Eastern Media Advocacy Project Evaluation Report 2014 Written by Rebecca Patrick & Anne Kyle Women’s Health East acknowledges our Eastern Media Advocacy Project Partners Women’s Health East acknowledges the support of the Victorian Government Contents 1.
Executive Summary 3 2.
Key Terms 5 3.
Acronyms 6 4.
Evaluation Methodology 7 5.
Overview of Eastern Media Advocacy Project and its beginnings 10 6.
Best Practice: What the literature tells us 13 7.
Evaluation Findings 26 8.
Case Study 47 9.
Recommendations 53 10.
Conclusion 55 11.
Reference list 57 12.
Appendix 62 EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 2
Executive Summary This section provides a summary of the project origins, evaluation methods and key evaluation findings. In 2011 Women’s Health East (WHE) initiated the Eastern Media Advocacy Project (EMAP) in response to discussions with the Eastern Metropolitan Region (EMR) Regional Family Violence Partnership. The Eastern Media Advocacy Project (EMAP) ensures that the voices of women who have experienced family violence and sexual assault are heard through the media and public events. EMAP has developed its strategies in accordance with the VicHealth primary prevention of violence against women framework and an ecological understanding of violence against women (Vichealth 2007; VicHealth 2011). Since its inception, EMAP has been implemented in three distinct phases. Phase One involved recruitment and screening of family violence and sexual assault survivors from within the EMR. Phase Two involved training of 29 survivor advocates and EMR workers. Phase Three involved promoting advocates, resource development and employment of an EMAP project worker. This evaluation report presents the key findings of an independently designed and implemented impact evaluation for EMAP. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative data collection strategies (i.e. survey, interview and focus group techniques), the evaluation findings presented below demonstrate EMAP’s impact on a) women participating as survivor advocates in the project and b) media reporting of violence against women. The evaluation report demonstrates that the EMAP has generally had a positive impact on survivor advocates and local media. EMAP has positively impacted the self-­‐confidence, knowledge and skills of survivor advocates who have been involved in the project. The project has had a beneficial impact on the personal and social development of survivors of family violence and sexual assault who have been trained by EMAP. The project has also enabled ‘empowerment’ and assisted all advocates to move forward in one way or another on their personal journey. In relation to media impact, the report illustrates that EMAP has had many positive impacts on local print and public speaking event organisers’ knowledge, attitudes and behaviours towards EMAP survivor advocates and responsible reporting of violence against women. The quality of news articles that have been guided by EMAP demonstrates accurate and sensitive reporting as compared to responsible reporting guidelines. In the latter sections of the report, the evaluation findings and opportunities for project enhancement are translated into a set of recommendations. Examples of these include: expansion of the sexual assault media advocacy strategies; development of an advocate community; and reframing the EMAP EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 3
approach to media to accord with a ‘media as a strategy’ approach for primary prevention in public health and health promotion. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 4
Key Terms Central to the Eastern Media Advocacy Project (EMAP) and therefore the conceptualisation of this evaluation have been the concepts of ‘survivor advocate’ and ‘health promotion’. These terms are defined below. Survivor advocates are individuals with first hand experience of, or with, the issue for which they are advocating. Survivor advocates use their lived experience as survivors and apply this within a range of settings to help cultivate the changes required to improve the health and wellbeing of others who have been exposed to the same problem (Clarke & Stovall, 1996). In the literature on cancer survivorship, where the concept is well developed, survivor advocacy exists on a continuum that begins at a personal level, extending to advocacy for others and finally on to public advocacy efforts (Clark & Stovall, 1996). Survivors who become public advocates take on these roles in a ‘professional’ capacity in that they consider their efforts as extending beyond their personal needs. They therefore usually undertake specific skills training to perform their roles (Grey, 1992). It has been argued that survivors who the use media and public-­‐speaking forums as their advocacy platforms often become recognised as experts on the issues that have impacted their lives and the lives of other with whom they share similar experiences (Leigh, 1994). In health promotion terms media advocacy is a strategy consistent with ‘strengthening community action’. Health promotion is defined as ‘the process of enabling people to increase control over, and to improve, their health’ (World Health Organization 1986, p.1). Recognised as a professional discipline within the broader arena of public health, health promotion practice is primarily enacted at a community level, for example within community health services and non-­‐government agencies (Dempsey et al. 2010). Contemporary health promotion practice emphasises empowerment, gender equity, community action, personal skills development, primary prevention and healthy public policy (Keleher 2007). EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 5
Acronyms DoHA-­‐ Department of Health and Aging DV Vic-­‐ Domestic Violence Victoria ECASA -­‐ Eastern Centre Against Sexual Assault EDVOS -­‐ Eastern Domestic Violence Service EMAP -­‐ Eastern Media Advocacy Project EMR -­‐ Eastern Metropolitan Region EVAs – Eliminating Violence Against Women media awards FV-­‐ Family Violence PVAW -­‐ Preventing Violence Against Women SA-­‐ Sexual Assault VAW -­‐ Violence Against Women WHE -­‐ Women’s Health East WDVCS -­‐ Women’s Domestic Violence Crisis Service EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 6
Evaluation Methodology This section includes: an overview of the research and evaluation paradigm; data collection tools and strategies; approach to analysis; and references to the key ‘questions’ that were required by this evaluation project. A ‘hybrid’ design (Curran et al., 2012; Fixsen et al., 2005) based on a public health-­‐health promotion pluralist approach to research (Raphael 2000; Tones & Thilford 2011) was used to enable conclusions to be drawn about: •
Impacts of the EMAP for women participating as survivor advocates (including benefits and challenges); •
Impact of the EMAP on the reporting of violence against women in the media (including changes in media reporting); and •
What works and any areas for improvement for the EMAP (including recommendations for the future). Given the nature of the evaluation questions, the design required both process (i.e. reach of the program) and impact (i.e. attitudes and behaviour) evaluation measures. Therefore the evaluation drew on qualitative and quantitative data collection strategies including documentary, survey, interview and focus group data. Feminist and narrative-­‐based research (Podems, 2005; Chase, 2005) methods were combined with project logic based evaluation techniques (Victorian Department of Health, 2010) to enable a robust design fit for: a) A feminist organisation b) A public health/health promotion intervention; and c) Communication of results to all key stakeholders. This pluralist approach and mixed methodology permitted the evaluators, in collaboration with the project staff, to clarify 'what works', ‘what doesn’t’ and ‘what could be improved’ in relation to the pre-­‐determined goals and strategies that EMAP utilises. Illuminating the voices of survivor advocates was prioritised within each step of the evaluation, in line with best practice (Anderson & Dana, 1991; Reinharz & Davidman, 1992; Podems, 2005). The data collection tools and strategies included: 1. An online survey distributed between 28.10-­‐8.11.13 to ‘active and contactable’ EMAP trained survivor advocates (n=23). The 25 question survey tool was developed using Survey Monkey and drew questions from existing validated tools (e.g. Self-­‐confidence scales, Scorelogix). The survey incorporated process and impact indicators drawn from the pre-­‐determined draft EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 7
EMAP project logic model and evaluation framework. See Appendix 1 for the survey. Nine survey responses were received and analysed. 2. Telephone interviews with survivor advocates (n=6 participants) that had undertaken the media advocacy training and/or media advocacy work for EMAP (including public speaking engagements) within the past 2 years. The interviews were semi-­‐structured and contained three open-­‐ended questions. Interviews were audio-­‐taped and transcribed verbatim. The interview technique drew on the principles of feminist interviewing (Reinharz & Davidman 1992) as well as critical and feminist ethnographic traditions (Spradley 1979; Smith 1987; Carspecken 1996) for both the collection and analysis of the data. See Appendix 2 for the Interview Protocol. 3. A face-­‐to-­‐face focus group session at WHE with survivor advocates (n=3 participants) that had undertaken media advocacy work for EMAP (including public speaking engagements) within the past 6 months. As with the individual interviews, the focus group protocol was semi-­‐
structured and contained three open ended questions with prompts. The focus group was audio taped and transcribed verbatim. The techniques and analysis were similarly informed by feminist and ethnographic traditions. See Appendix 3 for Focus Group Protocol. 4. A media snapshot of EMAP advocate-­‐based articles (n=13) provided by EMAP for the period 2011 – 2013 assessed against responsible reporting guidelines. The articles included in the analysis represented the total number of articles provided or able to be sourced online for the reporting period 2011 to September 2013. A thematic analysis was performed on 100% of articles available (n=13) print media articles using the combined criteria of the EVAS/VicHealth/ Victorian Police/Media and Entertainment Arts Alliance (MEAA) journalist code of conduct/International Federation of Journalists guidelines for reporting VAW/ UNESCO gender and reporting/UN development fund for women/Witness Video for change guide/Chicago taskforce media tool kit. Nineteen common items were identified from these guidelines and codes of conduct. Twelve criteria were then used to develop an EMAP’s responsible reporting criteria media analysis tool. The overall approach to the media analysis was modelled on the ‘technical report’ approach developed by Morgan & Politoff (2012) for VicHealth. 5. Survey and/or telephone interviews with EMAP media and public speaking representatives. Two short, 10 minute survey tools were developed within survey monkey and structured around key process and impact indicators for journalists and public speaking event coordinators. The surveys were administered either via email or via telephone interview according to the availability of the interviewee’s. Twenty journalists (6 provided by EMAP and 14 identified through articles or by editorial staff at local new services) were contacted by the evaluators. Three journalists chose to participate by completing the online survey, seven EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 8
agreed to participate by answering survey questions over the phone. In total 13 journalists participated in the evaluation survey and/or telephone interviews. 65% (n=15) of public speaking contacts provided by EMAP were contacted and 4 chose to participate in the online survey. 6. Literature review involving: EBSCOHost database search using key search terms; a review of the grey literature from key websites; and literature provided by EMAP. Relevant literature on ‘good practice’ or ‘transferable evidence’ was used to contextualise the evaluation findings and presented in the final report. 7. Document analysis of existing EMAP data including training evaluations, project resources, policy and procedures. A thematic analysis was performed to verify key process type indicators. The approach drew from Wharton’s (2006) social sciences approach to document analysis and data triangulation. 8. Case study to highlight how EMAP utilises media (including public speaking events) advocacy to prevent violence against women in the area of sexual assault. This involved the collation of data collected from multiple sources, including the survey of media representatives, the media analysis (i.e. n=2 sexual assault print media articles and n=2 of the 6 sexual assault public speaking transcripts provided by EMAP and advocate survey). The approach was based on Stake (2005) and Yins (2009) approach to case study development. This methodology enabled a triangulation of all the data collected and allowed the evaluators to draw conclusions about the impact of EMAP on women and media reporting. The approach integrated data-­‐
driven codes (e.g. inductive analysis allowing themes to emerge) with theory-­‐driven ones (e.g. deductive analysis using pre-­‐determined indicators). The qualitative analysis, i.e. interviews and focus groups, was performed in NViVo by grouping the information provided into themes, being prioritized according to repetition and analyzed as valuable information to be either acknowledged or addressed; whereas the quantitative data, i.e. from the surveys, were analyzed thematically using SPSS software. The media analysis of EMAP advocate-­‐based articles was analysed against responsible reporting guidelines within the NViVO platform. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 9
Overview of the Eastern Media Advocacy Project and its beginnings This section provides an overview of the Eastern Media Advocacy Project and its beginnings. The latter part of this section will provides a context in which the evaluation came about. The Eastern Media Advocacy Project (EMAP) is led by Women’s Health East (WHE) in partnership with the Eastern Centre Against Sexual Assault (ECASA) and the Eastern Domestic Violence Service (EDVOS). The project grew out of discussions that occurred at the Preventing Violence Against Women working group of the Eastern Metropolitan Region (EMR) Regional Family Violence Partnership. Jane Ashton from Women’s Domestic Violence Crisis Service (WDVCS) was invited to the working group to speak about WDVCS’s state-­‐wide media advocacy project (MAP) which works with women who have experienced violence in a family violence context. A collaborative decision was made by the working group to develop the Eastern Media Advocacy Project, modelled on the WDVCS with WHE identified as the lead for the project. It was also decided to have a separate and specific focus on women who have experienced sexual assault with support from ECASA. EDVOS offered its support for the family violence component of the project. In September 2011, WDVCS supported WHE during EMAP’s inception, including in the delivery of the initial training, and now these programs support each other with media advocacy opportunities. The development of the program, in particular the advocate training, was enabled by funding from the EMR Regional Family Violence Partnership and ECASA. EDVOS and ECASA assisted in the recruitment and screening of advocates. The delivery of the family violence training was led by WDVCS in partnership with EDVOS and WHE. The development and delivery of the sexual assault training was led by ECASA in partnership with WHE. To guide the project an EMAP Steering Committee was formed with membership reflecting the different components of the project i.e. ECASA for sexual assault and Eastern Domestic Violence Service for the family violence component. In its initial stages WDVCS also participated in the steering committee, and more recently in 2013 the steering committee was expanded to include two media advocates as a part of its membership. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 10
