defending not just a southern labor
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system, but a southern way of life. This was not just a defense of an economically necessary evil,
but also a proslavery defense of a positive good. Just as masters tracked down their runaways
during peacetime, they also sought out absconders during the war to set an example of the futility
of this form of resistance for those who stayed behind. By proving the enemy’s re-enslavement
of fleeing slaves, the proslavery partisans sought to stifle future loses during this war and the
next.
Historians have generally dated the earliest proslavery arguments to the 1820s.ii I
believe that some of the measures taken to effect the return of runaways indicates that a
consistent proslavery stance existed in the South before one was articulated by elite writers. The
U.S. National Archives’s Record Group 76 (Records of Boundary and Claims Commissions and
Arbitrations), largely ignored by historians, contains slave-owners’ depositions, lists of black
refugees, and copies of Royal Navy log books that were used by the Anglo-American arbitration
commission to determine compensation for slaves lost to the British. By mining material gleaned
from this record group in conjunction with British and American after-action reports, newspaper
accounts, legislation, and personal papers, I will construct a database of owners and slaves that
will provide a more rounded depiction of the three actors. No previous work exists that
characterizes these slave-owners (location, size of slaveholding force, numbers lost, actions
taken to prevent losses, and efforts made at retrieval or compensation.) Such a study will
ascertain if small and large plantations were equally subject to British depredations and if there
were any distinctions in their response.
Another lacunae in the literature is an analysis of the reactions of non-slave-owners to the
British incursions. There is a monolithic view of the southern response to British raids that
discounts class divisions between masters and non-slave-owners.iii To address this
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oversimplification, I propose studying newspaper accounts, militia and slave-patrol records, and
legislative debates to see if all southern whites supported the onerous defensive measures
designed to secure slaves from fleeing. I hope to discern whether class fissures developed over
the course of the war.
The historical treatment of the slave’s perspective has also been superficial. No one has
undertaken a demographic study of the slaves who fled using the wealth of information
contained in Record Group 76. Anecdotal evidence exists that many of the slaves escaped in
family or kinship groups. This pattern, if sustainable, differs from the typical peacetime model of
single, young male runaways. While several recent works have focused on the slaves’ postAmerican diasporas to Canada and Trinidad, none concentrates on their lives when slaves
(personalities, occupations, families, etc.) The owners’ depositions will provide some
information and I will also search for collections of personal papers as well as newspaper
accounts. Such demographic analysis would add to the historiography of slave culture,
community, and resistance.
The British perspective is perhaps the most elusive. What motivated the British to
encourage American slaves to flee during the War of 1812? The British were pragmatists whose
overarching goal was to punish America for its declaration of war while England was engaged in
a continental war against France. Freeing the slaves was a weapon in Britain’s arsenal, not
necessarily a reflection of the nation’s pervasive humanitarianism. However, as the war evolved,
so too did British policy towards slaves. Initial directives from the War Office prohibited inciting
racial insurrection against whites, but left unspecified what to do with runaway slaves. Without
guidance, theater commanders confronted the fleeing slaves on an ad hoc basis, while writing to
Whitehall for further counsel. Throughout the war British commanders, War Office ministers,
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and peace treaty negotiators grappled with using absconding slaves as a military weapon and
determining what their fate should be.
While pragmatism dominated British military policy-making, a heightened sense of
humanitarianism pervaded Great Britain as a result of the twenty-year struggle that ended in the
1807 abolishment of the slave trade. British historians often relegate the War of 1812 to a mere
sideshow next to the Napoleonic Wars; so too do they overlook that war in discussing British
antislavery attitudes in the years between the end of the slave trade and abolishment of slavery in
1833. Political and altruistic arguments persuaded Parliament to ban the slave trade. Faced with a
growing war weariness among the laboring and middle classes, Britain’s oligarchal government
reasoned that abolishing the slave trade would inspire the public and rekindle flagging support
for the long war with France.
In this same vein, I wish to explore Britain’s pragmatic and humanitarian relationship
with American slaves during and after the War of 1812 and determine if a generation of
reformist activity in both countries influenced Britain’s actions. The British strategy during the
war drew on tactics used during the American Revolution, but was modified in light of three
decades of changing social attitudes towards slavery. I seek to determine if a transatlantic
connection existed between the policies adopted by British ministers and naval commanders
towards blacks during the War of 1812 and British diplomatic efforts to ban the international
slave trade in 1814-15. I will research the private and public correspondence of the British
officials engaged in diplomacy and war planning, as well as that of the in-theater military and
naval commanders; the correspondence of influential abolitionist leaders; British antislavery
organizations such as the influential African Institution; parliamentary debates; and British
newspapers and journals. From these sources I will seek evidence linking British treatment of
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absconding slaves to British diplomatic efforts during 1814-15 to internationalize its slave-trade
ban with prohibitions in the Treaty of Paris with France and the Congress of Vienna with
Europe.
