A New Kid on the Block:
How Food Trucks Evolved from Roach Coaches to Cultural Phenomena
Key words: food, class, marketing, social media, mobile
Food trucks have gained remarkable popularity in recent years. A rapidly growing business,
they accounted for 37 percent of the $1.4 billion in street revenue nationwide in 2011. The
research paper aims to answer the question of why and how food trucks have proliferated in
recent years, examining the demographics, marketing strategies, and market segmentation of the
mobile food industry. Past literature on social class, food trucks, and social media have touched
on these topics independently, but none have addressed the relationship among them. Thus, the
research fills in this gap by exploring the relationship between customers’ social class and the
type of food they consume, specifically looking at the role of social media in creating a new
market niche that helped to transform food trucks from “roach coaches” to cultural phenomena.
Based on archival research and qualitative interviews with thirty customers waiting in line at
three different food trucks in Boston, the research revealed insights into the growing food trucks
business. Foremost, it founded that social media does not play a significant role in initially
informing people about food trucks, but it proved useful in maintaining contact and establishing
customer loyalty. Second, the most common reasons for frequent visitors of food trucks were for
the taste and the experience, which they viewed as “cool” and “trendy.” Contrary to popular
beliefs, customers considered food trucks to be not so affordable. Next, the study saw a
correlation between people’s education level and the type of food they consume. Those with
higher education level, such as a college degree and above, had preference for lobster and other
cuisines high in cultural and economic capitals, whereas those with lower education level, such
as a high school degree, opted for grilled cheese and other commonplace cuisine.
1
INTRODUCTION: THE NEW ERA OF FOOD TRUCKS IN THE U.S.
During a sunny weekday afternoon in downtown Boston, people of all ages and
backgrounds form a long queue in Boston Common. Stationed in front of these people is Roxy’s,
a grilled cheese food truck serving different varieties of this ooey gooey all-American comfort
food. Once the truck completely sells out of food, the employers shout, “That’s a wrap!” and
drive their mobile truck away to stock up on ingredients. While on the road, Chef James, the
brainchild behind the business, takes out his iPhone and sends a Tweet to his 11,784 followers:
“Dinner is about to pop off in Cleveland Circle! Catch us from 430-8pm!”
Food trucks, such as Roxy’s, have not only proliferated in recent years, but have also
gained remarkable popularity among customer niches that previously did not patronize food
trucks. The research paper aims to explore the reasons behind the emergence of this phenomenon
by delving into different factors that contributed to food trucks’ growing customer base, as well
as customer value proposition for dining at food trucks as opposed to traditional brick-andmortar restaurants. In examining different niches that these food trucks serve, I will also look at
the relationship between people’s socioeconomic status and the type of food that they consume.
Past literature on social class, food trucks, and innovative marketing, such as social media,
have touched on these topics independently, but none have addressed the relationship among
them. In addition, there have been a lot of studies on food truck regulation and books on
marketing strategies, but I have yet to encounter an academic study that examines the
demographics and the market segmentation of the food truck industry. Thus, my research will
constitute a new form of study by exploring the relationship between customers’ social class and
the type of food they consume, specifically looking at the role of social media in creating a new
market niche that helped to proliferate food trucks.
2
HISTORY OF FOOD TRUCKS
A rapidly growing business, food trucks accounted for 37 percent of the $1.4 billion in
street revenue nationwide in 2011, which is a 15 percent increase over the past five years
(IBISWorld Inc. 2013). However, food trucks are certainly not new phenomena; throughout the
ages, street sellers have moved from place to place to sell food.
The first presence of mobile “food truck” in America was in the form of a chuck wagon
when a Texas rancher Charles Goodnight invented it in the 19th century to carry food and
cooking equipment during the American expansion into the West (Thompson 2013). For many
years, though, food trucks represented the nadir of culinary achievement, often serving instant,
defrosted meals (Wessel 2012). Many people called them “roach coaches” and judged the quality
and the standard of food to be much lower than those of their restaurant counterparts
(McLaughlin 2009). Also, food trucks catered to people working in construction sites and other
blue-collar professions, which associated them with eating for need, not pleasure (Belluz 2010).