The project has been implemented in three distinct phases: Phase 1 -­‐ project promotion across the region, alongside recruitment and screening of family violence and sexual assault survivors from within the EMR; Phase 2 – training of advocates and EMR workers. Advocate training involved 26 women from across the Eastern region, aged 20-­‐63 across two distinct streams: 1) women who had experienced family violence and 2) women who had experienced sexual violence (with women identifying the group which held most resonance with their personal experience). The advocates training was run over 3 days and included background information on violence against women, public speaking and media skills development. Worker training targeted relevant practitioners from within the Eastern Region and focused on how to work with journalists when reporting on violence against women. Phase 3 – advertising advocates, resource development and employment of an EMAP project worker to manage media (primarily print media) and public speaking event opportunities; and to support EMAP advocates. More recently WHE has increased its focus on regional level capacity building providing additional workforce training on proactive use of the print media for the prevention of violence against women. In July 2013 WHE went to tender, alongside WDVCS, to commission an independent evaluation consultant to conduct an impact evaluation in relation to: Objective 1. Women’s experiences as advocates within EMAP; and Objective 2. Eastern metropolitan region media reporting of violence against women. The ensuing report presents the findings of this evaluation process. Statewide context of Violence Against Women and the Media. The development of EMAP should be viewed within the context of work being progressed in addressing violence against women and the media. In early 2004, The Family Violence in the News Project was established by Child & Family Services Ballarat and Pact Community Support. Concerned about the portrayal of family violence in the media, this rural partnership led to the development of three important documents: the Family Violence in the News: Media Toolkit (Thomas, 2005 Ed 1, Thomas & Owen 2010, Ed 2), and the Family Violence in the News: Strategic Framework (Owen & Thomas 2007). This work was instrumental in gaining support and funding for a range of other projects including the EVA Awards and the WVCS MAP EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 11
project both of which began in 2008. It also led to a piece of research ‘Family violence reporting: supporting the vulnerable or re enforcing their vulnerability?’ (Thomas & Green 2009) which analysed articles about family violence in five Australian newspapers over a 15 week period. Another influence on the development of media strategies to address violence against women in Victoria has been, and continues to be, the work of MindFrame at a national level into the media reporting of mental illness and suicide. EMAP, situated within a not-­‐for-­‐profit regional level health promotion agency, developed its strategies in accordance with the VicHealth primary prevention of violence against women framework and an ecological understanding of violence against women (VicHealth, 2007; VicHealth, 2011). Their work has also been informed by a University of Melbourne longitudinal study titled ‘Victorian print media coverage of violence against media’ (Politoff & Morgan, 2010). This study and associated VicHealth publications examined coverage of violence against women and trends in the portrayal of violence against women in news and print media (Politoff & Morgan, 2010; VicHealth, 2011; VicHealth, 2012). Informed by the findings of these key documents EMAP has developed a suite of regionally appropriate strategies including sector/worker training and a targeted approach to addressing media reporting of sexual violence (Flanagan & Imbriano 2012 ; VicHealth, 2011). WHE is a current member of the Victorian Cross-­‐Sector Advisory Committee on Violence Against Women & the Media. This committee, led by DV Vic, aims to provide a collaborative space to examine and support the state-­‐wide strategic coordination of activities in relation to the prevention of violence against women and the media. Achievements and reach of the project to date include: 48 public speaking activities; and 40 media outputs across print media, television and radio. More recently WHE has increased its focus on regional level capacity building providing additional workforce training (n = 1 training sessions and n = 26 participants) on proactive use of the print media for the prevention of violence against women. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 12
Best Practice: What the Literature tells us. This section summarises the background evidence that has supported the development of EMAP’s project strategies. It provides an overview of transferable evidence for understanding and framing violence against women prevention programs, survivor advocacy and media advocacy work from a public health/primary prevention perspective. It the latter part it also elucidates evidence for good practice in health promotion, survivor advocate and women’s empowerment programs. Violence against women prevention programs Since the release of seminal reports such as VicHealth’s (2004) The Health Costs of Violence and the WHO (2005) Multi-­country Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence Against Women there has been a proliferation of prevention of violence against women (PVAW) programs across Australia. These reports highlighted the need for multi-­‐sectorial approaches to enable interagency prevention action at global, regional and local levels (WHO 2005 VicHealth 2004). VicHealth (2006), a leading health promotion organisation in Victoria, called for primary prevention strategies (e.g. strategies to prevent violence before it occurs) to complement current intervention efforts to support those affected by violence. VicHealth’s (2006) framework for strategies to prevent VAW and its consequences has guided the development of programs across Victoria. The framework suggested three prevention levels: •
Intervention e.g. strategies implemented after violence has occurred, to deal with the violence, prevent its consequences and ensure it doesn’t happen again. •
Early intervention e.g. strategies targeted towards individuals and groups who exhibit early signs of violent behaviour or being subject to violence; strategies to change behaviour or increase the skills of individuals and groups. •
Primary prevention e.g. preventing violence before it occurs by changing environments so they are safer for women, building the skills and knowledge of individuals or changing behaviour. Such interventions do not necessarily have a focus on violence but address its underlying causes e.g. gender inequality. VicHealth (2006) advises basing the primary prevention approach along similar lines to anti-­‐smoking and speeding campaigns i.e. a whole of community approach (VicHealth, 2006). Within the VicHealth (2007) prevention framework for action, promoting equal and non-­‐violent relationships among women and men as well as non-­‐violent norms is prioritised. Actions at the individual, group, organisational, community and society level are identified along with priority population groups (e.g. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 13
women, women with disabilities, CALD communities); evidence-­‐based strategies (e.g. advocacy, communication and social marketing) and priority settings (e.g. media and popular culture, health and cyberspace and new technologies) (VicHealth, 2009). Role of the media in violence against women The power of the media cannot be under-­‐estimated in influencing community attitudes toward public health issues including violence against women (Politoff & Morgan, 2010). This is due to the media continuing to play a significant role in setting and framing the public agenda (Wallack, 1996; Wallack, Woodruff, Dorfman, Diaz, 1999). According to VicHealth (2012) ‘media coverage of violence against women offers an important contribution to public understanding of this social issue. Newspapers are far-­reaching and authoritative sources of information, and a key source of public information. The relationship between media, knowledge, public opinion and policy is complex, but there is little doubt that media coverage matters’. Internationally, The Commission on the Status of Women (2004) and UN Division for the Advancement of Women (2008) has also pointed to the media as the vehicle through which public attitudes towards VAW could be changed. The Commission (2004) believes this can be done by disseminating information to the public on women’s rights and the remedies available for violations of those rights through the media. The use of wide-­‐ranging media has proved to be an effective tool for promoting the type of large-­‐scale social changes required. Numerous studies and literature reviews have been conducted internationally and in Australia that demonstrate how VAW is represented in the media (Genovesi, Donaldson, Morrison & Olson, 2009; Politoff & Morgans , 2010). The overarching theme is that when family violence and sexual assault is reported within the media, its serious nature is often minimised, and this in turn diminishes the status of women (Politoff & Morgan, 2010; VicHealth 2006; Wallack et al, 1999). According to McManus et al (2005) in applying a feminist critique, whether intentional or not, family violence was covered ‘less frequently, representatively and with less depth than other kinds of crime’. More recently Morgans & Politoff (2012) longitudinal study of Victorian print media coverage of violence against women found the reporting of VAW by the print media was much less problematic than that included in previous international studies. However Morgan and Politoff (2012) did identify EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 14
several areas still requiring improvement, including: individualising the problem; lack of information about support services; emphasis on stranger danger; sensationalising and/or making the issue mundane; the non-­‐use of women survivor advocates as commentators on the issue; and lack of context for sexual violence. Sexual assault and the media Sexual assault has been connected to the desensitisation that occurs through the portrayal of violence in the media and popular culture. Sexual assault is currently understood as an act of violence that reflects the unequal power between men and women. The literature also emphasises cultural and social factors that contribute to a society that condones sexual assault and VAW. Several studies have demonstrated a connection between men’s exposure to extreme violence on film and a decreasing ability to empathise with real victims and an evaluation of female victims of sexual assault as being less significant (Miedzian, 1993). Images of masculinity and femininity in the media are also thought to encourage the association of masculinity with ‘violence, dominance and power’ (The Advocates for Human Rights, 2010). Theorists have also argued that the media contributes to the perpetuation of sexual assault through the commodification of women’s bodies. In a western society were, youth, in particular men, are bombarded by a culture that sexualises commodities and commodifies women’s bodies, the resulting messages are 1) sex is something to be consumed and men are entitled to it; and 2) sex is something that can brought and sold and therefore taking it by force is theft not a violation (The Advocates for Human Rights, 2010; Medzian, 1993; Baker, 1997). In 2008 the UN Division for the Advancement of Women stated Media representations significantly influence societal perceptions of acceptable behaviour and attitudes. Training journalists and other media personnel on women’s human rights and route causes of VAW may influence the way in which the issue is reported and thereby influence societal attitudes (UN, 2008). Since then, there have been a number of media advocacy projects designed to achieve this goal. Take Back the News (2001-­‐2009) is one example of a media advocacy project that was implemented to confront the misrepresentation and under-­‐representation of sexual assault in mainstream media. Its aims were to improve both the quantity and quality of media coverage of sexual assault and to raise awareness about sexual assault in order to foster greater dialogue and greater public responsibility. The project provided survivors of sexual assault with an outlet to publish their stories in their own words. Other core strategies included training local community activists to review and respond to EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 15
media representation of sexual assault and distribution of resources to support media advocacy within print newspaper and related events. (Take Back The News, 2007). However, the evaluation of such sexual violence media advocacy projects and associated violence against women primary prevention initiatives is a relatively new science and there is little evidence to demonstrate effectiveness to support best practice approaches. Across the literature, there is a gap in the evaluation of community-­‐ and societal-­‐level strategies to prevent both family and sexual violence (Casey & Lindhorst, 2009; DeGue et al., 2012; VicHealth, 2007). As such it has been necessary to transfer knowledge from other public health media advocacy projects to support strategy development with the EMAP. Media as a strategy The media, ‘may not tell people what to think but it certainly tells people what to think about’ (Wallack , Dorfman, Jernigan & Themba, 1993). Agenda setting theory and associated media advocacy research argue that ‘by reporting on some issues and not others, the mass media influence what issues people think about and how they think about them’ (Caburnay et al, 2003). In this way the media influence not just the discussion of an issue but the boundaries and context around the issue as well (Wallack & Dorfman, 1996, Wallack et al, 1999). The structure of news stories or news framing, which is the persistent pattern by which the media organise and presents the news, can be problematic for public health advocacy. News stories are frequently presented as ‘the event not the underlying condition; the person, not the group; conflict, not the consensus; the fact that advances the story, not the one that explains it’ (Gitlin 1980 cited in Dorfman et al, 2005). Various studies suggest that public health issues are rarely portrayed in the news in ways that encourage audiences to comprehend the underlying causes of problems or their potential solutions. Health stories, similar to other news, reinforce values of individualism and personal responsibility that feed dominant socio-­‐cultural perspectives (Dorfman et al, 2005; McLoughlin & Fennel, 2000; Perkis et al, 2006). Without appropriate framing, the representation of preconditions and determinants of health is problematic within news coverage. In an analysis of 600 articles from the Dutch press it was found that: representations of the determinants of health are largely incompatible with etiological assumptions of health promotion; substantial attention is given to medically related determinants themes; very few articles contain behaviour as determinants themes; most articles cite one authority EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 16