The presence of an enslaved population in the South during the War of 1812 transformed
the Anglo-American conflict into a triangular war in which the American slaves were property,
pawns, and agents. This war coincided with a transition in British abolitionism from a campaign
against the domestic slave trade to opposition to the European slave trade. For southern
slaveholders the war demanded a defense of their peculiar institution; for the British it meant
assuming the image of liberator.
Historiography
Research on slavery and the War of 1812 must begin with a study of the British slave
policy during the American Revolution. Some of the same issues that surfaced during that earlier
conflict suffused the later war. The works of Sylvia Frey have superseded the pioneering
research of Benjamin Quarles. The latter stressed blacks’ participation in the rebellion as both
rebels and loyalists; extolled their heroic contributions; and optimistically found that “the colored
people of America benefited from the irreversible commitment of the new nation to the
principles of liberty and equality.” Frey is less sanguine about the war representing a social
revolution for blacks. Her extensive research of military correspondence exposed Britain’s deepseated racism that reflected the social milieu of the time. British commanders armed fleeing
blacks with shovels and made them laborers rather than soldiers. They discarded them to their
masters when they became liabilities, kept them as servants, or sold them. Frey finds that
southerners joined the independence movement because they feared that the “specter of
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emancipation” might become reality if the British chose (which they did not) to implement
freedom as policy. Frey concludes that the “revolutionary war in the South thus became a war
about slavery”——a war that strengthened southerners’ desire to defend their peculiar
institution.iv Frey’s book addresses issues of British motivation and southern response during the
American Revolution that will serve as a useful model for constructing a triangular study of
blacks, white Americans, and British during the War of 1812.
The literature on slave resistance during the second war for independence encompasses
brief mentions within standard political/military accounts; regional studies devoted to the black
experience during the war; and extended treatment of specific topics within larger studies.
Traditional studies of the War of 1812 usually gloss over racial issues, and works on slavery
relegate the war to the periphery. Conventional works, such as those written in the 1960s by
Patrick C. T. White and Reginald Horsman; in the 1970s by John K. Mahon; and in the 1980s by
J. C. A. Stagg and Donald R. Hickey, emphasize the themes of national honor, sovereignty, and
the defense of neutral rights.v
The underreported story of black flight from coastal areas, as the Royal Navy’s vessels
infested American waters, first received extensive scholarly treatment in the 1970s with an
article by Frank A. Cassell. Focusing on slaves from the Chesapeake Bay area and studying both
British military records and local newspaper accounts, Cassell depicts slaves who independently
chose to flee to the enemy’s squadron rather than continue living in servitude. Other writers have
expanded on Cassell’s work in additional studies on the Chesapeake and other geographic areas.
Mary A. Bullard’s short but well-researched piece on the British occupation of Cumberland
Island, Georgia, at the end of the war uses local, British Admiralty, and official U.S. claims
commission documentation to describe the imbroglio over the peace treaty terms regarding
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absconding slaves. Writing both articles and a book on the war in the Chesapeake, Christopher T.
George finds the British commanders opportunistic in their relations with the runaways, and the
blacks assertive in either fleeing to the enemy or enlisting in the American ranks.vi The regional
studies by Cassell, Bullard, and George are important contributions, but their focus is more
British than American (white or black).
A recent scholarly book that incorporates the military events along the Gulf with a
comprehensive study of the expansion of slavery during the early national period is Adam
Rothman’s Slave Country: American Expansion and the Origins of the Deep South (2005).
Rothman devotes a chapter to the “crisis” that the War of 1812 represented for the residents of
the Deep South in confronting a British foe who brought black troops to the Gulf theater and
enlisted local American slaves in pursuit of military objectives. Rothman provides a credible
account of the fear engendered by the British invasion at New Orleans with extensive use of
plantation records, but his insights into British racial policy are limited by not using British
Admiralty and War Office records. His narrative concludes that the successful outcome of the
War of 1812 in the Gulf region secured that area as “slave country.” While viewing slavery from
the slaveholder’s perspective, Rothman ably portrays the agency of those hundreds of slaves who
resisted bondage by choosing freedom with the British.vii
Historians such as Cassell, Bullard, George, and Rothman stop their explorations of slave
militancy at the water’s edge. Often with only a short postscript, they leave the stories of the fate
of these American resistors to others to fathom. Several writers have followed the 1812 diaspora.