Then, how did today’s food trucks transform their image to urban, cultural phenomena?
In part fueled by customers’ demand for quick and inexpensive meals, food trucks have
recently emerged as “the cool kid on the block.” Most modern food trucks that we currently see
on the market emerged in the late 2000s at the start of the economic recession, thanks to their
relatively low marketing and operational budget (Sniderman 2011). Chefs who were financially
unable to maintain brick-and-mortar restaurants began practicing their culinary panache on the
road until they earned enough money to open their own restaurants (Shouse 2011).
Although these food trucks were initially meant to serve as an alternative to the
traditional restaurant model for chefs, the business that emerged as a temporary fix to combat the
declining economy proved to be extremely prosperous; within a couple years, the food truck
3
business solidified as a lucrative venture that chefs have lauded as being more flexible and
financially feasible than maintaining brick-and-mortar restaurants (McLaughlin 2009). Despite
their reputation as roach coaches, food trucks are subject to the same health inspection as
restaurants (Travel Channel 2012). The quality of food has also improved—no longer are these
trucks serving defrosted, instant meals, but gourmet food prepared by former chefs of upscale
restaurants (Sniderman 2011). The variety in cuisine—from lobster rolls and tacos to cupcakes
and ice cream sandwiches—also makes the dining experience unique. Nowadays, food trucks are
ubiquitous in large U.S. cities, including Los Angeles, San Francisco, and New York City. In
Boston alone, there were thirteen registered mobile food trucks in July 2011, but that number
jumped by more than 400 percent in less than two years with 56 food trucks in Boston as of
April 2013 (See Figure 1). Arguably, food trucks have established their foothold in the heart of
many Americans.
THE RISE OF SOCIAL MEDIA
Much of food trucks’ success can be attributed to the power of social media, which has
benefited vendors and customers alike by creating a new market niche, building brand awareness,
and establishing an active online community that encourages customer interaction.
Social media has gained meteoric popularity since the term was coined in early 2000s
(Saravanakumar 2012). In less than three years, social media surpassed pornography as the most
popular activity on the Web (Qualman 2012). The typical demographic of social media users are
young adults, with more than 75 percent of Internet users under the age of 25 having a profile on
a social networking site (Lenhart 2009). The use of social media goes beyond communicating
and socializing with peers; brand managers also utilize social media as a marketing tool to
convey presence and friendly customer relationship (Saravanakumar 2012).
4
With close to a billion people on Facebook, marketers are beginning to realize the power
of social media as a tool to build personal brand image and establish consumer trust. As an
increasing number of businesses adopt new digital technology, more than 90 percent of food
industry executives agreed that social media sites have completely changed the way consumers
interact with their brand (Forrester Research 2010). A 2012 study also examined the relationship
between social media and food, concluding that as consumers use social media to discover, learn,
and share information about food, they become more active participants in food culture (Hartman
Group 2012). For example, about 50 percent of American consumers learn about food via social
networking sites like Twitter and Facebook, while 40 percent learn about food via websites,
smartphone apps, or blogs (ibid).
In many ways, the world of food has become increasingly entwined with the world of
technology. The integration of social media in the food business really became popular with the
creation of crowd-sourced restaurant review websites like Yelp and Urbanspoon, which allow
everyone to be food critics (Rousseau 2012). With more than 42 percent of restaurant visitors
relying on user-review websites, it has become increasingly important for owners and chefs to be
present on social media and police what others are saying about their business (Aronica 2011).
By and large, though, the convergence of social media and restaurant business has been positive
because it allows restaurants to generate virtual communities and transforms food into
commercial, social enterprise. According to a 2010 survey, about 81 percent of participating
restaurants already used social media as a marketing platforms, while more than half of these
restaurants said there were “more positive mentions as a result of their social media presence”
(Colaizzi 2010). An increasing number of consumers also connect with their favorite restaurants
or eateries through Twitter, Facebook, or YouTube.