only and there are low rates of non-­‐health professionals i.e. such as advocates/survivors; individual determinants are more frequently reported than social determinants; and vulnerability by social economic status, race and ethnicity is mentioned in very few articles (Commers et al. 2000). These issues have encouraged public health and health promotion practitioners to develop strategies to work more broadly with media to address the systematic and underlying determinants of many health concerns. Working within a media setting involves intentionally positioning an issue within a societal context to generate discussion through the mass media. Public health media advocacy is recognised as an effective strategy to achieve this (Wallack et al, 1993). Media advocacy within public health – health promotion Media advocacy represents a fundamental change from traditional public information and social marketing approaches as it purposefully uses the media as a political tool to target and pressure policymakers for social change and to mobilize widespread support to reinforce this pressure (Wallack & Dorfman 1996). In media advocacy, the desired outcome is the ability of community members to be heard and to exercise influence over the policy environment. This differs from social marketing where the message is the product and the media is the vehicle to deliver it (Wallack & Dorfman, 1996). Although contemporary social marketing does engage communities in diverse ways it still essentially reflects a belief that the key problem is the information gap; if people just had the right information, then they would behave in a healthy manner. Media advocacy, on the other hand, defines the basic problem as a power gap. Media advocacy addresses this power gap by working with groups to develop skills to exert more influence on the process of developing public policies. By gaining access to the media and framing public health problems from a public policy perspective, community groups can apply pressure strategically to key decision makers, (Wallack & Dorfman, 1996). ‘It stimulates authentic voices, advocates who can legitimately speak from the perspective of those most affected by the issue or policy (Wallack & Dorfman, 1996)’. From a health promotion perspective, media advocacy simultaneously facilitates individual and community level empowerment through strengthening community action. As such media advocacy in public health and health promotion practice is characterised by an emphasis on: linking public health and social problems to inequities; changing public policy rather than personal behaviour; focus on reaching opinion leaders and policy makers rather than those who have the problem; working with groups to increase participation and amplify their voices; and reducing the power gap rather than filling the information gap (Dorfman, 2003). EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 17
Much of the documented evidence about public health media advocacy challenges and strategies is within the literature on health behaviours and/or campaigns against harmful products e.g. tobacco, alcohol, fast food. In a U.S.A study of 1373 articles that addressed diet, physical activity or tobacco, it was found that few were prominently located in the paper, and only half had a primary prevention focus. A large majority had no local angle, local quotes or call to action for individuals or the community, and only 10% were generated by local reporters (Caburnay et al, 2003). This study found that in smaller communities, local media subsystems and the local newspaper can be valuable and influential community resource. This study also highlighted the crucial role of a particular style of news reporting called ‘civic journalism’ (also known as advocacy journalism)(Caburnay et al, 2003). This type of journalism is thought to facilitate partnerships between journalists, public health advocates and the community and in turn motivate the community to engage in solving community problems (Caburnay et al, 2003). Impact of Responsible Reporting Guidelines Suicide reporting is an issue that has relevance to public health media advocacy strategy development and the reporting of ‘sensitive issues’. In a U.S.A study of violent death reporting within 56 newspapers it was found that newspaper articles are much more likely to report on deaths from homicide compared to deaths from suicide. The importance of the disproportionate newspaper reporting is the effect it has on the public perception of community health needs (Genovesi et al 2010). The over-­‐reporting of homicide may lead to the public being concerned with crime and assault rather than being aware of the magnitude of suicide in the community. This study found deaths from suicide were not reported in a wider public health frame and lacked prevention and referral information (Genovesi et al 2010). Jamieson et al (2003 cited in Genovesi et al 2010) found in a similar study that less than 50% of suicides reported in newspapers included any information on the context or causal factors and less than 10% mentioned mental health issues as a potential contributor. Beyond resource and time limitations and media culture, other reasons why suicides are thought to be under-­‐reported include: social stigma attached to the victim and their family and/or fear of copycat behaviour if suicide details are too extensive. This is despite several studies having found a decrease in suicides when the media followed suicide-­‐reporting guidelines (Gould et al, 2009 cited in Genovesi et al, 2010). Etzersdorfer and Sonneck (1998) compared the number of attempted and completed suicides in the Vienna underground railway system between 1980-­‐1986 and found that completed and attempted suicides were significantly higher when media coverage was sensational compared to EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 18
when responsible reporting was adopted. In a follow up study Niederkrotenthaler and Sonneck (2007) found the drop in attempted and completed suicides had been sustained since the guidelines on responsible reporting of suicidal acts were introduced and adhered to. Alcohol Advertising also has particular salience for public health media advocacy. During the early 1990s the Dangerous Promises campaign, (set up by the Trauma foundation in San Francisco and the Los Angeles commission on assaults against women), successfully lobbied American alcohol companies to adopt a code of ethics to curb their sexist, derogatory or commodifying imagery of women to advertise their products (Woodruff, 1996). Recognizing the challenge was akin to a ‘David and Goliath battle’ the campaign organisers used media advocacy initiatives as the central component of the campaign to pressure the alcohol industry into adopting their code of ethics (Woodruff, 1996). The campaign argued the cumulative effect of sexist alcohol advertisements fostered an environment in which women are less likely to be taken seriously and alcohol was seen to grant permission to engage in or condone a range of abusive behaviours towards women. This argument was supported by 64% of women who reported that their partners were violent when they were drinking alcohol and at least half of all ‘acquaintance rape’ reportedly involved alcohol. In summary the key elements that contributed to the success of this campaign and hence can be considered as transferable evidence include: 1. Start With Community Advocacy. Media advocacy combines the power of the media with the legitimacy of community advocacy. If an effort is not rooted in the true concerns of the community, not only will it fail to compel community members, but journalists will also find the goals and spokespeople less credible. Media advocacy is not a strategy used alone but rather a tool for advocates who want to magnify their efforts via the power of the media. 2. Focus on Public (not individual) Health. To be successful media advocacy must highlight the public (aka community) health perspective of news stories. This means emphasizing the broader social and economic context of problems rather than focusing solely on the individuals with the problem. Similarly, it means promoting change through shared responsibility and public policy rather than putting the burden on individuals to change behaviors. 3. Set the Agenda. Numerous studies have illustrated the mass media’s powerful agenda-­‐setting effect, i.e. the more coverage a topic receives, the more likely it is to be a concern of the general public. To raise a particular issue on the public consciousness, media advocates must focus the media’s attention on their issue and maintain media interest over time. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 19
4. Gain Access. To get journalists to cover their issues, media advocates observe the conventions of newsworthiness. A story will be covered only to the extent that journalists perceive it to be controversial, timely, relevant, in the public’s interest, or in line with one of several other criteria of ‘newsworthiness’. Gaining access to the media often involves calling journalists’ attention to the aspects of the story that meet these criteria. 5. Reframe the Debate. Once advocates have the media’s attention, their task is to reframe the dominant view of health problems from one of individual matters to one of public issues. Role of survivor advocates in media advocacy The use of survivor advocates, including survivor advocates who have experienced family violence and/or sexual assault, in the media is an emerging trend. As such there is little documented evidence that demonstrates the explicit benefits for, and impacts on a) the survivor advocate and b) community attitudes, of programs that use VAW survivor advocate-­‐based approach to media advocacy. Indeed, there is a dearth of peer-­‐reviewed evidence to demonstrate the health impacts for survivor advocates of participating in media advocacy. That said the use of survivor advocates as a vehicle for promoting primary prevention messages within public health and health promotion practice is well established. Survivor advocates have been used as ‘an authentic source of messages’ and to support attitudinal and behaviour change in the areas of injury prevention (e.g. road traffic injuries), cancer early detection and prevention (e.g. breastcancer) alcohol, and gambling campaigns (e.g. the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundations 2013, 100 days Challenge). McLoughlin & Fennell (2000), demonstrate how survivorship was used constructively through the mobilization of their advocacy to influence change at policy and regulatory levels. After living through the experience of being locked in a car boot survivor Janette Fennelle, successfully worked with prevention experts to change government policy in relation to car manufacturing. Fennell’s advocacy work led to the mandating of trunk releases mechanisms in all new cars as well as retrofitting older cars. Key to the success of the Fennell advocacy campaign were: 1. Problem definition: The TRUNC program used the Fennell experience as the ‘hook’ to generate coverage of the issue. 2. Becoming an expert: In the absence of readily available data and information Fennell became the expert on the issue and was therefore able to steer discussion towards the issue and away from her personal experience. 3. Selecting an appropriate intervention: Working with prevention experts, a simple inexpensive remedy to the issue was developed. Their focused approach further enabled them to link the EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 20
events with the solution and reorient the media attention to the solution (i.e. the trunk release mechanism) rather than her personal story. 4. Targeted and controlled media exposure: By managing their media exposure they were able to control their message and capitalise on the scale of the mass media they worked with. In this way Fennell was able to reframe her personal story from one of ‘freak horror story’ to a prevention message that could not be ignored by car manufacturers, policy makers and importantly the community. Cancer survivor advocacy Prior to1980 breast cancer was poorly understood and rarely discussed. This began to change when women with international profiles (e.g. Betty Ford and Nancy Reagan), began speaking publicly about the personal impact of the disease (Braun, 2003). Their stories and the attention they were able to attract achieved two things: •
Increased awareness of breast cancer and made it more acceptable to talk about it publicly; and •
The instigation of a movement that has achieved greater awareness, discussion, debate, research, and changes in clinical practice that have significantly improved health outcomes for women with breast cancer. During the 1980s cancer peer support programs lead to an advocacy movement that has had positive impacts for the health and well being of cancer survivors as well as improved, awareness, understanding, clinical research and public policy about cancer. Clark and Stovall (1996) argue that successful survivorship that has focused on building skills and competencies has lead to self-­‐advocacy. Key competencies that enable this include, information seeking skills, communication skills, problem solving skills and negotiation skills. These then become a suite of competencies that enable cancer survivors to advocate for themselves as well as for others. In this context Clark and Stovall (1996), see advocacy as a continuum that begins at a personal level but has the potential to broaden to group, community and public policy advocacy efforts. Braun (2003) argues survivor advocates (celebrity and non-­‐celebrity) have been central to the success and proliferation of breast cancer advocacy programs. Breast cancer survivor advocates have been utilized in: EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 21
1. Priming the market: Survivors that have shared their stories have created the foundations for public discussion of breast cancer. 2. Engaging consumers: Survivors have been included in public education programs, e.g. to elucidate early signs, promote mammography and encourage women to engage in self-­‐