The publication by C. B. Fergusson in 1948 of a volume of documents relating to those African
Americans who came to Nova Scotia during and after the War of 1812 reveals this important
facet of Canadian history. Writing in the 1970s, John N. Grant weaves the facts surrounding the
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three waves of black migrations to Nova Scotia that occurred from 1775 to 1815 into an
informative article, and Robin Winks’s tome, The Blacks in Canada, traces the refugees’
resettlement and harsh experience there. The recent work by Harvey A. Whitfield revises
Winks’s interpretation, mitigating the problems encountered by the blacks in their new homeland
and emphasizes instead their successful adaptation. Another writer, John McNish Weiss, has
compiled information about the recruitment, organization, service, disbandment, and settlement
of the group of African-American runaways whom the British formed into a Corps of Colonial
Marines during the War of 1812. These men and their families migrated in 1815 and 1816 to
Trinidad where their struggle for freedom ended.viii My focus remains with the untold story of
the slaves’ pre-freedom experiences, but these studies of their post-war journeys often provide
important glimpses of their former lives.
Recognizing the historiographical need for a book-length treatment of slave flight, John
Hope Franklin and Loren Schweninger intend that their Runaway Slaves: Rebels on the
Plantation (1999) will fill that gap in the literature on black resistance. Using findings derived
from computer-generated data of runaway notices in twenty newspapers from North Carolina,
South Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Louisiana, as well as petitions to southern legislatures
and county courts, the authors confirm the already-established perception that the majority of
absconders were solitary males in their teens and twenties. Their work is not useful, however, for
those seeking to compare the character of peacetime with wartime runaways. Instead of
segregating the war years, the authors compiled data for two time periods——1790 to 1816 and
1838 to 1860. Their work does not categorize who fled during the War of 1812. Evidence
abounds that a significant number of women and children, normally underrepresented among
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peacetime runaways, fled to the British during both wars with that enemy. My study will further
refine the characterization of wartime runaways.ix
Some scholars in their multi-year works on slavery have mentioned the War of 1812 and
the slaves who fled to the British. Don E. Fehrenbacher’s The Slaveholding Republic: An
Account of the United States Government’s Relations to Slavery (2001) discusses the war in a
chapter on foreign relations, thus privileging political history——national and diplomatic.
According to this author, the pro-slavery administrations of Madison and Monroe succeeded in
promoting property and treaty rights in challenging Britain’s interpretation of the clause in the
Treaty of Ghent respecting the return of the slaves. Fehrenbacher’s analysis of the negotiations
with the British is superficial and incomplete, as he neglects to address the State Department’s
post-war, secret missions to persuade the refugee slaves, whom the British transported to the
West Indies and Halifax, to return to their masters. Further research into this activist diplomacy
may offer clues about the South’s views on slavery. x Matthew Mason’s recent work on the war
de-emphasizes the military side of the conflict and focuses instead on the politics of slavery by
using contemporary literary sources. Mason argues that the transitional nature of the War of
1812 period forced southerners to face the “ideological perplexity” of standing “on a middle
ground between necessary evil and positive good.”xi I will buttress Mason’s rhetorical
framework for an emerging pro-slavery ideology with evidence of the practical ramifications of
the War of 1812 on southern culture.
Another work that addresses the slaveholders’ changing views on slavery during the first
fifteen years of the nineteenth century is Jeffrey R. Young’s Domesticating Slavery: The Master
Class in Georgia and South Carolina, 1670-1837. Agreeing with Mason that this was a period in
flux, Young discerns in these years a blending of the “patriarchal authority” of the eighteenth-
10
century slaveholder with the next century’s “affectionate, paternalistic concern” for one’s slaves.
Slaveholders came to the realization by 1815 that they needed a “world view” based on
“plantation domesticity” that “provided both an answer to antislavery reformers and a refuge
from escalating fears of slave rebellion.” Young only briefly relates that slaveholders feared that
the British, their slaves’ allies, challenged the South’s labor system. This same theme of southern
defensiveness, bordering on paranoia from outside agitators (the British or American antislavery
reformers), can be found in Merton L. Dillon’s Slavery Attacked: Southern Slaves and Their
Allies 1619–1865.xii Linking concrete events, such as the slaves’ running to the British during
the War of 1812, with mainstream histories that treat the broader themes of politics and ideology
may advance our understanding of the institution of slavery.