5
With social media rapidly rising as indispensable marketing tools for the multi-billion
dollar food industry, researchers have looked into the human psychology of information sharing
on these platforms. The idea is that customers “go online to get attention, not to give it”
(Rousseau 2012). Accordingly, companies need to learn how to give customers the attention that
they crave, rather than demanding customers’ attention and then charging them extra for the
attention that their brand commands. In essence, the most lucrative way for vendors to attract
customers to their brands is by making them feel special. Restaurants can achieve this by
interacting with customers on Twitter and Facebook and being aware of what customers are
saying about them on review sites and blogs.
In addition to cultivating an online community, technology has also contributed to the
creation of new market. Many researchers have theorized different ways in which a new market
emerges. For example, it may form upon the convergence of new technology with cultural,
environmental, and social factors (Golder 2011; Humpreys 2010; Press and Arnould 2011). Also,
the theory of disruptive innovation suggests that an innovation “disrupts” the existing market and
value network, ultimately displacing an earlier technology and forming a new market
(Christensen 2012). More specific to my research, the use of social media platforms has been
instrumental in the creation of new market for food truck business by allowing vendors to
promote their products, connect with customers, and build a community of food aficionados.
Twitter has served as a particularly useful mass-marketing tool because vendors can
communicate to specific, local audience about their latest locations or special menu items. From
the customers’ perspective, social media allows for real-time tracking of food trucks so that
customers instantly know the whereabouts of their favorite trucks and engage in a thrill of “the
chase.”
6
SOCIAL CLASS AND FOOD CONSUMPTION
I also hypothesize the salient role of food trucks’ expanded customer base in helping to
grow the business. Pierre Bourdieu (1997), who specifically addresses class-related tastes, argues
that tastes in food depend on the idea that each class has about the effects of food on the body.
Further, he distinguishes between high and low cultural and economic capitals, stating that
taste—“a class culture turned into nature” (Bourdieu 1997)—helps to shape the class body. The
greater implication of Bourdieu’s theory is that an individual’s position in a multidimensional
social space is defined by the combination of different capitals—social, economic, and cultural—
that he or she internalizes at an early age (Bourdieu 1984).
Because class distinction is most strikingly noted in the ordinary choices of everyday life,
such as food consumption, Bourdieu argues that one’s tastes in food is a strong indicator of
social class, which also correlates with an individual’s fit in society (Bourdieu 1984). He
describes the eating habits of the working class and the professionals, with the former being
“more attentive to the strength of the body than its shape, and tend to go for products that are
both cheap and nutritious,” while the latter opts for “products that are tasty, health-giving, light,
and not fattening” (Bourdieu 1997). In his assessment of food space (See Figure 2), Bourdieu
depicts different types of food arranged spatially along economic and cultural capitals to show
specific types of cuisine that people of different social class prefer.
The modern representation of Bourdieu’s food space diagram from Gastronomica (See
Figure 3) reiterates this correlation between people’s social class and food behavior. Whereas
people of high economic capital and low cultural capital enjoy expensive, but less sociallyconscious food, such as foie gras and steak, those of high economic and cultural capitals prefer
sophisticated food items, such as agave and organic food. Further distinction is made among
7
people of low economic and cultural capitals, who opt for cheaper, faster food. The diagram is
applicable to today’s food trucks, whose quality of food has improved dramatically in order to
serve their more diverse niches of customers; no longer are these trucks serving instant meals,
but gourmet food prepared by former chefs of upscale restaurants (Sniderman 2011). The
existence of food trucks serving items like lobster and caviar attests to the change from their
traditional menu that consisted of burgers and hot dogs.
RESEARCH DESIGN & METHODOLOGY
In order to answer my research questions on the role of encompassing customer base and
social media on transforming food trucks’ image from roach coaches to cultural phenomena, I
have primarily conducted qualitative research that included library research and interviews.
Foremost, I visited the archives to delve into the historical context on American food trucks.
Although the archive’s vast collection on culinary and commercial histories included much
information on the mobile food industry, I decided to limit my scope to more modern history of
food trucks based on archived newspaper articles.