examinations. 3. Establishing political advocacy: Survivors took their stories and key messages to businesses, government and scientific communities to engage them in their cause. 4. Mainstreaming advocacy: Survivors established a strong enough base for ongoing efforts (nationally and internationally) in the future. The importance of survivors in this last step has seen significant changes in community understanding, awareness of, treatment, and early intervention of breast cancer. Along the continuum of advocacy the needs of survivor advocates evolve from support to enable their own survivorship through to support to enable their role as an advocate (Clark and Stovall, 1996). The further a survivor advocate moves along the continuum the more diverse the advocacy community become. In this context an advocacy community includes survivors and people with technical advocacy skills i.e. researchers and health professionals working together. The impact of these ‘joined up’ advocacy efforts have been demonstrated in the breast cancer movement i.e. where the impact of advocacy efforts have been multiplied (Clarke and Stovall, 1996). The breast cancer example highlights that when survivors are adequately supported and empowered in their advocacy roles, they are able to maximise the ‘power of their personal stories’ to engage the public with health and social justice issues (Leigh, 1994). The stark contrasts in knowledge, awareness and understanding of other cancers highlights the potential power of effective media advocacy along with the narrow cast approach of the media. That the success of the breast cancer advocacy movement has not been translated across the spectrum of cancers (Kromm, Smith & Singer, 2007, McKensie, Chapman, Geechan and Holding, 2010) demonstrates the impact of the ‘silo’ approach to issues taken by the media. Kromm, Smith & Singer (2007), conducted a thematic content analysis of print news articles of ‘non-­‐celebrity’ cancer survivors in 15 leading national daily newspapers in North America and found that overall news coverage involving survivors of breast and prostate cancers (the two cancers with the most established advocacy communities behind them) received the greatest attention. Similarly in Australia, McKensie et al (2010) found breast cancer received 13 times the number of media reports compared to colorectal cancer. DoHA (2010) has noted the importance of mass media coverage, particularly those that involve a celebrity survivor in increasing public awareness of certain cancers. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 22
This demonstrates not just the impact of survivor voices but also the necessity of them to help facilitate media coverage (Kromm, Smith & Singer, 2007). This is exemplified by the lack of attention given to bowel cancer that has struggled to attract celebrity and or survivor advocates to work with the media (McKensie, et al, 2010). A negative consequence of this has been that the public perception is that colon cancer is more rare than breast or prostrates cancer (DoHA, 2010). McKensie et al (2010) argue the significant difference in media attention between different cancer advocacy programs can be attributed to the celebrity ‘hook’ or celebrity survivor that is able to attract media attention. This literature highlights both the barriers and enablers of survivor advocacy in the media as well as demonstrating the powerful role the media has in influencing public knowledge and concerns. In summary, the key transferable messages gleaned about media advocacy and survivor advocates within the public health literature relevant to the current project strategies are summarised below: •
The purpose of media advocacy needs to be clearly articulated and understood; •
Each media engagement needs to have a clear goal and plan for how to achieve the goal; •
Each media opportunity needs to be considered for the opportunities it presents including the scope of the publication/ broadcast, potential audience, syndication and online availability (ie online versions, and incorporation into social media); •
Key messages need to be clear and readily able to be incorporated into interviews and other media engagements; •
Survivors need to have a clear understanding of and ability to articulate their messages to media; •
Media opportunities need to be considered in terms of their reach and impact; and individuals within the media need to be assertively encouraged (by establish direct and indirect relationships) to take interest in and support the issues being discussed. •
Media advocacy needs to be ongoing and always looking for new opportunities. Evidence for best practice in survivor advocate empowerment Empowerment is a health concept that is central to public health – health promotion practice and consequently women’s health programs. Empowerment is conceptualised as both a process (i.e. set of strategies) and outcome (i.e. improvement in health status) within health promotion programs. Empowerment strategies within health promotion programs are directed at the individual, organisational and community level and include the practices of enabling, mediating and advocating. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 23
At the level of individuals, empowerment draws upon psychological theories including locus of control theory and concepts of self-­‐efficacy derived from social learning theory (Keleher 2007). Empowering health teaching practice in health promotion work is characterised by empowering behaviours i.e. validating, affirming, linking self to others, solution seeking and empowering attitudes i.e. non-­‐judgemental, empathetic, belief in a person’s abilities (Keleher 2007). Empowerment interventions that include group dialogue, collective action, advocacy, leadership training and transfer of power to participants are thought to be the most effective in improving individual and community health status, addressing the determinants of health and reducing health disparities within the broader community (Keleher 2007). Given the centrality of empowerment in health promotion and women’s health work the following section will highlight transferable evidence that supports the design of EMAP strategies. The literature on women, advocacy and empowerment highlight practice strategies that enable survivors of violence to benefit from and participate in social change initiatives. Parsons (2001) study of domestic violence and advocacy groups highlighted the importance of the environment or ‘context’ for the development of advocacy competence. This study highlighted the importance of: a safe environment in which women could join with others who share common experiences that may have been devaluing and demoralising; facilitating opportunities for interaction and for sharing common experiences e.g. where comfort can be gained from knowing one is not alone in the experience; the presence of support e.g. being nurtured, trusted, encouraged, and challenged; the experience of feeling accepted e.g. understood and not being judged and able to ‘come out’; being validated in their experience e.g. confirmed, being heard and learning they were not crazy; and the presence of interdependence and assuming responsibility for the wellbeing of each other e.g. collective support and mutual aid (Parsons 2001). According to Parsons (2001) these conditions allow women’s acceptance of themselves and encourage them to be less blaming of and to believe in themselves. Parsons (2001) study also demonstrated the practice strategies or interventions that helped women to develop competence and change. They included: the opportunity to have a voice; receiving support; learning about social problems; having an advocate and being an advocate; having helping professionals and peers who believe in them; having to make own decisions and take risks; being confronted and challenged; having and being a role model; and trying out new behaviours and skills (Parsons 2001). ‘The opportunity to work and learn in mutual relationships with others was essential for participants. It EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 24
gave them the courage and skills to act collectively for social change and justice, not just for themselves but for the good of others’ (Parson 2001). Similarly, Brown and Ziefert (1988) development model for primary prevention demonstrates that sexual assault survivors can use the knowledge and awareness gained from crisis intervention and self-­‐help as a platform for growth in social competence and empowerment. They highlight the significance of group membership in facilitating movement from the more reflective stages of personal healing to the more active stages of competence and empowerment. This competence has to do with the skills of the individual and the opportunity to structure their environment. In facilitating women’s development, change efforts need to target the individual e.g. modifying belief systems, removing emotional blocks and learning new skills. These skills are also identified by Clarke and Stovall (1996) in the breast cancer literature as critical elements of survivorship. Environmental change efforts need to ensure increased support, increased access to valued social roles and the creation of new social roles. The final stage in the journey is empowerment where individual and collective action by women on behalf of women to confront institutional victimisation of women occurs. Empowerment is the stage where women begin to confront the environmental sources of stress with the goal of social change. ‘It can only be accomplished through joining together with others with common concerns and needs. Without the skills learned in dealing with private issues and the unity and strength developed in the group context, empowerment is difficult’ (Brown and Ziefert 1988). Brown and Ziefert (1988) found that the crucial variable which allows group members to use their new competence in their personal lives and to empower themselves to act for change is an enabler or group facilitator. From a health promotion perspective, these studies demonstrate psycho-­‐social health benefits and the empowerment of women through core strategies of personal skill development and strengthening community action. They demonstrated the utility of appropriate ‘empowerment strategies’ and the potential for an ‘outcome of empowerment’ for individual women and groups of women involved as survivors in PVAW/VAW advocacy projects. The above review of literature and transferable evidence provides a context for the EMAP project and the strategies they have engaged. In ensuing sections of this report, the literature is used to support the analysis of key findings and the development of recommendations. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 25
Evaluation Findings This section is structured under subheadings that correspond with the 5 evaluation questions. It tells the story of key impacts and processes and contains narratives, quotes and qualitative analysis. Each section draws on a raft of the data that was collected (e.g. surveys, interviews etc). At the end of each major section the findings are briefly discussed in relation to the literature along with key recommendation. A two page ‘indicative’ case study that illuminates key project impacts and processes is embedded at the end of this section. Survivor Advocates Three overarching evaluation questions informed the assessment of impact of the EMAP for women participating as survivor advocates (including any benefits and challenges). In the following section the key findings for each question are presented. Evaluation Question 1 – EMAP Enabling Advocacy Evaluation question 1 was: To what extent has the EMAP enabled advocates (Group 1 – family violence) and (Group 2-­ sexual assault) to undertake public speaking and work with the media? This question was answered through advocate surveys, interviews, a focus group and a review of training evaluations. Whilst there were some pre-­‐determined evaluation indicators (e.g. perceived confidence in media engagement) the approach prioritised ‘lived experience’. As such, the key findings are presented as a narrative and describe the nature of as well as context for advocate media experiences. The survey, interviews and focus group confirmed that EMAP had enabled advocates to undertake public speaking and work with the media. These media experiences where primarily print media and public speaking engagements but also spanned radio, television and social media. According to the survey (Q19), four respondents had done between 2-­‐5 media activities, one respondent 2-­‐5 times, one more than 10 times. However, three of the nine survey respondents had not undertaken any media advocacy citing reasons of illness, travel and court proceedings. This statement by advocate 3 highlights the reason why media advocacy work is not always appropriate or timely EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 26
I haven’t participated in any media interviews or anything because I’m in the middle of court proceedings and he’s threatening defamation of character. The survey (Q22) indicated the tendency for either ‘positive’ or ‘extremely positive experience’ with both media and public speaking events. For example, advocate 2 in speaking about her experience with a major newspaper found them to be ..helpful and sympathetic and just really nice. So I’ve had absolutely no problem at all. Advocate 6 in speaking of her experience of a local newspaper found it quite good…it was a man that was interviewing and he was very sensitive. Advocate 4 in speaking about her experience of a public speaking event experience stated sometimes are a bit harder than others but any time I’ve done one I’ve felt very prepared, felt well supported by staff of WHE. And always felt really welcomed by the event and by the people at events I’ve gone to. So it’s always just been incredibly positive.. for days I’m thinking wow, that was fabulous and how amazing that I could get up in front of people and share and make a difference in some way. Perceived confidence in media and public speaking activities was another key theme confirmed within the survey (Q16,17,18) and interviews. The advocates perceived degree of confidence with ability to tell their story to journalist and/or public speaking event was confirmed in the survey (Q16) with the average confidence for both being ‘quite confident’. In reporting on her feelings of confidence advocate 2 stated I got a heap of help from WHE, to talk about my key messages, they didn’t tell me what I could say, because I got so much briefing from the course.. so I just felt really confident going into the interview room. The following statements demonstrate advocate confidence in media and public speaking activities highlighting where they attribute their confidence emanating from: Support and encouragement from the project co-­ordinator (advocate 1) Every opportunity I’ve had I’ve felt very supported by the program and by WHE so it’s been a very positive experience for me (advocate 2) I felt confident to manage the media because of the training (survey respondent) EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 27