Rebalancing the historical scales with studies of Native and African Americans, women,
and the lower classes has highlighted much of the work written during the last thirty years on
early America. Investigation of all facets of slavery has proliferated during these years, but the
subfield of slave flight during wartime has not generated as much research as other forms of
resistance. Additionally, while Benjamin Quarles (1961), Sylvia R. Frey (1991), and Simon
Schama (2006) have written important tomes on African Americans during the American
Revolution, the War of 1812 still awaits a comprehensive, comparative treatment of the enemy
from without juxtaposed with the enemy from within.xiii
While these studies vary in their treatment of slavery, none fully addresses the impact
that British racial attitudes had on the institution of slavery in America. Research on British
abolitionism and American slavery is generally devoid of any transatlantic link as relates to the
War of 1812. In addition, works regarding the genesis of proslavery arguments among
southerners have neglected the example of Secretary of State James Monroe’s secret missions to
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the West Indies and Halifax as an early case of a traditional nationalist espousing a southern
defense of slavery. This dissertation will explore how the British policy of accepting black
enlistees and emigrants, at first grudgingly and then with open arms, caused such consternation
among the southerners that it stirred the national government to adopt a proslavery stance in
seeking the slaves’ return.
Many historians have characterized the War of 1812 as the forgotten conflict because the
treaty that ended it returned the opponents to a status quo antebellum. Geographically this was
true, but the departure of over 3,600 slaves in Royal Navy ships at the close of the war was a
tangible reminder of the South’s constant vulnerability to its internal enemy. The War of 1812
was a transitional time, marked by the closing years of the early republic and the onset of the
antebellum period. Southerners found themselves in transition also, balancing between
paternalism and profits in managing their economic and social life. Viewing the War of 1812
through the prism of slavery may shed light on whether historians have overlooked the
psychological impact of Britain’s racial warfare as a factor in strengthening slavery in the South.
Did the war change the institution of slavery in the South? Did Britain’s enlistment of American
slaves as black soldiers affect northern, southern, and British views toward slavery? Further
studies of the triangular ramifications of American slaves fleeing to the enemy during the war—
—from the vantage of the slaves, slave and nonslaveholding southerners, the British naval and
military commanders on station, and the leadership in London——may provide some
answers.xiv
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Method and Theory
My dissertation will blend social and cultural history with political, diplomatic, and
military history. It will be a multidimensional engagement of both public and private realms. By
devising a database of slaveholders and their absconding slaves, I hope to ascertain the extent of
the British threat to America’s shoreline during the War of 1812. I will research traditional
manuscript collections of leading personalities, British and American, for their views on slavery.
But I also will attempt a grassroots examination of selected counties to determine the short- and
long-term consequences of the British threat at the local level. Once I plot what areas were
affected, I will address the response by the individual slave-owners, and the local, state, and
national officials. This study will compare the responses by the earliest affected states, Virginia
and Maryland, with the later ones, Georgia and Louisiana, to see if their respective legislatures
enhanced their slave codes during and immediately after the war and whether residents with and
without slaves were united against the threat or whether class divisions surfaced. In addition, I
will follow Britain’s reaction to its role as liberator by extending the recent work on British
abolitionism by Christopher L. Brown to the War of 1812 era.xv
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Christine Hughes
Dissertation Prospectus
August 27, 2007
APPENDIX A: Selected Bibliography
Manuscript Sources and Legislative Records
Ann Arbor, Mich.
Clements Library, University of Michigan
Robert Barrie Papers (microfilm)
Thomas Brisbane Papers
John W. Croker Papers (microfilm)
Henry Goulburn Papers (microfilm)
Melville Papers (microfilm)
Baltimore, Md.
Maryland Historical Society Library, Manuscripts Department
Memoir of General John Stricker, MS 794
War of 1812, MS 1846
Charlottesville, Va.
Alderman Library, University of Virginia
Barbour Family
14
Nicholas Wilson Cary
College Park, Md.
National Archives and Records Administration II
Record Group 59. General Records of the Department of State (microfilm)
Record Group 76. Records of Boundary and Claims Commissions and Arbitrations
Record Group 107. Records of the Office of the Secretary of War (microfilm)
Durham, N.C.
Perkins Library, Duke University
James Barbour Papers
Wilberforce Papers
Edinburgh, Scotland
National Library of Scotland
Alexander F. I. Cochrane Papers (for any documents that the Library of Congress does
not have on microfilm)
Fredericksburg, Va.