In addition, I attended a food truck conference that explores social media usage, financial
information, and labor issues of operating food trucks. The conference also included panel
discussions featuring expert figures in the Boston food scene, including owners, historians, and
city officials, whom I met through the conference and got in touch with later to conduct
interviews.
Third, I analyzed the Twitter accounts of three Boston food trucks: Clover, Roxy’s
Grilled Cheese, and Lobsta Love. My justification for choosing Twitter as opposed to other
social media platforms like Facebook, Yelp, or FourSquare were two fold. First was a matter of
practicality because all the information on Twitter, including the number and types of individual
8
followers and their interaction with food trucks, is easily accessible and publicly available on its
site. Second was due to its relevance. Twitter is arguably the most widely used social media
because it allows vendors to send out short, real-time messages to their followers about their
location changes or special menu items.
When choosing which food trucks to profile, I predicted the type of consumers that each
truck would attract based on Bourdieu’s theory on social class and food consumption. For
example, Clover—a vegetarian food truck—would be categorized as low on economic capital
because the majority of its menu items are less than $6, but high on cultural capital since its
vegetarian food caters to specific consumers who tend to be more socially aware. On the other
hand, Roxy’s is low on economic and cultural capitals because grilled cheese is both cheap as
well as familiar and accessible to most people as an all-American comfort food. Finally, Lobsta
Love is high on economic and cultural capitals; not only does the menu consists of items like
lobster and crab that are often served at high-end restaurants, but also the price tag of $23 for a
lobster roll is relatively exorbitant compared to that of other food trucks.
When analyzing these vendors’ Twitter usage, I looked at the total number of tweets,
followers, and following. I also examined the content of the tweets that the vendors send out,
analyzing the extent to which they engage and interact with customers. While the quantitative
data, such as the frequency of tweets and the number of followers and following, measured
vendors’ activity level on Twitter, the qualitative data, such as the type of posts, indicated their
level of engagement with customers.
Finally, for the duration of a two-week period, I followed Clover, Roxy’s, and Lobsta
Love at their various locations throughout Boston and interviewed ten customers from each truck
while they waited in line to get food. I asked questions that helped me to gauge their
9
socioeconomic status, use of social media, history with food trucks over time, and likes and
dislikes about food trucks (See Appendix A).
Foremost, I interviewed customers at various locations in order to minimize any locationbased bias. Conveniently, Clover and Roxy’s shared the same locations in downtown Boston,
which helped to increase confidence in my findings on differences in the educational levels of
their respective customers. However, Lobsta Love often parked in wealthier neighborhoods,
which is also indicative of its class location; in essence, the owners realize who their intended
clients are and locate accordingly at places that would maximize profit.
Next, I used the customers’ education level and professions as a proxy for understanding
their respective social class. I viewed analyzing these variables as a more sensitive and accurate
approach to generalizing their social class rather than asking directly for their income or social
status. However, I understand that neither education level nor professions are entirely indicative
of one’s social class. Further, I acknowledge that the city of Boston is an anomaly in that nearly
40 percent of its residents between the ages of 18 and 34 hold college degrees, which is much
higher than the national norm of 25 percent (U.S. Census Bureau 2012). Recognizing Boston’s
unusually high education level helped to determine the extent to which my sample varies from
the norm.
Other more specific questions I asked were methods by which customers found out about
different food trucks—be it by chance, through traditional media like newspaper, word-of-mouth,
or social media—as well as attributes that they most value in food trucks, such as taste, cost,
convenience, or “cool factor,” defined as people visiting food trucks due to recommendations
from friends or the media. For those who had more time, I discussed their history of dining at
food trucks, from when they first became customers to other food trucks they visit to different
10
factors that determine their decision to eat from food trucks. A compilation of the interview
responses has been documented in an Excel sheet (see Figure 4).