The project co-­‐ordinators pre-­‐briefing input to my speech, help me shaping it.. resulted in me feeling very confident when I got up to speak, that what I am about to say I can have confidence in (advocate 4) The wider women’s health network has done really well in helping the media understand that they’ve got to be sensitive with women and not ask them damning question (advocate 4) Several of the advocates explained that this was contrary to their expectations I just sort of imagined that they’d be going why did you stay, and blaming me. It was nothing like that at all (advocate 2) The above statement also gives voice to another theme emerging from both the survey and interviews around sensitive and accurate reporting. I was so impressed with the way that they [media] deal with this arena… Her experience was that they always give you a draft and an opportunity to reword or withdraw content. She rewrote it and sent it back to him.. and he said “no problem”. They don’t quibble, they don’t argue, they don’t test you or make you feel guilty, they just take it out and I am so incredibly please with that. I haven’t had anything that I’ve thought “Damn it, I’ll never do this again because they didn’t listen to me” I’ve always had a really positive experience. (advocate 5) This experience may in part explain why in the survey (Q18) that the advocates felt ‘somewhat’, ‘quite’ or ‘extremely confident’ in their ability to motivate journalists to promote accurate and sensitive reporting. Despite ‘no negative impacts on confidence’ being reported in the survey, the interviews revealed several challenges or discomforts associated with media experiences. Advocate 1 found ..after you give the speech, somehow psychologically we are not that well.. that is one of the difficult parts, because in the back of our mind we are still wondering how people will see us. Advocate 4’s experience was …that night I remember getting ready for bed and I felt quite anxious, and I don’t normally feel anxious, I couldn’t work out why and then I realised that it was as a result of having spoken and put myself out there that day. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 28
One advocate felt they didn’t get the right debriefing support, they were told no you didn’t cover that and you should have”, there is no should and I’ve had that experience so I’ve sort of shifted away from it a little bit as a result of that’ (advocate 4). Two advocates spoke of uncomfortable experiences at a public speaking event. They attributed this primarily to inadequate briefing and/or briefing of the audience. The latter point speaks directly to the idea that several of the advocates raise in relation to perceived confidence and the importance of feeling like I am in control. Beyond EMAP staff support and training (‘process themes’ which are explored in question 3 below), the interviews and focus group revealed that the extent to which the advocates could participate in media advocacy work was also determined by where they were on their personal journey. One advocate reported needing to go to ground after a media activity, another was further along and hence was eager to do media advocacy more regularly. However perhaps the most overwhelming sentiment was, regardless of the frequency of their media activities, the EMAP had assisted all the advocates in one way or another move forward on their personal journey. That is, advocates testified to experiencing positive personal and/or social impacts. The nature and scope of these impacts are explored in question 2 below. Finally though, whether there was a significant difference in ‘extent of enabling’, ‘perceived confidence’ or ‘positive media experiences’ between family violence (Group 1 – family violence) or sexual assault (Group 2) advocates was not determined. Whilst 3 of the 9 survey respondents identified as sexual assault advocates, unfortunately none of these advocates were available to participate in the interviews or focus group. Evaluation Question 2 -­ Impacts on advocates Key evaluation question 2 was: What are the personal and/or social impacts described by the advocates arising from participation in EMAP? This question was answered through the advocate survey, interviews and the focus group. Survey question [15] considered 14 pre-­‐determined ‘personal impact’ indicators. Of these indicators ‘validation of experience’ rated highest, followed by ‘belief in self to achieve a goal’, ‘sense of EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 29
contributing to social change’ and then ‘self-­‐confidence’ and ‘feelings of self-­‐worth’. ‘Sense of control and autonomy’ was another positive impact of advocates’ involvement with EMAP and was qualified by this comment it has allowed me to not to feel ashamed or as scared of my ex-­husband and father who both assaulted me. I have learned to stand up for myself and that I have an opinion (survey respondent). The remaining 8 indicators were spread across the spectrum of ‘neutral’ or ‘positive impacts’. ‘Social support and connections’, ‘relationships’ and ‘physical health and wellbeing’ were primary positive or neutral but rated the lowest. ‘Physical health and wellbeing’ was the only indicator where one advocate had experienced a ‘negative impact’. However, there was no comment made regarding the nature and extent of this negative impact. Below several of the key impacts on advocates are highlighted using women’s quotes. ‘Validation of experience’ was a common theme throughout the interviews and focus group. For instance, advocate 2 said it really helped to bolster my feeling that it wasn’t my fault, because after being in a violent relationship, especially with someone who’ also emotionally violent, they’re telling you it’s your fault and you’re doing it, and then taking part in the program, I just finally began to see that no it wasn’t me. It was his choice to act like that and its part of a wider problem with society. An advocate in the focus group stated psychologically, I was being affirmed that I’m sane, not crazy in some way… hearing other women who have been in it for many years, to tell you that it’s the truth is quite reassuring. I think you can go for counselling or other sorts of programmes; you won’t get that insight. Advocate 3 stated I found it quite empowering to have my experience validated and feel like you’re not the only one who’s been through difficult things and just the strengthening sort of thing. It strengthens your resolve to fight back and to stand up for women’s rights and for families and children and not just accept the societal norms at the moment. As is evidenced from the latter quote, and in addition to confirming several other key positive personal impacts within the survey, the interviews revealed for some women a sense of empowerment. Advocate 6 stated EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 30
I feel it’s empowered me. I’m feeling much more passionate about family violence, and the fact that it needs to have more people fighting the cause against family violence. For advocate 2, it gave me a sense of getting over it a bit. I wouldn’t say completely over it, but it really helped in giving me a sense of power back and being able to talk about it and not feel ashamed. Several of the advocates spoke about how EMAP has helped them on their journey of recovery. Advocate 5 believes the program should continue on because it’s a great opportunity for women who have experienced domestic violence, for ones that want to do it, to grow, it’s a personal growth mechanism. In the focus group one advocate said just being in the program helps us in the way of coping with our recovery journey a bit, because we are not alone. These experiences support the findings of survey question [15], i.e. for the majority of the advocates, their involvement with EMAP has had a positive impact on their mental health and wellbeing. The latter part of this quote also speaks to another key impact (Q15) e.g. social support and connections and subsequently insights into the ‘social impacts’ component of evaluation question 2. Reduced sense of isolation and social support was a key positive social impacts highlighted within interviews and focus group and which advocates attributed to their involvement in the program. Advocate 1 stated the sharing has been good and you can see everyone after their recovery, they have been doing something positive for the community. So it’s good we benefit from the program… its mutual support as well as encouraging each other as we move on with our lives. Several advocates spoke of the training as the platform for social inclusion and connectedness. Advocate 3 stated I found the training great. I thought it was good to connect with other women from various walks of life and all their different stories. Advocate 2 believes it was nice to get extra support with people that know what you’re going through. After the training, advocate 3 started up a Facebook group to just connect in with some of the other ladies who were doing the program with me. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 31
For most of the advocates though, the social support and connection (e.g. friendships and extra support for survivorship) were nice but not essential. Advocate 6 said I’m pretty happy doing things on my own, I don’t feel I need to have support, but they have been very supportive though. The focus group participants voiced similar opinions, for example, it is nice catching up but would I have said that I needed it? No. This theme was also supported by responses to survey question [7] where ‘build connections with other survivors’ was found to the least motivating factor for becoming an EMAP advocate. Rather their motivation to participate and desire for social support from other EMAP advocates centred on fulfilling their role as a PVAW advocate rather than regular support for survivorship. For many of the participants involved in the evaluation, the EMAP was perceived as a platform for sharing experiences of advocacy, developing PVAW advocacy competencies and extending opportunities for advocacy through the ‘group experience’ with other EMAP women. This theme also emerged inductively as ‘recommendations for the future of the EMAP’ in the context of ‘other issues’ that interview and focus group participants wanted to raise. Sense of contribution and/or renewed purpose was also reported within the interviews and focus group. Advocate 1 said I think what I’m doing and hopefully I’m successful in getting done, will help the next generation in some way. So the men know to respect women and eventually we can put a stop to family violence. Advocate 3 stated definitely something that came out of EMAP, just feeling like I actually do have a voice and I can make myself heard and I have a right to be heard. Advocate 6 believes it’s definitely changed the direction of my life, and I feel my purpose. I feel like I earned my role to educate and to reduce family violence… I’m looking at doing social work, or getting in to the police force and working in family violence. So it’s definitely affected my goals. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 32
Another related but unanticipated impact that emerged was that as a result of participating in the EMAP, these women felt that they had become an advocate for life. This was experienced as a legacy at a personal and social level. Advocate 5 stated it’s not just for the times that their gigs [media activities] on…the gig doesn’t just last for the time that your air it, it’s out there in the market place….once an advocate, always an advocate. All of the focus group participants concurred with this idea providing anecdotes of where their sense of responsibility as an advocate extended into their personal life, e.g. supporting friends and family in their journey, and social life, e.g. assisting colleagues or members of their community to understand or escape violence. This focus group participants quotes encapsulates the theme: what I’ve found is when you tell people you’ve become an advocate and you are a survivor of family violence… you get friends friend’s, friends relatives who are in that situation that they want you to speak with them. And I think on a personal level, that is where we actually make the most impact of advocacy because you are out there really helping people who are struggling. Whilst primarily articulate as being positive, implicit to the women’s experiences was that sometimes they were left exposed or were confronted in their ongoing role as advocate for life. Advocate 5 said it’s always there now, once you step out of your comfort zone, it’s out there, so it just can be a bit confronting. In talking about confronting community attitudes, e.g. ‘why did she stay’ one advocate also talked about keeping your own self-­esteem, it’s difficult, but I will get there. A consideration for EMAP articulated by this focus group participant, is that the support needs to be ongoing, they can’t just move from advocate to advocate and not realise that they’ve still got to support the ones that were there on the first day. Evaluation question 2 also sort to ascertain whether there were any negative impacts on the health and wellbeing of advocates resulting from their participation in the EMAP. Whilst there were no long-­‐
term harmful impacts identified, there were cases of episodic or short-­‐term psychological impacts that centred around media and public speaking exposure e.g. anxiety. In response to survey question [21], one respondent commented on the adequacy and appropriateness of support before, during and after media advocacy activities EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 33
I found the emphasis has been on the appropriateness of the story and not on my mental wellbeing before, during and after the event. It doesn’t matter how often I speak at an event, emotions are stimulated as a result. To focus on me and not the ‘correct’ subject matter would be appreciated. Otherwise negative aspects of the EMAP were expressed as unfulfilled expectations, for example, I’d love to do more but haven’t or I don’t understand why there aren’t more speaking gigs (advocate 5). Advocate 3 was unsure whether being involved in EMAP has had much of an impact she said I don’t know… maybe not much of an impact at all actually. Evaluation question 3 -­ EMAP strategies and processes Evaluation question 3 was: Are the EMAP strategies adequate/sufficient/appropriate to support the roles and responsibilities of the women advocates in their roles as VAW/PVAW media advocates and public speakers? This question was answered through the advocate survey, interviews, a focus group and a review of training evaluations. The survey and training evaluations were used to confirm both the implementation of and satisfaction with core EMAP strategies i.e. recruitment, training and support from project co-­‐ordinator. The interviews and focus group were used to assess the impact of these strategies on advocates highlighting levels of support and overall satisfaction with the EMAP. This question also elicited insights into unintended benefits associated with advocates EMAP experience, i.e. how all advocates have extended their PVAW advocacy roles beyond the EMAP remit. The survey confirmed that as part of the EMAP advocate recruitment strategy all advocates that responded to the survey (n=9) had completed expression of interest forms and undertaken the media advocacy training prior to undertaking EMAP media advocacy work. 2/3 of the women had undertaken a ‘screening type interview’ with an EDVOS or ECASA worker and just under 1/2 of survey respondents had been involved in a group meeting with other advocates or workers. The interviews and focus group discussions tendered to centre on ‘the training’ rather than the adequacy of the recruitment process. However, one advocate did recommend a screening process in response to her experience of another training participant who was still quite raw. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 34
