ABK3 LEAP
Livelihoods, Education,
Advocacy and Protection
to Reduce Child Labor
in Sugarcane Areas
Migration Patterns of Sacada Children
and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations
in the Philippines
Implementing Agencies:
Funding for this project is provided by the United States Department of Labor under Cooperative Agreement No. IL-22508-11-75-K
Migration Patterns of Sacada Children
and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations
in the Philippines
University of the Philippines Social Action and Research for Development Foundation, Inc.
(UPSARDFI)
July 2015
This document does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the United States Department of Labor,
nor does the mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement
by the United States Government.
ABK3 LEAP RESEARCH PROGRAM STAFF
Jocelyn T. Caragay
Program Director
Ma.Theresa V.Tungpalan, PhD
Program Associate
Josefina M. Rolle
Research Associate
Maricel P. San Juan
Administrative Assistant
SACADA PROJECT STAFF
Editha Venus-Maslang, DPA
Project Director
Beatriz P. del Rosario, PhD
Research Associate
Josephine Gabriel-Banaag
Jona Marie P. Ang
Research Assistants
Janette B.Venus
Data Analyst
Emmanuel N. Ilagan
Editor
Acknowledgements
The Research Team of the University of the Philippines Social Action and Research for Development
Foundation (UPSARDF), Inc. wishes to acknowledge the support and cooperation of the following in the
completion of this study “Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane
Plantations in the Philippines”:
The Governor of Aklan, Mayors and Barangay Captains of the sending (Aklan) and the receiving provinces
(Batangas, Negros Oriental, Negros Occidental) for giving their time, support and cooperation during data
collection and field validation;
Representatives from the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), Department of Labor
and Employment (DOLE), and Department of Agriculture (DA)-Sugar Regulatory Administration (SRA) for
serving as key informants and for assisting the Research Team in coordinating the field visits;
The Sugar Mill district officers, Cooperative officers, contractors, planters, foremen (cabos), and the young
and adult migrant sugarcane workers (sacadas) and their families for participating in the survey, focus group
discussion, case studies, and key informant interviews;
The Provincial Engagement Officers of World Vision Development Foundation, Inc. (WVDF); ChildFund (CF),
Educational Research Development Assistance Group (ERDA), and the Sugar Industry Foundation, Inc (SIFI)
of the four (4) covered provinces for providing the needed assistance in coordinating with the Local
Government Units (LGUs) and other key partners in their respective areas;
The ABK3 Project Management Team and Technical Working Group for their endless support in all phases
of the research; and
The faculty, staff, students and friends of the College of Social Work and Community Development of the
University of the Philippines – Diliman for their participation during the initial presentations of the research
findings.
Contents
List of Tables
List of Figures
Abbreviations
Executive Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12
Chapter 1
Introduction17
Study Objectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Analytical Framework. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter 2 Findings
19
19
25
Who are the Sacadas? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Hacienda System and Roots of Sacada Work
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Sugar Industry
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Child Laborers in Sugarcane Plantations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Responding to Sacada Needs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Sacadas in Receiving Provinces: Batangas, Negros Oriental
and Negros Occidental . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Sacadas in a Sending Province: Aklan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
25
26
27
32
33
51
Case Studies
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
35
42
Chapter 3
Analyses, Conclusions and Recommendations97
Psycho-social and economic conditions of sacada adults,
children and their families . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
97
Protective and risk factors involved in sugarcane work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
Coping mechanisms and the effects of seasonal migration
on children
.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
Annexes
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
114
References
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
160
List of Tables
No.
Description
Page No.
1
Distribution of Respondents by Age Category and by Province
23
2
Sacadas’ Living Conditions in Home Province (HP) and Current Workplace (CW)
37
3
Sacadas’ Perceived Similarities and/or Differences between their Living Conditions in their
Home Province and Workplace
38
4
Sacadas’ Perceived Ability to Provide for Family Needs
39
5
Sacada Parents’ Perceptions and Values on their Relationship with Children and Working
Children: Receiving Provinces
40
6
Perceptions and Values of Sacada Respondents (with and without children) on Family and
Social Relationships and on Working Children: Receiving Provinces
41
7
Sacada Parents’ Perceptions and Values on their Relationship with Children and Working
Children: Aklan
45
8
Perceptions on Community Situation
47
9
Perceptions and Values of Sacada Respondents (with and without children) on Family and
Social Relationships and on Working Children: Aklan
47
10
Psycho-Emotional Condition of Children Left Behind
48
11
Social Support Available to Children Left Behind
49
List of Figures
No.