CLOVER FOOD TRUCK: LOW ECONOMIC, HIGH CULTURAL CAPITALS
Founded by an MIT graduate in 2008, Clover Food Truck uses local, organic ingredients
to prepare its eclectic vegetarian cuisine. Although the business started as a single food truck
serving students in Kendall Square, it has since grown to include eleven locations in places like
Park Street and Alewife, as well as four brick-and-mortar restaurants in Harvard Square,
Burlington, and Newbury St. All the items on its menu, whose affordable prices range from $2 to
$7, are vegetarian friendly, such as the chickpea fritter and BBQ seitan sandwiches.
Clover places much emphasis on the simplicity of its menu items that use locally sourced
ingredients. According to its owner, Ayr Muir, “We don’t use ‘flavor enhancers,’ artificial, or
natural flavors, additives, preservatives, or anything else you would need a chemistry degree to
understand.” In fact, none of the Clover locations own freezers because every ingredient—from
tomatoes to parsnips—is produced fresh that morning. Furthermore, the company believes in
transparency, therefore providing nutritional information of its menu items on the website. The
business’s commitment to sustainability is one of the reasons that customers keep frequenting the
food truck. One customer said, “I am all about supporting the local food movement, so that’s
why I come to eat at Clover all the time.”
Although Clover serves vegetarian cuisine, meat lovers also frequent the food truck. One
customer, who eats at Clover at least once every week, said, “I am a carnivore who loves steak,
but something about the food here at Clover makes me want to come back over and over again.”
Another customer echoed this sentiment by saying that she is a returning customer because “I
never knew seitan could taste like meat, and it is also healthier.” This demonstrates that, while
11
Clover does try to target a specific demographic by serving vegetarian and vegan food, it does
not necessarily have a distinct, segmented market since its food is enjoyed by carnivores as well.
Nonetheless, as a food truck categorized as being high on cultural capital, Clover’s customer had
high education level with 80 percent of customers having at least a college degree.
The affordability of the food was not a huge factor in drawing in customers; rather, one
customer said, “If anything, $6 for a small sandwich is actually a bit expensive.” Furthermore, 60
percent of the people said that they frequent Clover for its taste, and only 10 percent said that
their dietary restriction made them come eat at Clover.
Finally, Clover has an active presence on Twitter. As of April 30, 2013, it had 3,769
tweets and 5,452 followers. Clover on average had about 7 tweets a day, most of which were
announcing new menu items and location changes. Interestingly, 60 percent of the people said
that they first found out about the business by chance, while 20 percent said that they heard about
it from friends or in newspapers. Only 10 percent initially learned about Clover via Twitter, but
all those who follow Clover on Twitter were repeat customers.
ROXY’S GRILLED CHEESE: LOW ECONOMIC & CULTURAL CAPITALS
The three brother-owners behind this food truck promote themselves as “Boston’s Best
Grilled Cheese,” and rightfully so. Roxy’s Grilled Cheese, which opened in March 2011, earned
the distinguished title by CNN two years ago and has been cooking this American comfort food
to millions of customers ever since (Krader 2011). Roxy’s operates in locations like Boston
Commons, Copley Square, and Fenway. The business became even more popular after its
appearance on Food Network’s “The Great Food Truck Race.”
Roxy’s menu includes fancier, gourmet grilled cheese, such as the Mighty Rib Melt—
fontina, braised short ribs, and caramelized onions—and the Green Muenster Melt—Muenster
12
cheese, homemade guacamole, and applewood bacon—as well as classics like American cheese
slathered between two slices of bread. With its sandwiches priced at around $5, Roxy’s falls
under low economic capital. Further, because grilled cheese is a familiar item among Americans
regardless of their social class, it is also considered low in cultural capital.
Similar to the customers at Clover, Roxy’s customers also appreciated the taste of the
food. One customer said, “I can never pass up good grilled cheese. I grew up eating this stuff, so
it reminds me of childhood,” while another said, “Grilled cheese is the ultimate American
comfort food. It makes me happy…it’s cheese!” Customers further appreciated the extra steps
that Roxy’s have taken to elevate the experience of eating at food trucks: “It’s not just any grilled
cheese with a slice of cheese in between the breads. It’s gourmet. Mine’s nice and crispy, so it’s
much better than the ones you make at home.”