Survey question [10] asked advocates to rate usefulness of all training topics in their role as an advocate post-­‐training. All topics were considered useful, with most topics averaging a score of above 4/5 (e.g. very or extremely useful). The exception to this was ‘information about defamation law and legal responsibilities of the media’ being the least useful in their role as media advocates. Rated the highest were ‘preventing VAW messages’ and ‘information about how the media works’ followed by knowledge type indicators of ‘understanding of VAW as a social issue’, impacts of violence on women and children’ and ‘myths vs. realities of VAW’. The interviews and focus group confirmed survey findings highlighting the value of and positive impact that the training had on the women at both a personal level and as a media advocate. Advocate 2 said I did the training course and found that so inspiring and so helpful in helping me look at the wider context of the violence I’ve been exposed too… it gave me answers that were niggling away at me…. It taught me to use facts and figures to back everything up and make a strong case. Advocate 2 stated the initial training was fabulous, it actually did steer us away from just getting up and telling our story, because we can all do that, rabbit on for ages.. For some ladies in the training it was quite difficult for them to realise that they had to not do that, that there was key messages that needed to be got across and they needed to be got across in a certain way. That was actually quite a complicated process to work through but I think the training really supported that.. that was very helpful for me. Advocate 6 felt it was great, I found it very powerful, very memorable and I feel I learnt so much from those three days, an amazing education really, just to learn about the media, how to speak with the media and about public speaking. How to look after yourself as well, when you are doing the job. Focus group participants confirmed the adequacy of the training, was incredibly good.. it gave me the courage to do the things that I then did afterwards. Survey questions 12, 13, 14 and 21 examined the level of support from the EMAP and project co-­‐
ordinator. The responses confirmed that most advocate contact with and support from EMAP centred on media and public speaking opportunities through the project co-­‐ordinator. Contact was primarily through email but for some in face-­‐to-­‐face meetings and via phone calls. The highest level of support by EMAP was prior to a media or public speaking activity then for some advocates during and after EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 35
the media engagement. However at each stage there was at least 1 respondent who ‘never received support’. Interviews and focus group highlighted the broad range of experiences. Advocate 1 said the person who arranged the interview, like get the script ready and things like that for me, she has been very supportive. Advocate 2 said they’ve always been amazing, like always to go “if you need support going in, if you need support during, if you need support after”. Advocate 4 found she [the project co-­ordinator] was always look after me and always checking I was okay. Similarly advocate 3 spoke of the protection that I felt from the girls in the project.. they always asked what name do you want to use, do you want to be anonymous… what about pictures? It was my decision how much as to how much or little I wanted to get out there. On the other hand, the focus group participants highlighted some communication issues such as you get the emails, but I haven’t had a phone call in months or there was some discussion around not feeling connected or up-­‐to-­‐date on the direction of the EMAP. Also as alluded too previously, there was also the sentiment expressed that the frequency of media engagements was insufficient and that the EMAP needed to do more marketing. For some advocates, their motivation to become a media advocate (as per survey question 7) and therefore expectations were partially unmet by the EMAP. Their key motivation to become an EMAP advocate e.g. ‘break the silence, stigma and shame on VAW’, ‘help to change community attitudes’ and ‘increase awareness of VAW as an issue’ were being fulfilled in some ways and not others. Unfulfilled expectations were primarily expressed as regularity of advocacy work and/or opportunities for ongoing support and connections with other EMAP advocates in their role as PVAW advocates post the training. Some of the advocates were seeking or creating ‘non-­‐EMAP media engagements’ and/or individual, group or community level type advocacy roles to support women living in or moving on from violent relationships. Perhaps not surprisingly then, given the advocates pre-­‐existing desire to make a contribution to PVAW and the new knowledge, confidence and personal power they attribute to their involvement in the EMAP a number of women spoke of the advocacy work they do outside of the EMAP. These EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 36
unintended impacts on self and expansion of the role included: writing a book on my recovery from family violence; writing my memoirs; getting national curriculum, lobbying government for kinder, primary and secondary programs; off my own bat doing interviews for TV and radio; mentoring and advising other women who are escaping violent relationships; referring and linking women into services and support groups; setting up and running PVAW programs and campaigns. Within the interviews and focus group they also alluded to how the knowledge and experience gained through their participation in EMAP and through being a role model they have inspired others e.g. family, friends and colleagues to contribute to PVAW. In the focus group one advocate spoke of how her daughter got everyone in her class to take the White Ribbon Oath.. So she, through me, has become an advocate. Finally when interviewees and focus group participants were asked if they had any other issues they would like to raise or any feedback for the EMAP the overarching sentiments were: the experience has been very good; I’ve got a lot out of it; when I’m in a better place I would really like to use my voice; I’ve felt very privileged with to do what I’ve done; thank you, it’s been a very fruitful part of my life and I hope to continue. Their comments and recommendations demonstrated overall satisfaction with the EMAP e.g. this project should continue and support for this project should be ongoing because the message still needs to get out there. Conclusions (how this relates to the literature) Health promotion theory and the literature on survivor advocacy and women’s empowerment suggests good practice strategies that assist women include: the opportunity to have a voice; receiving support; learning about social problems; having an advocate and being an advocate; having helping professionals and peers who believe in them; having to make own decisions and take risks; being confronted and challenged; having and being a role model; and trying out new behaviours and skills (Parsons 2001). The findings of this evaluation indicate that EMAP is employing appropriate and relevant practice strategies to engage survivors as survivor advocates and simultaneously providing a platform for personal and social development. The findings also demonstrate that EMAP is helping these women on their journey of recovery. From a health promotion perspective, this means that EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 37
EMAP has assisted individual project participants to strengthen skills and capabilities (i.e. improve their health literacy) through the provision of information and education about the determinants of VAW within a safe and supportive environment. EMAP has enabled the development of personal ‘self confidence’, ‘sense of self-­‐worth’ and ‘sense of autonomy’ which are all key domains of psycho-­‐social health and wellbeing (Keleher 2007). Further, EMAP is assisting them to move toward the more active stages of social competence and empowerment through access to valued social roles and the creation of new social identities e.g. ‘advocate for life’. Like breast cancer survivor advocate programs, the EMAP has provided individual women who have experienced ‘a trauma’ with opportunities to connect, learn and evolve a new identity as a survivor advocate (Leigh, 1994, Clark & Stovall, 1996). From a health promotion perspective, the EMAP has facilitated self-­‐help and social support and in turn enabled a small group of advocates to ‘take control of their own endeavours and destinies’ (Keleher 2007). As such EMAP strategies and impacts are consistent with those found in community development and the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion’s ‘strengthening community action’. On the other hand, the results of this evaluation revealed that ongoing support for EMAP participants in their varied roles as PVAW advocates within the broader community was an area of the project that could be enhanced. The idea of providing ongoing social support for women in their advocacy roles is consistent with the literature on strengthening community action which highlights the importance of: a. flexible systems for community participation and b. full and continual access to information, learning opportunities and support (Keleher 2007). For EMAP this implies a longer-­‐term commitment to the provision of support and/or expectations management for women they train as survivor advocates. Keeping in mind the value the evaluation participants put on connections (e.g. positive experiences) with other survivor advocates as well as non-­‐survivor advocates (e.g. workers, supportive media representatives), evidence from similar successful programs (e.g. breast cancer advocacy movement) and health promotion theory (e.g. strengthening community linkages and capacity) future iterations of the project may benefit from the development of: an advocate community (e.g. a mix of survivors advocates and non-­‐survivor advocates); clear advocate roles and responsibilities; and a program of refresher training. These potential project directions are elaborated upon in the Recommendations section (i.e. Recommendation 1, 2 and 4). EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 38
Media Reporting Two overarching evaluation questions informed the assessment of the impact the EMAP is having on the reporting of violence against women in the media and the attitudes and impacts on event coordinators. In the following section the key findings for these two questions are presented. Evaluation Question 4 – Responsible Reporting Evaluation question 4 was: To what extent do the EMAP related print media articles that use EMAP advocates accord with responsible reporting criteria? This question was answered through analysis of EMAP print media that included an EMAP advocate and a survey completed by print media journalists. The media analysis was completed on articles provided by WHE from 2011, 2012 and 2013. A total of 13 articles were included in the analysis. Of these all were syndicated online and over half were syndicated (n=8) throughout other publications. Although a number of publications were consolidated during this period and data was insufficient to precisely determine the reach of the articles, the syndicated reach is expected to have spanned eastern and Northern regions of metropolitan Melbourne. The criteria for the media analysis were informed by the EVAs; VicHealth VAW reporting guidelines; Victorian Police violence reporting guidelines; Media and Entertainment Arts Alliance (MEAA) journalist code of conduct; the International federation of Journalists guidelines for reporting VAW; UNESCO gender and reporting guidelines; UN development fund for women; Witness Video for change guide; and the Chicago taskforce media tool kit. A review of these guidelines and codes of conduct identified twelve items for inclusion in the analyses. See Table 1 below. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 39
Table 2: Media Analysis Criteria Reporting Guidelines Criteria 1. Headings 7. Information included 2. Nature of the article 8. Context: -­‐Family violence -­‐Local story/Personal profile -­‐Sexual Assault -­‐Issue commentary -­‐Awareness raising -­‐Encouraging help-­‐seeking 3. Length 9. Does the article address the determinants of VAW? 4. Other Sources 10. Personal bias 5. Imagery 11. Sexual assault context 6. Language 12. Top VIC facts to include 16. Support services included 1. Headings: Generally good, some were dramatic and sensational but not in a derogatory way towards women. 2. Nature of the article: 11 articles involved advocates sharing telling their story of family violence and 2 articles involved advocates specifically talking about their experience of sexual assault. 3. Article Length: Article lengths ranged from 160 words to 800 words with most articles under 600 words. 4. Were other sources quoted or interviewed for the article?: Over 75% (10) of the articles included other sources of information or comment including the police, a family violence or sexual assault expert, politician, WHE or another women’s crisis service. Through their survey responses journalists identified that Police are the most utilized source for information and comment about family violence and sexual assault followed by experts or support services then advocates. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 40
5. Was imagery included and was the imagery positive or negative Photographs were the only form of imagery used with most articles being accompanied by a photograph of the advocate. Overall the imagery was positive. Images of advocates not wanting to be identified were respectfully obscured, images of advocates who were identifiable were generally depicted in strong confident settings, i.e. the point of view was confident not submissive, advocates looked in control not scared or afraid. 6. Use of Language: Across all of the articles the language was consistent with language reporting guidelines recommended by EVAs, VIC Health, Police, MEAA, and International federation of Journalists. In relation to the advocates, they were appropriately described i.e. name, de-­‐identified, included clear survivor voices, used direct quotes from advocates did not paraphrase their words. In relation to the language used to describe their stories respectful and appropriate terminology was used including the use of: violence against women’, ‘family violence’, ‘intimate partner violence’, ‘sexual assault’, ‘sexual harassment’. No inappropriate language such as: ‘troubled marriage’, ‘unwanted sex’, ‘domestic dispute’, or ‘relationship problems’, derogatory, blaming or demeaning to women/victim was found. Through their survey responses journalists reported awareness of responsible reporting guidelines defined by EVA’s (100%) police (66%) and MEAA (66%). 100% of journalists were made aware of these guidelines through story research, 66% through workplace resources and 33% through their academic training. 7. Support services included. 70% of articles include support service contact details for WHE, WDVCS, ECASA and EDVOS. Through the survey one journalist commented Generally the feedback is around wanting more information about services, where to get help and advice. 8. What other information was included in the article: All of the articles included details about the advocates personal story, 70% of articles include other information about the prevalence of VAW that helped framed their stories within a broader community/ societal context not a personal/individual event. 9. What is the context of the story?: Most of the articles were contextualized as ‘local stories’, or ‘personal profiles’. Within the articles the advocates experience are framed in terms of the positive impact of seeking help and the need to raise awareness about the impact of family violence and sexual assault. No articles individualised the advocates experience as their problem, blamed the EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 41