Description
Page No.
1
Interplay of Variables Influencing Child Labor and Migration
21
2
Organizations and Individuals Interacting with Sacada Children and their Families
22
3
Sacada Work Process
95
4
Sacada Income Distribution System
95
A B B R E V I AT I O N S
4Ps
Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program
ABK
Ang Pag-aaral ng Bata Para sa Kinabukasan
ALS
Alternative Learning System
BCPC
Barangay Council for the Protection of Children
BHW
Barangay Health Worker
BWSC
Bureau of Workers with Special Concerns
CADPI
Central Azucarera Don Pedro Inc.
CCT
Conditional Cash Transfer
CEVI
Community Economic Ventures, Inc.
CIRMS
Center for Investigative Research and Multimedia Services
CLMS
Child Labor Monitoring System
DA
Department of Agriculture
DAR
Department of Agrarian Reform
DepEd
Department of Education
DILG
Department of the Interior and Local Government
DOH
Department of Health
DOLE
Department of Labor and Employment
DSWD
Department of Social Welfare and Development
DTI
Department of Trade and Industry
ERDA
Educational Research and Development Assistance Foundation
FGD
Focus Group Discussion
HELP ME
Health, Education, Livelihood, Prevention, Protection, Prosecution, Monitoring, and Evaluation
IACAT
Inter-Agency Council against Trafficking
ILO
International Labour Organization
I-SERVE
SACADAS
Integrated Services for Migratory Sugar Workers
KALAHI-CIDSS Kapit-Bisig Laban sa Kahirapan-Comprehensive Integrated Delivery of Social Services
KII
Key Informant Interview
LCPC
Local Council for the Protection of Children
LEAP
Livelihoods, Education, Advocacy and Social Protection to Reduce Child Labor in Sugarcane
LGUs
Local Government Units
MDDCFI
Mill District Development Council Foundation Inc.
MPC
Multi Purpose Cooperative
MSW
Migratory Sugar Workers
NATTF
National Anti-Trafficking Task Force
NBI
National Bureau of Investigation
NCLC
National Child Labor Committee
NGO
Non-Government Organization
NSO
National Statistics Office
OFWs
Overseas Filipino Workers
PCA
Philippine Coconut Authority
PIA
Philippine Information Agency
POs
People’s Organizations
PPACL
Philippine Program Against Child Labor
PSWDO
Provincial Social Welfare and Development Office
RID
Regional Intelligence Division
SBM
Sagip Batang Manggagawa
SIFI
Sugar Industry Foundation, Inc.
SRA
Sugar Regulatory Administration
SSS
Social Security System
TESDA
Technical Education and Skills Development Authority
TWG
Technical Working Group
UP CSWCD
University of the Philippines College of Social Work and Community Development
UPSARDF
University of the Philippines Social Action and Research for Development Foundation
USDOL
United States Department of Labor
WHO
World Health Organization
WVDF
World Vision Development Foundation
Sacadas hauling sugarcanes on to a truck in Nasugbu, Batangas
Executive Summary
The University of the Philippines Social Action Research and Development Foundation (UPSARDF), Inc.
conducted a Study on “Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane
Plantations in the Philippines” under the World Vision ABK3 LEAP program, during the period February
2014 to July 2015. The Study aimed to draw some policy and program implications that will address the
plight of the sacadas.
The Study focused on the following:
1.
2.
3.
Psycho-social and economic conditions of sacada adults, children and their families
Protective and risk factors involved in sugarcane work
Coping mechanisms and the effects of seasonal migration on children
Data collection was done in four (4) provinces, namely Batangas, Negros Oriental and Negros Occidental
(“receiving” provinces where sacadas work), and Aklan (“sending” province where sacadas originally lived).
Two (2) barangays per municipality, and one (1) municipality per province were considered in this Study.
The main criteria used in selecting the provinces were: a) sugarcane is the main crop, and b) many workers
temporarily migrating to work in a sugarcane plantation in another location.
The methods used in the Study included case studies, survey interviews, key informant interviews and focus
group discussions. A total of 247 survey respondents from the four (4) provinces were covered consisting of
adults (199 or 81%) and children (48 or 19%). A big majority of the children interviewed came from Aklan.