Clover and Roxy shared the same locations in Boston Common and South Station during
the weekday lunch hours. Yet the type of customers who dined at each food truck differed in
terms of their education level. While 80 percent of Clover customers had at least a college degree
with 60 percent of those with masters, MBA, or JD, only 40 percent of Roxy’s customer had a
college degree. The fact that these food trucks were located in the same area increased the
confidence in the finding that these food trucks attract customers of varying educational levels
based on the type of food that they serve.
With 30 percent of Roxy’s customers responding “convenience” as an important factor in
their repeat visits, it seems that both location of food trucks and the speed of service matter as
well. One customer who works in downtown and has less than thirty minutes to eat lunch said
that the lack of quick lunch spot was a problem for him until Roxy’s started parking right by his
office: “I can literally step out of my office and get lunch in less than ten minutes.”
13
Roxy’s had the biggest presence on Twitter, having tweeted more than 5,000 messages
and 11,784 followers as of April 30, 2013. Roxy’s tweeted about 9 tweets a day on average,
which included a lot of direct customer interactions. Although most customers also found out
about Roxy’s through word-of-mouth or by chance, those who followed Roxy’s addressed the
importance of social media presence. One customer said, “I would not have remembered this
divine experience and kept coming back if it weren’t for social media.” In this case, social media
played an important role in building customer loyalty.
LOBSTA LOVE: HIGH ECONOMIC & CULTURAL CAPITALS
Touted as New England’s first lobster food truck, Lobsta Love makes stops at wealthier
neighborhoods like Back Bay, Newbury St., and City Hall. As the name suggests, the truck’s
signature dish is lobster rolls, which is served on locally made, freshly toasted rolls with large
chunks of fresh lobster meat. In addition to this popular New England item, Lobsta Love also
serves crab rolls, lobster mac & cheese, and clam chowder. Compared to the prices at other food
trucks, Lobsta Love’s menu items are much more expensive. For example, lobster rolls cost as
much as $23, whereas crab rolls are priced at $15. Therefore, Lobsta Love is categorized as high
on economic capital as well as on cultural capital since lobster, crabs, and other seafood are
items often served in fancier restaurants inaccessible to people of lower socioeconomic class.
Of the three food trucks that I profiled, Lobsta Love was the least active on Twitter. At
143 tweets and 782 followers, it had the smallest number in both categories, and only tweeted 1
or 2 messages a day. Its Twitter messages also lacked diversity because most of them appeared
to be copy and pasted messages announcing the location changes.
Despite the differences in Lobsta Love’s Twitter usage, its customers were similar to
those of Clover and Roxy’s because they also agreed that taste and “cool factor” were the most
14
important reasons for coming back to the truck. One customer really enjoyed the experience of
eating gourmet food like lobster from a food truck when she said, “I would definitely take
visitors to the lobster truck for the experience.” Yet, because of the hefty cost, she said, “I
probably wouldn’t come back just for myself.” Another customer echoed similar sentiment when
he said, “This is just a one-time experience. It’s just so expensive.” On that note, Lobsta Love
defies the notion of food trucks as being affordable because its focus is more on gourmet food on
wheel.
As hypothesized, Lobsta Love’s customers had high education level with 90 percent of
the people having at least a college degree. However, given that its locations were in Harvard
Square and Newbury Street, there may have been selection bias because these areas tend to
attract academics and/or wealthier individuals. The fact that Lobsta Love chose these locations
also demonstrates that the owners are targeting their intended clientele and locating accordingly
at places where they expect to maximize profit.
ADDITIONAL FINDINGS
Prior to my research, I had hoped that interviewing customers will not only help me learn
more about the demographics of food truck customers, but also discover whether there is a
relationship between the type of food they consume and their social class.
