TECHNIQUES OF REGULATION READING Ramsay chap 3* (there’s more here than you need and pp 119-128 are the most relevant, but you might as well read it all). Cartwright chap 2* G Howells “The Potential and Limits of Consumer Empowerment by Information” (2005) 32(3) Journal of Law and Society 349* Howells and Weatherill pp 51-76. Cranston chaps 8, 9 and 12. FURTHER/ADVANCED READING There is quite a lot of literature that you could peruse if you were so inclined. See, for example: Ogus Regulation chapters 7 (information regulation); 8 (standards) and 10 (prior approval). (These are not focused on consumer law, but are very good examinations of forms of regulation). Hadfield, Howse and Trebilcock “Information Based Principles for Rethinking Consumer Protection Policy” (1998) 21 JCP 131. (a very good article which might have gone in the list above). Whitford “Structuring consumer protection legislation to maximise effectiveness” (1981) Wisconsin Law Review 1018-1043 (a bit dated and US focused, but interesting). Better Regulation Executive and National Consumer Council Warning: Too Much Information Can Harm (Final Report, November 2007). HM Government A Better Deal for Consumers: Delivering Real Help Now and Change for the Future (Cm 7669) July 2009. INTRODUCTION If we are thinking about how we should deal with a consumer problem, we need to consider what the tools, or techniques, of regulation are. Law-makers will generally have a choice of techniques, though remember that a lot of the UK’s consumer law now comes from Brussels, and the UK authorities may be limited in what they can do. Regulators, such as enforcement authorities, will generally 19 have their powers set out by Legislation, but they will have a choice of regulatory approaches (when to warn, when to prosecute etc). Furthermore, the Government appears minded to broaden the powers regulators have, particularly when it comes to what we might describe as sanctioning. The Government has done this for some areas (by passing the Regulatory Enforcement and Sanctions Act 2008, although this does not cover consumer law) and has set out some of its ideas for consumer law enforcement in its White Paper HM Government A Better Deal for Consumers: Delivering Real Help Now and Change for the Future (Cm 7669) July 2009. Any attempt to divide up the techniques of regulation is likely to be imperfect. The approach I have taken gives you, I hope, a flavour of some of the main choices available. PRIOR APPROVAL The essence of prior approval is that a regulatory agency or similar body is given the power to screen out and exclude suppliers who fail to meet minimum standards. Ogus notes the following characteristics of prior approval by licensing: Licences are issued before the regulated activity takes place The quality of all those engaged in the activity has to be assessed to see if they meet minimum standards The conditions of the licence typically involve minimum and uniform standards The ultimate sanction of prohibiting the occupation or activity is particularly severe The administrative costs are high Significant welfare losses arise if the system is used for the anti-competitive purpose of creating barriers to entry. Licensing is the most interventionist form of regulation, and it is generally assumed that prior approval should be used only in limited circumstances because of the risks involved with its use. Here are some strengths and weaknesses that you might like to consider: STRENGTHS OF PRIOR APPROVAL 20 It gives considerable power to the regulator It allows potential harm to be tackled at an early stage It gives consumers confidence It may be effective as part of an enforcement strategy RISKS OF PRIOR APPROVAL It can be used for protectionism It can increase costs for traders which is passed on to consumers It can reduce innovation It can lead to inappropriate decisions by regulators It can be expensive to run with the cost being paid by the taxpayer It can lead to moral hazard Chapter 12 of Cranston is helpful in giving a picture of some of the areas where prior approval is used, and chapter 10 of Ogus contains some excellent discussion. In what types of situation do you think prior approval might be an appropriate regulatory technique? Think about the strengths and weaknesses of prior approval as a way of protecting consumers. In what situations, if any, do you think it offers the best form of regulation? STANDARDS Standards are minimum duties imposed upon traders, either by the criminal or the civil law. The term is often used to refer to minimum quality for products agreed by standardisation bodies. The main types of standards are specification standards and performance standards, although Ogus argues that there is also a separate category known as target standards. He defines them as follows: “A specification (or input) standard…compels the supplier to employ certain production methods or materials, or prohibits the use of certain production methods or materials.” 