James Monroe Law Office Museum and Memorial Library
James Monroe Letters, 1781-1830 (Lawrence Hoes Collection, microfilm)
15
Halifax, Nova Scotia
Nova Scotia Archives & Records Management
Record Group 1
Book of Negroes
Dispatches from Secretary of State to Lieutenant Governor
MG 15, Misc., War of 1812 Blacks
A List of Negroes in possession of the British Forces in the State of Georgia,
under the command of Rear Admiral Cockburn with the period of their being taken, and the
period of their removal from Cumberland Island, or the Waters adjacent to the same.
Kew, England
The National Archives
Admiralty (for any documents that the Library of Congress does not have on microfilm)
Foreign Office (if not at the Library of Congress)
FO 95/9/2, Robert Stewart Castlereagh, “Abstract of papers selected in 1814
regarding the slave trade.”
War Office (if not at the Library of Congress)
Journals of the House of Commons
Journals of the House of Lords
Parliamentary Papers
War Office 6, Secretary of State/Out-Letters (some selected photostats available at the
Library of Congress)
16
London, England
British Library
Bathurst Papers
Dropmore (Grenville Papers)
New Orleans, La.
The Historic New Orleans Collection
Slave Evaluation Report
James Stirling Memorandum
Jacques Philippe Villere Papers
New York, N.Y.
New York Public Library
James Barbour Papers
James Monroe Papers (microfilm)
Philadelphia, Pa.
Pennsylvania Historical Society
Gratz Collection
Richmond, Va.
Library of Virginia
Commonwealth of Virginia. Council of State Journals, 1812-14
_____. Executive Communications
17
_____. Executive Letter Book
_____. Executive Papers
County records
Savannah, Ga.
Georgia Historical Society
Forman-Bryan-Screven Papers, 1797–1901. Folder 2: letters from Dr. William Baldwin to
General Thomas M. Forman (1813–1814)
Minutes of the Council of the City of Savannah
William Jones Papers, 1809–1839. Collection 448
Virginia Historical Society
James Monroe Papers, 1788-1830
Washington, D.C.
Library of Congress
James Madison Papers (microfilm)
James Monroe Papers (microfilm)
Papers of George Cockburn. (microfilm)
Papers of Alexander F. I. Cochrane. National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh (microfilm
copies at Library of Congress).
Great Britain. Admiralty (Foreign Copying Project, microfilm)
Great Britain. War Office (Foreign Copying Project). Photostats of WO 1/141-144,
“Expedition to the Southern Coasts of North America, 1814–1817
Great Britain. Foreign Office (Foreign Copying Project, photostats)
National Archives and Records Administration I
Record Group 45. Naval Records Collection of the Office of Naval Records and Library.
(microfilm)
18
Williamsburg, Va.
Swem Library, College of William and Mary
James Monroe Papers
Newspapers
Alexandria, Va. Gazette
Alexandria, Va. Daily Advertiser, Commercial and Political
Baltimore, Md. Niles’ Register
Edinburgh, Scotland. Edinburgh Review
Fredricksburg, Va. Virginia Herald
Halifax, Nova Scotia, Acadian Recorder
Halifax, Nova Scotia, Journal
London, England. Quarterly Review
London, England. Times
Norfolk, Va. Argus
Norfolk, Va. Gazette and Public Ledger
Norfolk, Va. Norfolk Herald
Richmond, Va. Daily Compiler
Richmond, Va. Enquirer
Richmond, Va. Virginia Argus
Richmond, Va. Virginia Patriot
Washington, D.C. National Intelligencer
Published Primary Sources
Adams, John Quincy. Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of His Diary from
1795 to 1848. Edited by Charles Francis Adams. 12 vols. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott,
1874-77.
African Institution (London, England). [Fifth-Tenth] Report[s] of the Directors of the African
Institution, Read at the General Meeting, Held on the [various dates, 1811-16]. London:
Ellerton and Henderson, 1811-1816.
American State Papers: Documents, Legislative and Executive, of the Congress of the United
States. Class 1, Foreign Relations. 6 vols.; Class V. Military Affairs. 7 vols.; Class VI,
Naval Affairs. 4 vols.; Class IX. Claims. 1 vol. Washington, D.C., 1832–61.
Ball, Charles. Slavery in the United States: A Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Charles
Ball, a Black Man. 1836. Reprint, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969.
19
[Barrett, Robert J., R.N.]. “Naval Recollections of the Late American War. I.” United Service
Journal 149 (April 1841): 455-67.
Carter, Clarence, ed. Territorial Papers of the United States. 26 vols. Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1934.
[Castlereagh, Viscount]. Correspondence, Despatches, and other Papers, of Viscount
Castlereagh. Edited by Charles W. Vane. Military and Diplomatic, 3d ser., 4 vols.
London: John Murray, 1853.