Based on the analysis of my interviews, most customers—60 percent—said that they
found out about food trucks by chance. However, this is not meant to dismiss the importance of
social media because 80 percent of interviewers who follow food trucks on social media said that
they eat from their favorite food trucks at least once a week. Indeed, the pattern seems to be that
after people find out about food trucks via word-of-mouth or by chance, they begin “following”
them on Twitter to get more information about their whereabouts, new menus, and specials.
15
Another finding from my research was that 85 percent of interviewees ranked “taste” and
“cool factor” as their top reasons for eating at food trucks, while only 10 percent ranked
“convenience” and less than 5 percent attributed “cost” as their top reasons. Given my initial
literature review that cited economic reasons as the top influencer of food trucks’ proliferation,
this result was certainly surprising. Most customers whom I interviewed specifically pointed out
that cost did not play a big role, especially because items at food trucks are actually more
expensive for its small portion than those from brick-and-mortar restaurants. However, people
appreciated both the unique cuisine served at these food trucks and their characteristic as being
trendy and hip. In addition, others added that they liked the community aspect of eating together
with their friends and family in an outdoor setting.
It was difficult to understand the customer base for different food trucks, and therefore
truly knowing if there is any relationship between their socioeconomic class and food
consumption. Acknowledging that one’s profession and education level is not entirely indicative
of his or her social class, the interviews nonetheless revealed that two food trucks that are high
on cultural capital—Clover and Lobsta Love—catered to customers with higher education level
than those of Roxy’s, which has low cultural and economic capitals. In fact, 80 percent of Clover
and 90 percent of Lobsta Love diners had at least a college degree, whereas only 40 percent of
Roxy’s diners had a college degree. Ignoring any biases, such as a small sample size and location
discrepancies, the result is still illuminating because it demonstrates the modern applicability of
Bourdieu’s theory, which states that the working class tend to prefer products that are both
“cheap and nutritious,” whereas the professionals opt for products that are “healthy-giving, light,
and not fattening” (Bourdieu 1997).
LIMITATIONS
16
I would like to address some limitations to the research. First, I had a small sample size
of thirty participants. Although their professions were diverse, ranging from artists and teachers
to engineers and analysts, the sample was still too small and limited to draw any conclusive
generalization that is statistically significant. In addition, one’s education level and profession
are not sufficient measures of his or her socioeconomic class since it disregards other external
factors. Next, given the high number of colleges and universities in Boston, the market
demographic in the city is not representative of the entire U.S., so it would be hasty to make any
general conclusions of the food truck scene in the U.S. simply based on my research in Boston.
CONCLUSION
My research explored the reasons behind the proliferation of food trucks, examining the
transformation of the public’s attitude toward them from denigrated “roach coaches” to pop
culture phenomena. Specifically, the research focused on two interrelated factors—the customer
base that has enlarged by tapping into new socioeconomic niches that previously did not
patronize food trucks and unique marketing strategy via social media that has helped to
transform the image of Boston’s food trucks as hit and trendy. The paper investigated these two
factors through the case studies of three local food trucks.
17
Appendixes
Figure 1. The Number of Food Trucks in Boston from July 2011 to April 2013
60 56 50 40 43 36 30 Number of food trucks in Boston 20 10 0 20 13 18
Figure 2. Pierre Bourdieu’s Food Space
19
Figure 3. Modern Depiction of Bourdieu’s Food Space
http://www.gastronomica.org/bourdieus-food-space/
20
Appendix A. Interview Questions
1. What is your education level? What do you do for living?
2. How did you first hear about this food truck?
3. How often do you eat from food trucks? When was the first time you ate from food
trucks? Are there other food trucks you frequent?
4. What different factors determine your decision to eat at food trucks?
21
Figure 4. A Compilation of Interview Responses
22
References
Aronica, Molly. 2011. “More People Read User Reviews Than Restaurant Critics.” Daily Meal.
Retrieved March 23, 2013 (http://www.thedailymeal.com/where-do-you-get-yourrestaurant-recommendations)
Belluz, Julia. 2010. “Construction Guys Never Ate Like This.” Maclean’s Newspaper. Retrieved
February 28, 2013 (http://www2.macleans.ca/2010/09/30/construction-guys).