21 A performance (or output) standard requires certain conditions of quality to be met at the point of supply, but leaves the supplier free to choose how to meet these conditions”. A target standard prescribes no specific standard for the supplier’s processes or output, but imposes criminal liability for certain harmful consequences arising from the output”. (Ogus Regulation p 151). Think about the advantages and disadvantages of these different types of standards. Do standards offer advantages over other forms of regulation? It is helpful to think about specification standards as an illustration of some of these issues: STRENGTHS OF SPECIFICATION STANDARDS Certainty Consistency Ease of Assessment WEAKNESSES OF SPECIFICATION STANDARDS Discourage Innovation Inflexible Can be used anti-competitively Compare these with other types of standard, and also with other forms of regulation such as prior approval and information regulation. When should each be used to protect consumers? The creation of criminal offences might also be classified as a type of broad standard (Cranston describes these as standards), but they are a different form of standard from those discussed above. Likewise, the requirement under the Sale of Goods Act that goods be of satisfactory quality is also a form of standard, albeit, again a different type. It is important to think about the number of different ways in which a term like “standards” can be used. 22 One area where standards have become very important is in that of unfair commercial practices. We will be looking at the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive when we examine the protection of economic interests later. INFORMATION REMEDIES Note that much of the literature on consumer protection theory has focused on the topic of information regulation. As well as the literature mentioned above, there is a mass of articles to which I can refer anyone who is interested. There are two main types of information regulation: we can require specific information to be provided (disclosure), or prevent misleading information from being provided. DISCLOSURE Disclosure regulation can be seen as helping the market to function by ensuring that valuable information is supplied. We see disclosure regimes in relation to a number of areas. Examples include consumer credit, product safety, food labelling and recycling. There are sometimes mandatory disclosure requirements warning about the risks attached to products. Sometimes, these tell us how to avoid hazards in using the products. In other occasions, they tell us about the largely unavoidable hazards in products, for example tobacco. How valuable are these requirements? They are critiqued in the Report of the Better Regulation Executive and National Consumer Council Warning: Too Much Information Can Harm (Final Report, November 2007). Is information regulation enough? What would you think of a law which allowed dangerous products to be sold provided they were clearly labelled as being so? Would it depend on what the product was? Remember the problems of externalities here. Can we rely on the market to disclose information or does the Government have to step in? If the market was unregulated, what kind of information might we not get? Are there particular groups of consumers who may be put at risk by an emphasis on disclosure? Even if we believe that insisting on disclosure is not enough by itself, this does not mean that disclosure has no role to play. There may be areas where information is the best way of protecting consumers. The Government said in its White Paper, Modern Markets: Confident Consumers: 23 “Good, reliable information information is essential if consumers are to make the right choice. They need to know the price and the quality of competing products. In many cases they need to know whether they are safe, the quantity is accurate and the meaning of contract terms (including the costs of add-ons and the nature of guarantees).” [para 3.1]. Is there anything else that consumers need to know? Strengths of Disclosure Helps the market to function Respects choice Encourages care Relatively cheap Weaknesses of Disclosure Does not deal with externalities – it primarily protects the recipient Relies too much on the consumer – will the consumer use it? The most vulnerable may not be protected Impossible to set at an ideal level – who understands and acts on it? (note Wilhelmsson here and the idea of the “information paradigm”) It doesn’t address problems of access – it’s no use giving information if there is no choice in practice. Some information is difficult to communicate. Note the idea of “the market for lemons” (Akerlof) Danger of Information Overload. Think about the reasons why the market might not provide information that the consumer would want. We looked at that when considering the context and aims of consumer law. Most of the literature about disclosure concentrates on disclosure of product characteristics e.g. ingredients, cost etc. Are there other issues that might be important e.g. standing of the provider (relevant for banks, perhaps). Also, where is the line to be drawn between information and education? The White Paper A Better Deal for Consumers: Delivering Real Help Now and Change for the Future (Cm 7669) argues for: A New Consumer Rights Publicity Campaign; Improving Access to Information and Advice; and Better Information for Consumers in Specific Situations 24 (White Paper pp. 66-74). A further issue to consider is whether there may be indirect duties of disclosure. For example, Article 7(1) of the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive states that a commercial practice shall be regarded as misleading if: “in its factual content, taking account of all its features and circumstances and the limitations of the communication medium, it omits material information that the average consumer needs, according to the context, to take an informed transactional decision and thereby causes or is likely to cause the average consumer to take a transactional decision that he would not have taken otherwise.” If