Data collection for children working as sacada was limited by the difficulty of locating them in the receiving
provinces. This may be attributed to the growing awareness of the sacadas and their contractors of the
laws and policies governing child labor and the on-going vigorous inter-agency campaign on “child labor-free
barangays” led by the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE). Moreover, the attendant consequence
of violating child labor laws (e.g., the imprisonment of a recruiter or contractor) has inhibited the contractors
and adult sacadas in disclosing any information on the presence of child workers in the sugarcane fields.
The findings showed that sacada work is linked to the country’s socio-economic conditions that perpetuate
poverty. For as long as poverty exists, no amount of regulations would suffice to prevent families from allowing
their children to work. Unless the poverty cycle ends, the negative aspects of sacada work will always remain.
The uneven economic development has made some municipalities prosper while others impoverished. The
communities where the sacadas live are among the poorest, most marginalized and neglected. The sacadas
Page 12
Executive Summary
are caught in the “poverty trap” characterized by the web of material poverty, vulnerability, powerlessness,
physical weakness and isolation as cited by Chambers (1983). Thus, specific interventions should be developed
that will address each of these poverty elements.
Sacada work is passed on from one generation to another and is therefore inter-generational. Some adults
interviewed started sacada work at a young age – 12 to 16 years old and continue as sacadas into adulthood.
In cases where a sacada parent could no longer continue or voluntarily retire for health or some other
reason, the son takes over. The son works as sacada until the cash advance / loan from the labor contractor
is fully paid. Even after the loan is paid the meager take-home pay however prevents him from sending his
children to school and giving them a better future.
Both the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) and the DOLE have reported a significant
reduction in the number of child laborers in sugarcane plantations.They attributed this to the strict monitoring
of child labor and human trafficking cases via an inter-agency approach.
However, the study showed that child labor in sugarcane
plantations continues to exist despite the government’s efforts
to mitigate it. Their parents have allowed them to work at an
early age for them to contribute to the family coffers. However,
child labor cases are not discussed in the open due to the
existence of child labor laws and policies.Thus, children working
as sacada have remained hidden, undocumented and unprotected.
Although child labor is not allowed, some sugar mill industry
focal points and barangay officials showed tolerance towards it.
The Tripartite Mill District Committee in Batangas, formulated a
voluntary code of conduct allowing children to work (although
only light work) in sugarcane plantations.
Children working as
sacada have
remained hidden,
undocumented and
unprotected.
There are existing policies and programs that address sugarcane workers in general; however, their
enforcement would need to be monitored and as needed, strengthened and enhanced. These include the
following: the Social Amelioration Act; DSWD’s 4 Ps (Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program); non-government
organization (NGO)’s support; DOLE’s monitoring that seeks to ensure provision of living necessities (good
housing conditions, water and toilets) to the sacadas; DOLE’s child labor-free barangay campaign; and DOLE’s
Integrated Services for Migratory Sugar Workers (I-SERVE Sacadas).
While policy and program interventions exist, key informants from the municipal local government units
(LGUs) claimed no knowledge about the I-SERVE program and understandably have not accessed any benefit
from it. Moreover, while the government through DOLE has developed and implemented a social amelioration
program for the sacadas, it has yet to reach the sacadas covered by the present Study. Hence they do not
enjoy social and legal protection.There is a need therefore to intensify awareness promotion not only among
the LGUs but more importantly, among the sacadas for them to gain access to services and benefits.
Because their principal concern is earning enough money for their families to survive, sacadas have very
limited involvement in community activities outside their families. Their sense of collectivity and confidence
in their own power to alter their lives for the better is very low. Needless to say having a shared vision and
common interest for their families and community is almost nil.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Sacadas have remained isolated in their workplace and their mobility and interaction with other people in
the surrounding community are restricted. To prevent the sacadas from encountering problems with the
community people, the foreman/cabo always sees to it that they are confined within the barracks. They are
prevented from mixing with the locals. They leave early for work and come back late afternoon or evening.
They do not participate much in recreational activities (except for some who allegedly drink or gamble).
Even their families left in the barracks have nothing productive to do while waiting for their sacada spouse
to return from work.
Families of sacadas left behind in their home provinces are faced with psycho-social challenges that need
to be addressed. Social relationship among children is generally confined to immediate family members. The
presence of some support system, e.g., grandparents or other relatives alleviates the burden of temporary
separation of the sacadas from their families. Spouses left behind engage in other means of livelihood, that
provide them temporary relief from loneliness and at the same time augment their family income. Academic
institutions that have community outreach programs may be tapped to place community organizers in the
communities to facilitate activities that can help uplift the self-image and self-worth as well as social skills of
the sacadas and their families.