Catterall, Helen Tunnicliff, and James J. Hayden, eds. Judicial Cases Concerning American
Slavery and the Negro. 5 vols. 1926-37. Reprint, Buffalo, New York: W.S. Hein, 1968.
[Chamier, Frederick, R.N.] The Life of a Sailor by a Captain in the Navy. 2 vols. New York: J. &
J. Harper, 1833.
[Codrington, Edward]. Memoir of the Life of Admiral Sir Edward Codrington. Edited by his
daughter Lady Bourchier. London: Longmans, Green, 1873.
Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. ed. Circular Letters of Congressmen to Their Constituents, 17891829. 3 vols. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1978.
Documents Furnished by the British Government Under The Third Article of the Convention of
St. Petersburg, And Bayly’s List of Slaves And Of Public And Private Property Remaining
On Tangier Island And On Board H.B.M. Ships of War, After The Ratification Of The
Treaty of Ghent. Washington, D.C.: Gales and Seaton, 1827.
Egerton, Hugh Edward, ed. The Royal Commission on the Losses and Services of American
Loyalists 1783 to 1785 Being the Notes of Mr. Daniel Parker Coke, M.P., One of the
Commissioners During That Period. 1915. Reprint, New York: Burt Franklin, 1971.
Faust, Drew Gilpen, ed. The Ideology of Slavery: Proslavery Thought in the Antebellum South,
1830-1860. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981.
Georgia. A Compilation of the Laws of the State of Georgia, Passed by the Legislature since the
Year 1810 to the Year 1819, Inclusive.... Compiled by Lucius Q.C. Lamar. Augusta: T.S.
Hannon, 1821.
Great Britain. Parliament. The [Hansard’s] Parliamentary Debates. London: T.C. Hansard, 182029.
Historical Manuscripts Commission. Report on the Manuscripts of Earl Bathurst Preserved at
Cirencester Park. London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1923.
Latour, Arsène Lacarrière. Historical Memoir of the War in West Florida and Louisiana in 181415. Edited with an introduction by Gene A. Smith. Gainesville, Fl.: Historic New Orleans
Collection and University Press of Florida, 1999.
Lovell, William Stanhope. Personal Narrative of Events, From 1799 to 1815, with Anecdotes. 2d
ed. London: William Allen & Co., 1879. (There is also a revised edition, From Trafalgar
to the Chesapeake: Adventures of an Officer in Nelson’s Navy. Annapolis, Md.: Naval
Institute Press, 2003.
Madison, James. The Papers of James Madison. Edited by William T. Hutchinson, William M.E.
Rachal, Charles F. Hobson, and Robert A. Rutland. 17 vols to date. Chicago and
Charlottesville: University of Chicago and University of Virginia Presses, 1962Madison, James. The Writings of James Madison. Edited by Gaillard Hunt. 9 vols. New York:
G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1900-10.
Manning, William R. Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States: Canadian Relations,
1784-1860. 4 vols. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
1940-45.
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APPENDIX B: Chapter Outline
Introduction
I will address the historiography of slave flight during the American Revolution and the
War of 1812.
Chapter 1: The Coastal South Anticipates War——1812
I will discuss the initial reaction of the southern states to the June 18, 1812, declaration of
war and the perceived impact that British incursions on coastal areas might have on them. An
inadequate national defense plan (military and naval) was supplemented by state- and countylevel measures. I will compare plans and legislation devised by the different state executive and
legislative branches to prevent the slave population from absconding. I will discuss the response
in all the coastal southern states because, although some suffered few incursions (the Carolinas),
the fear of attack was real everywhere.
Chapter 2: Raids, Reactions, and Diplomacy——The Chesapeake Bay, February 1813–
February 1814
The first and most sustained attacks were against Maryland and Virginia. This chapter
will discuss their response to the raids along the coastal areas of the Chesapeake Bay from
February to September 1813. This was the period of active campaigning before most of the
British fleet, except for a skeleton blockading force, left to winter at Halifax and Bermuda. This
chapter will also cover the quiescent military period in the Chesapeake Bay from September
1813 to February 1814 when a single Royal Navy squadron blockaded the region and conducted
occasional raids. Using material from a database that I will compile, I will determine the
demographics of the slaves who fled (male, female, children), their owners, and the
circumstances of their departure. Some were taken by force; others left voluntarily with a raiding
party or fled on boats to the ships offshore. I will try to glean the reaction of the owners, the local
35
militia, and the slave patrols, and see what actions were taken on the county, state, and national
levels. These are some of the questions that I will be asking in this and chapters three and four:
How large were the farms and plantations from which the slaves fled? How many masters tried
to get their slaves to return? Did the owners express both economic and paternalistic
motivations? How many slaves left in family or kinship groups? How many of the males joined
the British forces? How many opted to emigrate? Did nonslaveholding militia and slave
patrollers resent policing duties that protected the slaveholders’ interests?