advocate, or presented information that would prejudice possible court proceedings. Through the media survey journalists reported the following in relation to including advocates in stories: Always good to have quotes form the subject of the story but sometimes it is not possible due to time and word limit constraints. They are media trained and prepared to speak, which is great. 10. Does the article address the determinants VAW?: Just over 50% of articles included information regarding the broader social context associated with VAW such the prevalence of VAW and the gendered nature of violence. However no articles directly stated that VAW was perpetuated by particular determinants i.e. gender inequality, male aggression or community attitudes towards VAW. All of the journalists who completed the survey identified that getting stories about DV and SA published was difficult and that they were only ‘sometimes’ able to get stories up if they were associated with an event. It is difficult to get a 500-­word commentary on any issue published -­ space constraints It really depends on what else is being included in the paper. But as a general rule it is easier to write a longer article if it is associated with an event. There needs to be a hook. Overall the articles included in this analysis suggest that appropriate reporting guidelines for reporting of VAW/PVAW are being adopted by journalists. The majority of articles (84%) were reporting on family violence however the 16% (n=2) articles reporting on sexual assault were broadly syndicated. More comprehensive syndication and publication reach data would improve the comparative analysis of these and indeed all articles. Within each article the advocate appear to be a) telling their story and b) trying to present their stories within a broader context. However the advocates’ efforts are seldom built upon by the journalist. Most of the articles would be classified local/personal profiles, that enable the story to be delivered by the subject of the article but opportunities to link the story to broader social issues is limited. Evaluation question 5 – MEDIA awareness and knowledge EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 42
Evaluation question 5 was: To what extent has the use of EMAP advocates increased awareness and knowledge of a) EMPM journalists and b) public speaking event organisers (MEDIA) in relation to responsible reporting, engaging advocates and VAW/PVAW issues? Through the media and public event surveys journalists and event coordinators reported an their awareness of responsible reporting guidelines and appropriate ways to work with advocates around VAW and PVAW issues. Journalists were asked “Are you aware of any of the following responsible reporting family violence and/or sexual assault guidelines for journalists?” 100% of respondents reported awareness of the EVAs and 66% reported awareness of both the Police and MEAA guidelines. When asked ‘How were you made aware of these guidelines?’ 100% of journalists reported through story research, 66% through work place resources and 33% through their academic training. Journalised reported the police and WDVCS as very easy to approach for information followed by EMAP, WHE, survivor advocates and other support services. Most journalists first contacted WDVCS to make contact with a survivor advocate followed by WHE or another support service. This suggests that journalists feel confident that they are independently able to source and report the relevant details for a story involving an advocate. The advocate experience reported here concurs with this assumption. However the breadth of their understanding about the determinants of VAW was harder to ascertain. The personal profile/local story context for many of the articles does not lend them to more detailed investigations of the issues associated with the advocate’s story. This is supported by journalists reporting that editorial deadlines, word limits, and needing ‘a hook’ to justify their articles, are limitations to doing more in-­‐depth stories about VAW involving advocates. Further to this the following four issues were raised by journalists approached to participate in the evaluation: 1. That providing support and encouragement to other women in similar situations to seek help was the primary motivation for reporting stories involving survivors of family violence or sexual assault. Many journalists believe the utility of the survivor advocates was in ‘telling their personal story of survival”. 2. Most journalists were unaware that the survivor advocates had received training and could speak more broadly on the issues relating to family violence and sexual assault. 3. Many journalists felt that the determinants of violence against women were poorly understood and usually associated with alcohol and other drugs. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 43
4. Most of the journalists that the evaluators spoke with believed that VAW was not treated or seen as a significant community issue. Feedback from event coordinators did not accord with the views expressed by the journalists. More event coordinators were aware of the determinants of VAW issues and PAW and that survivor advocates from EMAP were able to speak broadly and in detail about issues associated with family violence and sexual assault. Responses from the event coordinators suggests how survivor advocates are included in their programs is carefully considered in order to maximise the impact of what they have to say. However when asked “When arranging an event that includes a family violence and /or sexual assault survivor advocate how do you address the needs of the advocate?” a broad range of responses were received: We attempt to give the survivor advocate as much information about the event context as possible, eg. number of people attending, location, 'feel'-­ informal, formal, gender makeup, age, etc, level of understanding about PVAW, etc. We organise a coles-­myer gift voucher to support the costs of travel and time away from work. We like to write a personal message in the card recognising their contribution to the event. If the advocate does not require a power-­point and other speakers use one, we like to provide the advocate with the opportunity to select an image or a quote for example that they might like to have behind them as they speak. We try to ensure that there is no pressure placed on the advocate to have her photo taken or to answer questions should she not want to. I talk directly to the agency about if there are any specific needs of the advocate. We provide tissues and water nearby and always make sure they know who is in the audience, introduce them to the other key speakers and relevant people e.g. our CEO etc Plenty of briefing and reviewing notes, regular phone contact etc. This was a Rotary Club meeting. The club provided dinner for the speaker, which is our normal thing. No special arrangements were made. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 44
I suppose I didn't really think about the needs of the advocate….Although she came with her mother and staff member from the WHE. In summary, the analysis presented here suggests the impact of EMAP is: •
When media consult with EMAP their reporting of family violence and sexual assault is respectful and accords with responsible reporting guidelines. •
Participating in EMAP enables survivor advocates too work with journalists to tell their story. •
EMAP has helped to create a foundation for community discussion of family violence. •
EMAP is creating a foundation for the community discussion of sexual assault. Conclusion (how this relates to the literature) The thematic analysis undertaken in this evaluation was designed to examine the nature of the impact of media coverage that involved a survivor advocates recruited through the EMAP. The media analysis demonstrates the EMAP has helped to encourage journalists to adopt appropriate reporting guidelines when using survivor advocates. This analysis also suggests the EMAP is having a positive impact on key areas identified by Politoff & Morgans (2012) in their longitudinal study of Victorian print media coverage of VAW. The areas Politoff & Morgans (2012) identified as requiring improvement included: individualising the problem; lack of information about support services; emphasis on stranger danger; lack of context for sexual violence; sensationalising and/or making the issue mundane; and the non-­‐use of women survivor advocates as commentators on the issue (Politoff & Morgans, 2012). Many of these issues are being positively redressed through the EMAP. However many of the issues identified by Gitlin (1980), and Dorfman (2005) are still obstacles to EMAP articles addressing a range of issues associated with family violence and sexual assault. These include VAW being presented as an event and not an underlying condition; reporting reflecting individual circumstances not a community concern; and that facts that ‘advance the drama in the story’ are presented more frequently than ones that explains the reasons why. This suggests that encouraging media to publish articles that explore the underlying causes of VAW and their potential solutions remains a challenge. Analysis of the media articles in conjunction with survey responses from journalists does suggest local media are sensitive to survivor advocates and their stories, but struggle to publish articles that are not narrowly cast as profile/local stories. Two reasons given for this are EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 45
1. the editorial focus of the newspapers (ie local news, local flavour), and 2. the approach journalists take to stories that involve survivor advocates. The survivor advocates from EMAP are not seen as experts or as having an authority to comment on issues associated more broadly with violence against women. Articles that do address broader issues associated with VAW generally include comments from ‘recognised experts’ to qualify any statements made. Lessons learned from the success of breast cancer media advocacy programs identify four key steps media advocacy programs need to take to change community attitudes about sensitive issues. The four steps are 1: Prime the market, 2: Engage consumers, 3: Establish political advocacy, and 4: Taking the advocacy mainstream (Braun, 2003). Arguable EMAP has engaged in activities to achieve the first two steps. The pool of advocates trained by EMAP does have strong ties to the local community and relationships between EMAP and local journalists and event coordinators are being formed. As stated by Caburnay (2003), the localisation of stories is important because people are more likely to actively and thoughtfully process information if they perceive it as personally relevant. By targeting local journalists and local newspapers EMAP is building a local profile for VAW and PVAW stories. Potential project directions are elaborated upon in the Recommendations section (i.e. Recommendation 3a-­‐g) When these findings are considered together with the public health and health promotion literature and survivor advocate evaluation conclusions, there appears to be an opportunity to develop an EMAP ‘advocacy community’. This ‘community’ would enable members to work collaboratively sharing ideas, experiences, building networks and providing peer support. The anticipated outcome of establishing such a community, based on the experiences reported in the breast cancer literature, is an expansion of community capacity and the strengthening of skills and capabilities to engage in advocacy efforts using the media. These and other potential project directions are elaborated upon in the Recommendations section (i.e. Recommendation 1 a-­‐c). EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 46
Case study EMAP Sexual Assault Media Advocacy
Rationale
Due to the small number of sexual assault survivor advocates who participated in the evaluation, it
was decided to strengthen this part of the evaluation through a case study of the sexual assault
stream of EMAP.
Background
Despite the prevalence of sexual assault in Victoria it is one of the most under-reported offences.
Many victims/survivors do not speak out about it because of fear and shame. The overwhelming
majority of sexual offences—against both men and women—are perpetrated by men. (Australian
Centre for the Study of Sexual Assault, 2013)
Research has found that a significant portion of the community holds attitudes and beliefs that
justify, excuse, minimise or hide sexual violence. Community attitudes that support violence are
associated with: the behaviour of perpetrators of sexual assault; community responses to people
who have been sexually assaulted; and whether or not victims/survivors recognise and act on their
experience as being sexual assault (Australian Centre for the Study of Sexual Assault, 2013).
Changing social attitudes to sexual violence should therefore be a key priority of PVAW programs.
Responsible and ethical media reporting of sexual assault can support this aim by debunking
myths and stereotypes and fostering supportive attitudes towards victims/survivors. However, the
literature on sexual assault demonstrates there is a lack of primary prevention work in this space.
Research also demonstrates sexual assault is still under-reported and often misrepresented within
the media. The issue is arguably more ‘marginalised’ than family violence reporting in mainstream
media (Morgans & Politoff 2012).
In response to these challenges, the EMAP initiated a sexual assault specific media advocacy
stream in the EMR to complement existing PVAW initiatives. EMAP (building on aspects of the
WDVCS media advocacy model and in partnership with local agencies) identified the need for a
pool of sexual assault survivor media advocates that could give voice to the range of issues and
contexts of sexual assault. The intention of the strategy was to raise awareness of sexual assault as
a distinct aspect of PVAW and promote responsible reporting of the issue within the region.
EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 47
Given there were no sexual assault media advocate training programs in Victoria, in 2011 the
EMAP recruited a pool of 11 sexual assault survivors to undertake media advocacy in the EMR.