Sacadas have moved from one province to another – from their home province in the Visayas to different
parts of Luzon (Negros/Antique-Pampanga-Batangas-Isabela). The migration pattern of sacadas remains to
be seasonal and transitory. The seasonal migration movement is now towards Isabela as it offers higher pay
due to its eco-fuel industry.
The term “sacada” has several local connotations. What makes it unique is that it involves some form of
temporary, seasonal migration and is particular to a specific nature of work – harvesting and cane hauling.
The other term associated with sugarcane work is the “dumaan”. Dumaans are permanent farm workers
who work in the haciendas whole-year round, albeit for two (2) to three (3) days a week only.
In a sense, there is no clear-cut delineation between a sacada and a dumaan. They can be sacada at one point
and dumaan at another point once they go back to their hometown to work in a sugarcane plantation.This is
especially true for those living in the Negros provinces. They do sacada work in a nearby municipality and go
back at the end of the day to their homes. Given that one can be a sacada and a dumaan at different points,
the concept of “sacada” may need to be redefined to reflect this peculiarity.
The strenuous, back-breaking, and heavy lifting tasks under the heat of the sun involved in harvesting and
hauling cane definitely present not just health and physical but also emotional hazards to a child sacada.There
is no question that children must not be allowed to work as sacada.
Recommendations
Policy implications
1.
2.
Page 14
Raise awareness among the country’s legislators and policy makers on the sacadas’ plight, i.e., as the
most deprived group in the agricultural worker sector who have been trapped in the poverty cycle
from generation to generation.
Amend and strengthen the Social Amelioration Act to include specific welfare and protection
provisions for sacadas and their families.
Executive Summary
3.
4.
5.
Expand the mandate of the Tripartite Committee to include monitoring and reporting of compliance
to labor standards on hours of work, working conditions, employee benefits, etc., by planters and
sacada labor contractors, particularly in ensuring the safety, protection and welfare of the sacadas.
Create special laws to address the needs of sacadas, given the transitory and migratory nature of
their work; for instance, providing them with an employment identification card that they can use to
avail themselves of work benefits regardless of their work location.
Engage academic institutions that have community outreach programs to inform sacadas of their
rights and benefits as agricultural laborers; use mass media as necessary.
Program implications
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Strengthen intra-barangay and inter-barangay level monitoring on possible violations of child labor
laws; form a multi-sectoral structure within barangays to monitor and report as well as expeditiously
act on child labor cases.
Actively explore alternative means of livelihood that utilize existing local assets and resources coupled
with infrastructure and marketing support; provide skills enhancement and alternative livelihood and
skills training to spouses left behind.
Encourage the organization of sacadas for them to be represented in a tripartite sugar committee,
where they can be given voice to present their concerns and needs. Organize sacada cells (with 5 to
10 families in each cell) to identify, plan and carry out activities that will promote their interest and
well-being; organize a separate cell for sacada children for the same purpose.
Strengthen positive cultural values (providing for family needs, honoring financial obligations, sense
of responsibility) but at the same time ensure that the rights and welfare of children are protected
and upheld.
Vigorously promote responsible parenthood and child well-being; strengthen family interventions
(family development session, counseling, etc.).
Conduct more awareness activities to promote child rights, including advocacy on child rights among
those involved in hiring sacadas, such as contractors, plantation owners, sugar mill industry focal
points.
Strictly enforce policies and programs that address the needs and concerns of the sacadas.
Publicly recognize through government awards or incentives those planters, millers and contractors
who fully comply with labor laws and standards.
Redefine the concept of “sacada” to reflect the mix of “sacada” and “dumaan” work features.
Page 15
Interview with a family of sacadas in Mabinay, Negros Oriental
Chapter One
Introduction
Several international and national legal instruments have been enacted to eliminate the worst forms of child
labor. For instance, in the 2010 Global Child Conference towards a World Without Child Labor held in the
Hague, Netherlands, the multi-sector participants agreed on measures to accelerate progress towards the
elimination of the worst forms of child labor by 2016 while affirming the International Labor Organization
(ILO) Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work (1998) and ILO Conventions of 1973
and 1999.