it’s a contravention to omit material information that the consumer needs, does this mean that there is a general duty to disclose? We’ll talk about this in more detail later. INFORMATION REMEDIES AND COOLING OFF PERIODS Another possible regulatory technique is to require the trader to allow the consumer to cancel an agreement within a certain time. For example, the Consumer Protection (Cancellation of Contracts Concluded Away from Business Premises) Regulations 1988 provide consumers with a 7 day cooling off period during which they can cancel contracts that are covered by the Regulations. Similar provisions are found in the Consumer Credit Act 1974, and the Distance Selling Regulations 2000. Howells and Weatherill argue that “the right of cancellation can be seen as an extension of the policy of ensuring that the consumer makes a fully informed choice.” (Howells and Weatherill p 376). Cooling off periods are frequently contained in legislation that also makes provision for disclosure. The Consumer Rights Directive is likely to lead to increasing use of cooling off periods. INFORMATION REMEDIES AND BEHAVIOURALISM One of the main debates in consumer law (and in law and economics/behavioural sciences literature) is about behavioural economics. We mentioned this when looking at the reasons for regulation. Some research in this area suggests that people tend to make bad decisions, rather than the rational decisions that neo- 25 classical economists think they should, and that there may be specific reasons for this. Possible categories are: Hyperbolic Discounting; Over-optimism; Framing Effects; Availability and Anchoring; Information Overload; Fairness; Emotions One possible conclusion to draw is that people are not very good at making what might be seen as “objectively” good decisions and that recognition of this might lead us to move away from disclosure-based remedies which rely upon consumers making their own choices. This is discussed in the article by Howells above. Do we pay too much attention to information regulation such as disclosure? If so, what are the alternatives? REGULATING FALSE AND MISLEADING INFORMATION There is a general consensus that supplying false information should be prohibited, particularly where there is fraud. In the words of Cayne and Trebilcock: “the community will not and should not tolerate dishonesty, whatever the economic consequences of preventing it” (D Cayne and MJ Trebilcock “Market Considerations in the Formulation of Consumer Protection Policy”). Controlling misleading (as opposed to false) information is more difficult, as we will see later. What happens if a statement is only misleading to unusually credulous consumers? Might there be distributive justifications for tackling such statements anyway? Think about the different types of consumer mentioned by Wilhelmsson. These range from the fully informed consumer to the consumer without choices. Does the image we have of consumers dictate the appropriate standard for the law? Some of these points will be developed in our discussion of the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive. CERTIFICATION The main way of addressing information deficits is through disclosure. An alternative is to use certification. This is where a product is given some kind of 26 kitemark (for example, the CAT standard for financial products, or the Trustmark Scheme for traders, or “Scores on the Doors” for food hygiene). This gives the consumer an indication of its quality or terms without resorting to detailed disclosure. Is this better than disclosing lots of detailed information? The regulation of information has been absolutely central to consumer protection policy in many countries. To what extent should the control of information be used to protect consumers? Are there risks in relying too heavily upon it? SANCTIONS, ENFORCEMENT AND REDRESS Where there is a breach of a duty (for example, failure to comply with a licence, or breach of a standard) then we need to decide what can be done about it. This will be examined in more detail when we look at enforcement, and is also relevant to other topics, such as the role of criminal law. SELF REGULATION As well as licensing products and suppliers, imposing minimum standards, or requiring information to be supplied etc, governments can allow sectors to regulate themselves, within the broad structure of the general law, by producing codes of practice. Under s.8(2) of the Enterprise Act, the OFT has the power to approve (and, withdraw its approval from) codes of practice. Section 8(3) states that any such arrangements “must specify the criteria to be applied by the OFT in determining whether to give its approval to or withdraw its approval from any consumer code.” A consumer code is, according to s.8(6): “a code of practice or other document (however described) intended, with a view to safeguarding or promoting the interests of consumers, to regulate by any means the conduct of persons engaged in the supply of goods or services to consumers (or the conduct of their employees or representatives.” The OFT sets out the core criteria, and then code sponsors draft their codes, tailoring and adding to the core criteria to fit their particular sector. The Core Criteria fall into the following headings: 1. Organisational 27 2. Preparation of the Code 3. Content of the Code 4. Complaints Handling 5. Monitoring 6. Enforcement 7. Publicity The procedure is made up of two stages: First, code sponsors will develop codes that they believe comply with core