Besides discussing the war-engendered change in the demography of the runaways and
the evidence of class conflict among whites, I will also track the evolution of British policy
toward the absconding blacks during this first campaign season. In addition to southern (black
and white) and British reactions, I will also follow the diplomatic efforts made to obtain the
return of the slaves.
Chapter 3: Invasion, Flight, and Reaction——The Chesapeake Bay, 1814–15
The British began their second marauding season off the coast of Maryland and Virginia
in February 1814. The main force succeeded in harassing the residents with impunity, attacking
Washington successfully, but not Baltimore, before returning in October to Halifax and Bermuda
for the winter. Leaving a small squadron to safeguard the bay from October 1814 to the end of
the war, the British continued to raid sporadically before the winter season closed in, receiving
the escapees as enlistees or emigrants. I will continue to plot where the British raided, how many
blacks fled and what was their composition. The enemy’s raids and presence in the bay
continued to attract refugee slaves at a time when British abolitionists were demanding a French
ban on the slave trade as a peace-treaty stipulation. I will be searching for connections between
Britain’s activity in the War of 1812 and its international commitments.
36
Chapter 4: The Strategy Shifts——Georgia and Louisiana, Winter 1814–15
The British decided in the fall of 1814 to shift their naval forces concentrated in the
Chesapeake Bay southward to Georgia and Louisiana, with an incursion along Georgia’s coast
serving as a diversion while the main British force attacked New Orleans. This chapter will
compare the reaction of slaves and masters in these lower-South states to the response in the
Chesapeake Bay states, as well as discern any refinement in British policy toward the absconding
slaves.
Chapter 5: Peace——The Treaty of Ghent and Missions to Retrieve Refugee Slaves
Anglo-American peace talks during 1814 were acrimonious, and while the status of the
refugee slaves was not in the forefront, the issue was contentious but supposedly resolved to the
American delegation’s satisfaction. After learning that the February 17, 1815, ratification of the
Treaty of Ghent ended the war, the Royal Navy commanders off America’s coast chose,
however, to interpret the treaty conservatively and refused to return the refugee blacks to their
masters. I will study these negotiations to determine the role that the administration of
slaveholders James Madison and James Monroe had in crafting the final article. In addition, the
actions and motives of the British commanders will be explored. Finally, this chapter will cover
the postwar missions that sought the return of the slaves and proof of British perfidy in reenslaving the escapees. These private and government-sponsored delegations failed. A
comprehensive investigation of these missions may confirm an early, overt proslavery stance in
the private and the public sector.
Chapter 6: Peace Not Resolution
This final chapter will cover the ten-year effort by three American administrations to
obtain compensation for lost slaves from a British government progressively under pressure to
emancipate the blacks held in captivity throughout its empire. I hope to show that the issue of the
37
status of the refugee slave during the War of 1812 influenced the British abolitionist movement
and southern views on slavery.
Conclusion
I will discuss my findings and how they contribute to the historiography of slavery and
abolitionism.
38
APPENDIX C: Proposed Schedule
Sept. 2007-March 2008
research at D.C., Md., Va. repositories; research RG 76 at NARA II
for database demographic material; draft an introduction
April-July 2008
continue research at D.C., Md., Va. repositories and RG 76 at
NARA; trip to England (National Archives and the British Library)
and Scotland (National Library of Scotland); draft chap. 1
August-Oct. 2008
research at D.C., Md., Va. repositories
Nov. 2008-Jan. 2009
research at D.C., Md., Va. repositories; draft chap. 2
Feb.-April 2009
trip to N.Y. and Penn.; draft chap. 3
May-July 2009
trip to Ga. and La.; draft chap. 4
August-Oct. 2009
trip to Canada; draft chap. 5
Nov. 2009-Jan. 2010
research in RG59 and 76 at NARA II; trip to England; draft chap. 6
Feb.-Aug. 2010
write conclusion and edit/rewrite other chapters.