At the national level, the Philippine Program against Child Labor (PPACL) Strategic Framework 20072015 lays out the blueprint for reducing the incidence of child labor by 75 percent by 2015. Apart from
child labor, the Philippines also has taken actions specifically to address the issue of trafficking with the
creation of the Inter-Agency Council against Trafficking (IACAT) and the National Anti-Trafficking Task Force
(NATTF) to promote collaboration between the police and prosecutors as well as service providers in
developing a stronger case against traffickers (Department of Labor Bureau of International Labor Affairs,
July 2011).
In December 2013, the 12th Congress of the Philippines enacted Republic Act No. 9231, “an Act providing
for the elimination of the worst forms of child labor and affording stronger protection for the working child,
amending Republic Act No. 7610, which is the ‘special protection of children against child abuse, exploitation
and discrimination Act’. The Act provides special protection to children from all forms of abuse, neglect,
cruelty, exploitation and discrimination, and other conditions prejudicial to their development including child
labor and its worst forms, among others.
According to the Philippines 2007 Labor Force Survey, approximately 2.3 million children aged 5-17 years or
eight (8) percent of the total age group worked in the Philippines. Roughly, 56 percent of working children
worked in agriculture, hunting and forestry. In agriculture, children worked in the production of bananas,
coconuts, corn, rice, rubber, sugarcane, tobacco, and other fruits and vegetables. Children working in the
sugarcane sector are involved in planting, weeding, cane cutting, farm clearing, harvesting, hauling, pesticide
and fertilizer application, burning, preparation of cane tops and the counting and distribution of seedlings.
(Department of Labor, 14 July 2011). Poverty has been a major contributory factor to child labor in the
Philippines, which is supported by several studies on child labor and migration.
A study conducted by the Save the Children UK Philippines on the impact of migration on children in Cebu
City (October 2002) showed several converging factors that trigger migration: food shortage brought about
by a drop in agricultural production; unemployment; weak domestic markets; unstable family income; limited
educational facilities for children; and inflationary pressures (high transport costs, bad roads, etc.).
Specifically on children working in sugarcane plantations,World Vision, in collaboration with some government
and sugar industry stakeholders undertook a rapid assessment of all sugarcane provinces with the end-view
Page 17
Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
of designing a project to target geographic areas and beneficiaries where it can make the greatest impact
given its available resources.
The ABK3 LEAP (Livelihoods, Education, Advocacy and Protection) against Exploitative Child Labor in
Sugarcane document (31 August 2011) reveals that there are 17 provinces that grow sugarcane in the
country – two (2) of which are in Negros that produce more than 58 percent of the total production. The
research was able to rank and choose the 11 targeted provinces based on certain criteria, i.e., sugarcane
production, number of farms, 2009 annual per capital poverty threshold, poverty incidence, magnitude of
poor families, net enrollment, elementary school survival (drop-out) rate, elementary classroom-pupil ratio,
and rural population.
In addition, it considered the provinces where ABK3 LEAP partners have already collaborated, and took
into account the limited resources and economies of scale. Based on the assessment results, ABK3 LEAP
project implementers1 designed a project that aims to reduce child labor in sugarcane areas through the
following: provision of direct services and linkages; institutional capacity strengthening through improved
policies, programs and service delivery; awareness-raising on exploitative child labor in sugarcane and on
the importance of education; research, evaluation, and collection of data to address gaps in knowledge,
improve monitoring, and increase the effectiveness of direct interventions to combat exploitative child labor
in sugarcane; and the ensuring of sustainable efforts to reduce exploitative child labor.
As part of research and knowledge generation, the University of the Philippines College of Social Work
and Community Development (UP CSWCD) through the UP Social Action and Research for Development
Foundation (UPSARDF), Inc. did an in-depth baseline study of the ABK3 LEAP areas. The study reaffirmed
that poverty coupled with the strong desire to help meet their family’s survival needs had prompted children
to work in sugarcane plantations. Among the issues confronting child laborers were: the health risks involved
in their sugarcane work; the lack of financial capacity to pursue and complete their education; the lack of
awareness of government education support policies and programs; and the additional demand to perform
domestic chores on top of their work.
Hans van de Glind (2010) prepared a working paper on migration and child labor with focus on child migrant
vulnerabilities and on children left-behind. He concluded that despite the growing body of evidence with
regard to the effects of migration on children, there remain significant knowledge gaps, and further analysis
needs to be done on the correlation between migration and child labor.