Bourdieu, Pierre. 1984. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Trans. Richard
Nice. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Bourdieu, Pierre. 1997. Culture & Power: The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press.
Christensen, Clayton M., Johnson, Curtis W., and Horn, Michael B. 2008. Disrupting Class:
How Disruptive Innovation Will Change the Way the World Learns. New York: McGraw
Hill.
Colaizzi, Merritt. 2010. “State of Social Media for Restaurants.” SmartBlog on Restaurants.
Retrieved February 29, 2013 (http://smartblogs.com/food-andbeverage/2010/06/16/stateof-social-media-for-restaurants/)
DiSabatino, James. 2013. Interview by author, Boston, MA, March 28, 2013.
Edge, John T. 2012. The Truck Food Cookbook: 150 Recipes and Ramblings from America's
Best Restaurants on Wheels. Workman Pub: New York.
Golder, Peter N. 2000. “Historical Method in Marketing Research With New Evidence on Longterm Market Share Stability.” Journal of Marketing Research 37(1): 156–173.
Hartman Group. 2012. Trend Alert: Street Food Gets Real. From Mobile to Mortar and Back
23
Again. The Hartman Group. Retrieved February 27, 2013 (http://www.hartmangroup.com/hartbeat/trend-alert-street-food-gets-real)
Humphreys, Andrew. 2010. “Megamarketing: The Creation of Markets as a Social Process.”
Journal of Marketing Research 74(2): 1-19.
IBIS World. 2011. Gourmet Food Trucks Industry Market Research. Los Angeles: IBIS World.
Krader, Kate. 2011. “A Cheesy Summer Meltdown.” CNN Eatocracy. Retrieved April 29, 2013
(http://eatocracy.cnn.com/2011/07/24/a-cheesy-summer-meltdown/)
Lenhart, A. 2009. Adults and Social Network Web Sites. Pew Internet and American Life
Project.
McLaughlin, Katy. 2009. “Food Truck Nation.” The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved February 26,
2013 (http://ftfus.com/news/Food%20Truck% 20Nation. %20WSJ.6-5-2009.pdf).
Press, Melea. and Eric J. Arnould. 2011. “Legitimating Community Supported Agriculture
Through American Pastoralist Ideology.” Journal of Consumer Culture, 11(1): 168-194.
Qualman, Erik. 2010. Socialnomics: How Social Media Transforms the Way We Live and Do
Business. New York: Wiley.
Rousseau, Signe. 2012. Food and Social Media: You Are What You Tweet. Lanham:
AltaMira.Press.
Saravanakumar, M. 2012. Social Media Marketing. Life Science Journal. 9(4) 4444-4451.
Shouse, Heather. 2011. Food Trucks: Dispatches and Recipes from the Best Kitchens on Wheels.
New York: Ten Speed Press.
Sniderman, Zachary. 2011. “How Social Media is Fueling the Food Truck Phenomenon.”
Mashable. Retrieved March 3, 2013 (http://mashable.com/2011/06/16/food-trucks-socialmedia/)
24
Thompson, Bill. 2013. “The Chuck Wagon.” American Chuck Wagon Association.
Travel Channel. 2012. “Food Truck Paradise.” You Tube Web site. Retrieved March 23, 2013
(www.youtube.com/watch?v=QIcwyW38AzM).
U.S. Census Bureau. 2012. State & Country QuickFacts. Boston, Massachusetts. U.S.
Department of Commerce. Retrieved May 7, 2013
(quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/25/2507000.html).
Wessel, Ginette. 2012. “From Places to Nonplace: A Case Study of Social Media and
Contemporary Food Trucks.” Journal of Urban Design, 17(4), 511-531.
White, Merry C. 2013. Interview by author, Boston, MA, March 12, 2013.
Williams-Forson, Psyche A. and C. Counihan. 2011. Taking Food Public: Redefining Foodways
in a Changing World. New York: Routledge.
Williams, Jacqueline. 1993. Wagon Wheel Kitchens: Food on the Oregon Trail. Kansas City:
University Press of Kansas.