Sept. 2010
dissertation defense
i
Matthew Mason, Slavery and Politics in the Early American Republic (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006).
ii For a discussion of the crusade to defend slavery see, Peter Kolchin,
American Slavery, 1619-1877 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1993), 189-91; Drew
Gilpin Faust, ed., The Ideology of Slavery: Proslavery Thought in the
Antebellum South, 1830-1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
1981); Larry E. Tise, Proslavery: A History of the Defense of Slavery in
America, 1701-1840 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1987). Tise barely
39
mentions the War of 1812, except to note that that war “was neither socially
nor politically a very trying time for southerners.” (287)
iii Sally E. Hadden, Slave Patrols: Law and Violence in Virginia and the
Carolinas (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001), 165.
iv Benjamin Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution (1961; reprint,
Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 200; Sylvia R. Frey,
“The British and the Black: A New Perspective,” The Historian 38 (February
1976): 225-38; and Frey, Water From the Rock: Black Resistance in a
Revolutionary Age (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 226.
v Patrick C. T. White, A Nation On Trial: America and the War of 1812 (New
York: John Wiley, 1965); Reginald Horsman, The War of 1812 (New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1969); John K. Mahon, The War of 1812 (1972; reprint, New York: Da
Capo Press, 1991), see 313-15 for a brief outline of British motives and
policies toward the slaves; J. C. A. Stagg, Mr. Madison’s War: Politics,
Diplomacy, and Warfare in the Early American Republic 1783–1830 (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1983); Donald R. Hickey, The War of 1812: A
Forgotten Conflict (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989).
vi Frank A. Cassell, “Slaves of the Chesapeake Bay Area and the War of 1812,”
Journal of Negro History 57 (April 1972): 144–55; Mary A. Bullard, Black
Liberation on Cumberland Island in 1815 (DeLeon Springs, Fla.: privately
printed, 1983); Christopher T. George, “Mirage of Freedom: African Americans
in the War of 1812,” Maryland Historical Magazine 91 (Winter 1996): 426–50
and Terror on the Chesapeake: The War of 1812 on the Bay (Shippensburg, Pa.:
White Mane Books, 2000).
vii Adam Rothman, Slave Country: American Expansion and the Origins of the Deep
South (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 2005).
viii C. B. Fergusson, A Documentary Study of the Establishment of the Negroes
in Nova Scotia between the War of 1812 and the Winning of Responsible
Government (Halifax: Public Archives of Nova Scotia, 1948); John N. Grant,
“Black Immigrants into Nova Scotia, 1776–1815,” Journal of Negro History 58
(July 1973): 253–70; Robin Winks, Blacks in Canada: A History (Montreal:
McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1971; Harvey A. Whitfield, “Black American
Refugees in Nova Scotia, 1813–1840” (PhD diss., Dalhousie University, 2003)
and Blacks on the Border: The Black Refugees in British North America, 18151860 (Burlington: University of Vermont Press, 2006); John McNish Weiss, Free
Black American Settlers in Trinidad 1815-16 (London: McNish & Weiss, 1995);
John McNish Weiss, The Merikens: Free Black Settlers in Trinidad 1815-16, 2nd
ed. (London: McNish & Weiss, 2002).
ix John Hope Franklin and Loren Schweninger, Runaway Slaves: Rebels on the
Plantation (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), xiii-xv,
295.
x Don E. Fehrenbacher, The Slaveholding Republic: An Account of the United
States Government’s Relations to Slavery, ed. Ward M. McAfee (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2001).
xi Matthew E. Mason, “The Rain Between the Storms: The Politics and Ideology
of Slavery in the United States, 1808–1821,” (PhD diss., University of
Maryland, 2002), 374. For a published work treating these themes, see Matthew
E. Mason, “The Battle of the Slaveholding Liberators: Great Britain, the
United States, and Slavery in the Early Nineteenth Century,” William and Mary
Quarterly, 3rd ser., 59 (July 2002): 665–96.
xii Jeffrey Robert Young, Domesticating Slavery: The Master Class in Georgia
and South Carolina, 1670-1837, (Chapel Hill and London: University of North
Carolina Press, 1999), 7 (first and second quotations), 124 (third and fourth
quotations), 128 (fifth quotation); Merton L. Dillon, Slavery Attacked:
Southern Slaves and Their Allies 1619-1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
40
University Press, 1990), 75. Merton spoke in generalities about the
“opportunities” that war created for slaves but did not address the southern
efforts to secure the return of their slaves after the war.
xiii Quarles, Negro in the American Revolution; Frey, Water from the Rock;
Simon Schama, Rough Crossings: Britain, the Slaves and the American
Revolution (New York: Harper Collins, 2006).
xiv For a good narrative but not an analytical study of blacks in the War of
1812, see Gerard T. Altoff, Amongst My Best Men: African-Americans and the
War of 1812. Put-in-Bay, Ohio: The Perry Group, 1996.
15 Christopher Leslie Brown, Moral Capital: Foundations of British
Abolitionism, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006).
41
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