The previous studies done on child laborers in sugarcane plantations are good and important references for
determining further areas of research that can broaden and deepen one’s knowledge and understanding of
their situation; particularly the core problems and issues, the possible risks, and the coping and protective
mechanisms both inherent and available to child laborers and their families. It is envisaged that the findings of
the study will help policy-makers and program implementers in redesigning appropriate program interventions
towards enhancing the well-being and protection of children working in exploitative forms of labor within
and outside their place of origin.
WVDF, Child Fund International (CF), Educational Research and Development Assistance (ERDA), Sugar Industry Foundation,
Inc. (SIFI), and Community Economic Ventures, Inc. (CEVI)
1
Page 18
Introduction
Study Objectives
General Objective: The study broadly aims to describe and analyze the situation and effects of labor and
migration on child workers and their families in sugarcane plantations.
Specific Objectives:
1.
To describe the psycho-social, educational and economic conditions of child workers who are either
left behind, living independently or living with their parents, such as, but not limited to the following:
a.
Motivations, aspirations, feelings and perceptions
b.
Socialization and social relationships of child laborers and of children left behind by parents
c.
Community involvement
d.
Income and access to resources
e.Education
f.
Health condition
2.
3.
4.
5.
To determine the protective and risk factors involved in sugarcane work, including the working
conditions at the sending area2 and receiving area of sacada children and their families;
To identify the effects of migration on children;
To determine how children and their families cope with work-related problems, issues and concerns;
and
To track the movement of sugarcane child laborers and their families and recommend ways on how
to address their problems.
Analytical Framework
Hans van de Glind (2010) notes that migration can be an important determinant for child labor. His paper
focuses on voluntary migration, excludes child trafficking and distinguishes three categories as follows: 1)
children who migrate with their parents; 2) independent child migrants; and 3) children left-behind by migrant
parents. As his paper analyzes the global context of child labor and migration, the study adopts the same
categories in the local context, and also looks into the implications of child trafficking particularly among
independent child migrants.
For all three types of child labor and migration, the same variables will be examined as follows: 1) psychosocial; 2) economic; 3) protective and risk factors; and 4) coping mechanisms. Each is described briefly as
follows:
Psycho-social factors
Erik Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development is one of the best-known theories of personality in
psychology. Erikson’s theory describes the impact of social experience across the whole lifespan.
Situation in the sending area will be based mainly on the description to be provided by the study respondents as they narrate
their family history and the major past events and conditions in their lives.
2
Page 19
Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
One of the main elements of Erikson’s psycho-social stage theory is the development of ego identity.
Ego identity is the conscious sense of self that we develop through social interaction. According to Erikson,
our ego identity is constantly changing due to new experiences and information we acquire in our daily
interactions with others. When psychologists talk about identity, they are referring to all of the beliefs, ideals,
and values that help shape and guide a person’s behavior. The formation of identity is something that begins
in childhood and becomes particularly important during adolescence, but it is a process that continues
throughout life. Our personal identity gives each of us an integrated and cohesive sense of self that endures
and continues to grow as we age (Kendra, n.d.).
The study looked into the psychosocial make-up of the child laborers – their motivations, aspirations,
perceptions, beliefs, ideals and values. Unlike previous studies done, the study dug deeper into how child
laborers’ values and beliefs are shaped by their social environment.
Economic factors
Using the concept of decent work in labor migration and rural workers, the study examined the general
economic condition of child laborers and their families, particularly on the social cost involved in either
leaving the family behind or bringing in the family into the internal migration process.
Protective and risk factors
What are risk and protective factors? They are the aspects of a person (or group) and environment or
personal experience that make it more likely (risk factors) or less likely (protective factors) that people will
experience a given problem or achieve a desired outcome. Risk and protective factors are keys to figuring
out how to address community health and development issues. It is a matter of taking a step back from
the problem, looking at the behaviors and conditions that originally caused it, and then figuring out how to
change those conditions (Community Tool Box, n.d.).
The study explored the different risks that beset sugarcane child laborers and their families. It sought to
determine the types and effects of social protection accorded to sugarcane child laborers and their families
by the different organizations operating in the areas. The already established mechanisms against human
trafficking and child labor were re-examined on the extent that they are able to protect child laborers from
abuse.