EMAP, utilising the expertise of ECASA, developed and implemented specific training in sexual
assault media advocacy.
Other project achievements to date, include: employment of media advocacy project co-ordinator;
the development, implementation and evaluation of a 3 day sexual assault media advocacy training
program; organisation and delivery of 13 sexual assault public speaking events; and fifteen media
outputs on sexual assault including print media, television and radio..
EMAP’s impact on sexual assault survivor advocates and media
Survivor advocates
The online evaluation survey of EMAP sexual assault survivor advocates [n=3 participants]
demonstrated several positive impacts of their involvement with EMAP. Positive personal impacts
included: ‘validation of experience’; ‘belief in self to achieve a goal’; ‘sense of contributing to social
change’; ‘self-confidence’; ‘feelings of self-worth’; and ‘sense of control and autonomy’. Taken
together these are indicative of positive psycho-social health impacts and that EMAP has
facilitated a ‘sense of empowerment’ among this group of women. Like the family violence survey
respondents, sexual assault media advocates reported positive experiences and confidence with
working with print media and public speaking representatives.
EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 48
Print media articles and public speaking transcripts
Table 1: Sample of EMAP sexual assault print media articles and public speaking
transcripts compared to responsible reporting criteria
Responsible
Article 1 (print
Article 2 (print Article 3
Article 4 (public
reporting
media article)
media article)
(public
speaking
speaking
transcript)
criteria
transcript )
Imagery
Good, positive
Mixed. Strong
Not Applicable.
Not applicable.
empowering
picture of ‘expert’ However
However an advocate
image. Looking
alongside
advocates
speaking to an
confident, up
dramatic image
speaking to an
audience of 50,
of a young girl
audience of 100 presenting a proud
shattered.
presenting a
and confident image
proud and
is positive
confident
image is
positive
Use of language
Good, positive.
Good. Positive,
Emotive and
Emotive and
Correct framing
direct and
powerful and
empowering.
of sexual assault
appropriate
tailored to a
framing of sexual
specific
assault. Advocate
audience
stories presented
as vignettes
within the
feature article
Context of story
Raise awareness
Uses the media
The importance Personal experience
of sexual assault,
attention created
of survivor
of the EMAP. The
highlighting
by Jill Meagher
voices,
personal and
violations of
story to discuss
listening to
(positive) impacts of
trust, encourage
changing
survivors and
the training and
women to seek
attitudes to
changing
becoming an
help.
reporting SA in
cultural
advocate
the community.
attitudes
EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 49
towards
women and
VAW
Support
Yes. ECASA,
services/referral police and 000
Yes. 1800 respect None
Yes. CASA as a
and kids helpline
mentioned but
support service and it
it is likely there
is likely there were
were support
further support
materials
materials available at
available at the
the event
info
event
Broader
Yes. Raises issues
No. The article
Yes.
Yes. Community
determinants
of trust in the
discusses: 1
Community
attitudes, myths, and
community and
change in
attitudes that
misconceptions.
how it is abused
support available
disrespect
Facts and figures
in SA
and 2: changes
women; not
about sexual assault
and issues
holding
associated with
perpetrators
people’s
accountable
willingness to
report. But does
clarify that
stranger danger
represents only
part of the
problem.
Top facts for
Yes. That sexual
Yes: 1: the scale
Indirectly. The
Indirectly. The scale
sexual assault
assault victims
of the SA in
scale of sexual
of sexual assault in
usually know the
Victoria. 2:
assault in the
the community and
perpetrator
Proportion of
community;
the difficult in
and/or often
women likely to
the difficultly
discussing and
happens within
experience a SA
in speaking up
reporting sexual
the home
in their lifetime.
due to cultural
assault
3: Number of
attitudes
women over the
age of 15 who
have experienced
SA and 3: The
EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 50
public don’t
understand the
difficulties
associated with
reporting SA.
Table 1 demonstrates that EMAP sexual assault articles compare favourably with responsible
reporting criteria, albeit in slightly different ways. Print media articles [1 and 2] suggest that
appropriate reporting guidelines for reporting of sexual assault are being adopted by journalists
when they work with a survivor advocate. Within each article the sexual assault advocate has been
able to a) tell their story and b) present their stories within a broader context. Taken together
these print media articles add ‘authority’ and ‘personal experience’ to community discussion about
sexual assault. On the other hand, the public speaking transcripts [articles 3 and 4] were more
emotive, personal and engaging in their tone which may have been reflected in their impact. With
the face-to-face audience it was anticipated that the survivor advocates were able to engage the
audience on a more intimate and personal level. The two transcripts illustrate that the public
speaking event medium allows the advocate to craft their speech to the audience and ensure their
key PVAW messages are framed and presented as intended.
Overall the media analysis highlights that print media has potential for greater reach but articles
are less impactful in their language and messaging when compared to public speaking transcripts
that address similar issues. Indeed EMAP appears to be maximising the differences in
presentation, delivery, impact and audience to enable greater breadth and depth of media
discussion of sexual assault issues in the EMR.
EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 51
Conclusion This section contains a brief wrap up of what works and what direction EMAP could take in the future. EMAP has positively impacted on the self-­‐confidence, knowledge and skills of survivor advocates that have been involved in the project. The project has had a beneficial impact on the personal and social development of survivors of family violence and sexual assault that have been trained by EMAP. Key benefits for women participating in the project include: ‘validation of experience’, ‘belief in self to achieve a goal’ and ‘sense of contributing to social change’. The project has also enabled ‘empowerment’ (e.g. a positive health impact) and assisted all the advocates in one way or another to move forward on their personal journey. The strategies that have been implemented by EMAP to date have been adequate and appropriate to support the EMAP related media advocacy and public speaking activities of their trained advocates. Underpinning the success of the project have been intensive media training and media engagement support strategies. An unanticipated impact of EMAP on the women has been that they have become advocates for life, actively engaging in non-­‐EMAP PVAW advocacy in the broader community. This presents both a project benefit (e.g. for the survivor advocate and the broader PVAW campaign) and a challenge (e.g. for women managing this ‘responsibility’ in their daily lives and EMAP in their commitment to resourcing and providing ongoing supporting for these women. To ensure sufficient support of EMAP advocates, future iterations of the project may consider regular refreshers, guidelines for roles and responsibilities of advocates and the broadening of scope to further strengthen community action (e.g. the development of an ‘advocate community’). In relation to media impact the evaluation demonstrated that EMAP has had positive impact on local print media and public speaking organisers knowledge, attitudes and behaviours towards EMAP survivor advocates and responsible reporting of domestic violence/sexual assault when an advocate is used in the story. The quality of news articles that have been guided by EMAP demonstrates accurate and sensitive reporting as compared to responsible reporting guidelines. However, the breadth of opportunities through local media, including the opportunity to encourage discussion around primary prevention, is yet to be capitalised on. To increase the scope and impact of media produced, future iterations of the project may consider engaging the media through a broader set of advocacy strategies i.e. strengthen relationships with local media to build capacity with journalists and media organisations to produce more commentary or editorial stories about PVAW/VAW over event-­‐based reporting. EMAP can also continue to ‘prime the market’ and ‘engage consumers’ to raise EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 55
awareness and community discussion of family violence and sexual assault in the EMR through the development of specific strategies to achieve this ‘grass roots’ media advocacy. EMAP Evaluation Report 2014 56
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Appendix 2 Outline of advocate interview process and content Recruitment: • Invitation email/phone call by WHE to sample of ‘active advocates’ advocates who have completed the survey and have participated in media activities (i.e. within past 6 months) for telephone interview or onsite. • Advocates who would like to participate to contact evaluators at specified times to indicate willingness and availability to participate • Evaluators email (bcc) all interested advocates with specific instructions for location, time, information and consent forms etc. (as above) • Advocates confirm attendance/participation with evaluator (via returning completed consent form) • Evaluator does email/sms reminder one day prior Interviewer: • Rebecca Location: • Telephone – setting/time of participant’s choice within timeframes provided. Interviewer to dial previously agreed number • Or WHE (familiar environment, relaxed feel room, adequate heating/ventilation, private). Equipment: •
•
•
•
•
2 x Telephones Digital Recorder Pre-­‐completed PLS/Consent Forms Interview Prompts Phone No. for Debriefing Welcome & Introduction: •
•
•
•
My background –domestic violence research, women’s health, evaluation Brief background to impact evaluation e.g. what works, what doesn’t work, future planning and description of other parts of the evaluation e.g. expand on survey, focus group, media analysis Drinks/toilet/comfortable/breaks Check read and understood information/consent (returned to evaluator) EMAP Evaluation Report 2014
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•
•
•
Reiterate focus of today’s conversation (e.g. EMAP advocacy experiences) Discuss debriefing/ counselling options e.g. WHE staff, EDVOS, ECASA, WDVCS telephone options 3 unique questions (town of birth, year started school, favouriteTV show) Interview prompts: Themes: 1. Media experiences 2. Impact on self, others 3. EMAP Strategies Interview Questions: 1. Could you tell me about your experiences as media advocate for EMAP? 2. Could you tell me how your participation in EMAP has impacted on a/ you and b/ others? 3. What aspects of the EMAP project have been a. positive and/or b. negative? 4. Other issues you would like to raise? Prompts: •
As per evaluation question & indicators document End of interview: •
•
•
•
•
OK? Further support? Any questions? Transcript – safe to post/email? Opportunity to amend 14 days Copy of project report sent to participants Willingness/availability to participate in focus group (if appropriate) Voucher -­‐how can I get it to you? EMAP Evaluation Report 2014
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Appendix 3 Outline of focus group process and content: Recruitment: • Invitation email/phone call by WHE to ‘active advocates’ • Advocates who would like to participate to contact evaluators at specified times to indicate willingness and availability to participate • Evaluators email (bcc) all interested advocates with specific instructions for location, time, consent process etc. (as above) • Advocates confirm attendance/participation via consent form • Evaluator to do reminder email/sms one day prior Aim of focus group(s): • To build and expand upon the themes generated in the individual interviews through group interaction Agenda: (1-­‐1.5 hour session): 1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Light food and drinks provided by WHE Explain purpose of session, structure, recording of session, confidentiality Brief introductions Discussion started Conclude with discussion on dissemination of the results of the evaluation, next steps for project Moderators: • Rebecca to moderate the session Location: WHE (familiar environment, relaxed feel room, adequate heating/ventilation, availability of recording visual/audio, whiteboard). Round table with chairs Date 21st November 1pm, 4pm 6pm, 22nd at 11am? Equipment: • Whiteboard EMAP Evaluation Report 2014
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• Audio recorder Incentives to participate: • Cover out-­‐of-­‐pocket expenses Refresher training post focus group? • Refreshments • Dissemination of results: • Copy of project report sent to participants • Other WHE recommendation Focus Group Prompts: Themes: 1. Media advocacy experiences 2. Personal and social impacts 3. EMAP strategies Questions: 1. Media advocacy experiences - Can you share your experiences of working with different types of media? - Can you share your experiences of public speaking? 2.
-
Personal and social impacts Can you share your experiences of the impacts on yourself? Can you share your experiences of the impacts on others? Can you tell us about the social connections you have made as a result of participating in the EMAP and how this impacted on you? 3. EMAP strategies - What works? - What hasn’t worked? - What could be done better? Prompts: As per evaluation question & indicators document End of focus group: -
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Any questions OK? Further support? Provide support options Copy of project report sent to participants EMAP Evaluation Report 2014
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