criteria. If successful, the OFT declares that they have achieved “stage one status”. Secondly, the sponsor must prove that the promises in stage one have been satisfied. The OFT then endorses and promotes the code: the logo “OFT Approved Code” can be used. Stage 2 approval will take some time to achieve – it might require evidence from customer surveys, and even details of “mystery shopper” exercises. Traders may decide to develop two versions of the code: one for consumers, and one for traders. Since the textbooks were published, the OFT has given approval to the codes of the following trade bodies: Bosch Car Service The Carpet Foundation The Property Ombudsman Ltd (Sales) Direct Selling Association Motor Codes Ltd (New Car Code) Vehicle Builders and Repairers Association Ltd British Association of Removers Debt Managers Standards Association (DEMSA) 28 You might like to consider how effective you think codes which comply with the core criteria are likely to be, and to consider some of the advantages and disadvantages of self-regulation. Codes have been argued to have some advantages over other forms of regulation or no regulation at all: 1. They reduce rule-making and enforcement costs. 2. They do not need parliamentary time. 3. Their rules may be aimed at particular industries. 4. Voluntary compliance may be more effective than forced compliance. 5. Codes can be an effective pilot for legislation. 6. They are flexible. 7. They reduce the costs to consumers of obtaining redress (their provisions may sometimes be incorporated as terms of a contract - see Bowerman v ABTA (Times 24 November 1995))). 8. They raise consumer awareness of rights. 9. They encourage the better supply of information. 10. They reduce undesirable practices and encourage better performance. These arguments were questioned by the European Consumer Law Group in (1983) 6 Journal of Consumer Policy 209. Pickering and Cousins argued that on balance the social benefits of codes outweigh the costs (The Economic Implications of Codes of Practice, UMIST). There are problems with codes however. Here are a few to think about: 1. Some traders will not honour the code; the main sanction for this is expulsion. Will this work? The provisions of codes may not always, for example, be incorporated as terms of a contract. 2. Codes may not set the right level of performance. What about consumer choice? 3. They might lead to cartels. 4. They have little impact on the trading practices of non-participants, (according to Pickering and Cousins). Non-participants can, of course continue to trade. Only in industries such as travel is it almost vital to be a member of a trade organisation. (ABTA membership is seen as highly important by consumers). Also, some relatively high profile codes have not been approved in the past (e.g the Banking Code). 5. Although described as "self regulation", they involve an investment of public resources in terms of negotiation and monitoring. However, under the 29 current regime, the OFT has made is clear that it will not generally assist code sponsors in drafting their codes. IMPROVING ACCESS TO JUSTICE Another way in which the law can protect consumers is by making it easier for consumers to seek redress. Private law can be seen as a technique of regulation, and by making it easier for consumers to assert their rights, we can both protect consumers and control traders. But how do we get around the problems of transaction costs? If we place too much emphasis on the “individual claims paradigm” (Wilhelmsson), do we avoid protecting those most in need? Is the solution to develop new methods of redress? One possibility is the class action, which would allow action to be brought on behalf of a group of consumers. In some cases there is what Howells and Weatherill refer to as the “private initiative model” where a case is brought by the individual consumers affected. This can be compared with the “consumer organisation model”, where consumer organisations are given standing to represent consumers, and the “public agency model” where public bodies act to protect the consumer interest. (The second and third examples need to be considered alongside discussion of enforcement). In the Canadian case Western Canadian Shopping Centres Inc v Dutton [2001] SCR 534, McLachlin CJ identified three main advantages of class actions over individual law suits: “First, by aggregating similar individual actions, class actions serve judicial economy by avoiding unnecessary duplication in fact-finding and legal analysis…Second, by allowing fixed litigation costs to be divided over a large number of plaintiffs, class actions improve access to justice by making economical the prosecution of claims that would otherwise be too costly to prosecute individually…Third, class actions serve efficiency and justice by ensuring that actual and potential wrongdoers do not ignore their obligations to the public.” Do you agree? How do class actions compare with public enforcement? In HM Government A Better Deal for Consumers: Delivering Real Help Now and Change for the Future, the Government has proposed the creation of the role of 30 “Consumer Advocate” who will, among other things, “monitor and champion the new approach to consumer focused enforcement” envisaged by the White Paper. This will be examined further when we look at enforcement. Think about the different techniques of regulation we have identified, their strengths and their weaknesses. Would a successful consumer protection regime use some, or all of these, and when? 31