Coping mechanisms
Coping has been defined as the ‘person’s constantly changing cognitive and behavioral efforts to meet
specific external and/or internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the
person’ (Lazarus, 1998, p. 201). Generally, a distinction is made between two ways of coping. Problemfocused coping is ‘vigilant coping’, aimed at problem solving, or doing something to alter the source of the
stress to prevent or control it. Emotion-focused coping is aimed at reducing or managing the emotional
distress associated with the situation (Carver et al., 1989; Lazarus and Folkman, 1984). The former tends to
predominate when something constructive can be done. It has been described as active coping; the latter
tends to predominate when the stress is something that must be endured.
The separation of the families from the child laborer or the seasonal migration of the whole family may cause
changes in the family structure. The study looked into how family members especially the children are able
Page 20
Introduction
to survive their situation, and how children and parents manage and solve their problems. It also delved into
the existing and needed support system to help them cope with their challenging situation.
The following diagram shows the interplay of factors or variables that could influence child labor and
migration:
Figure 1: Interplay of Variables Influencing Child Labor and Migration
Migration patterns may be explained by the degree of awareness or perception of child laborers and their
families on the working conditions and opportunities at either the sending area or receiving area. Personal
and familial factors (values, beliefs, social interaction) and environmental factors (availability of resources and
opportunities plus support policies, programs and services) may also serve as determinants of migration.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Figure 2: Organizations and Individuals Interacting with Sacada Children and their Families
The above figure shows the key individuals and organizations that interact with the sacada children and their
families. Each could play a role in the life of a sacada child and his/her family, which could affect or influence
his or her well-being.
Research Design and Methods
The study is a combination of exploratory and descriptive research designs. It employs a mix of quantitative
and qualitative methods. There are two major components: the first one sought to establish the migration
patterns of sugarcane child laborers and their families through survey and review of relevant documents;
the second aimed to gain a deeper understanding of the psycho-social factors, including how they cope, the
risks involved in their work, and the social protection measures available to help reduce the burden of child
laborers. The latter was done through case studies of children and their families. Focus group discussions
were also done with selected groups, including child laborers and their families.
Each method is described briefly in the following:
Survey interviews
The study was conducted in four of 11 (or 36%) covered provinces of ABK3 LEAP project – Batangas
in Luzon; and Negros Occidental, Negros Oriental and Aklan in the Visayas. The first three provinces are
classified as ‘receiving’ provinces (where the sacadas go to for work), while Aklan as the ‘sending’ province
(the home province or place of origin of the sacadas).
Page 22
Introduction
The following shows the distribution of respondents by province:
Table 1: Distribution of Respondents by Age Category and by Province
Number (No.) of Adult
Respondents
No. of Child
Respondents
Total
Aklan
31
30
61
Batangas
53
6
59
Negros Occidental
52
7
59
Negros Oriental
63
5
68
Total
199
48
247
Province
The number of children per receiving province was very few; thus, they were considered as part of the case
studies instead.
Selection of municipalities/barangays per province was done in consultation with the local government
agencies (DSWD/DOLE). Municipalities were chosen based on their known number of sacadas.
Focus group discussions (FGDs)
For each province, FGDs were undertaken separately with some sacada parents, children of sacadas, and
some local agency representatives.
Key informant interviews
Key informant interviews were also conducted with the focal persons from the Department of Labor and
Employment (DOLE), the manager of Integrated Services for Migratory Sugar Workers (ISERVE) Sacada
program, some farm managers and/or the sacada contractors/middlemen. Interview questions revolved
around the work conditions and arrangements of sacadas.
Page 23
Temporary shelter for sacadas in Barangay Cogonan, Nasugbu, Batangas
Chapter Two
Findings
Who are the Sacadas?
There are two categories of sugarcane plantation workers: Sacada and Dumaan.
Sacada (or sakada) is the Filipino/Tagalog word for a seasonal cane cutter (Asia Watch Report, 1990, p. 113)
and seasonal daily wage laborer (Corpuz, 1992) working in a sugarcane plantation. Sacadas are usually hired
as temporary migrant workers during the peak harvest and milling season, from October/November to April
or May.
Sacadas are the hacienda’s living proof that colonial-period migrant labor in the Philippines persists in the
“new millennium”. The ordinary sacada is the oppressed worker, migrant, and peasant twice over. Receiving
abysmally-low wages and denied benefits, many of the sacadas hail from the Visayas, where many haciendas
are found (Ito & Olea, 2004).
Dumaan (or duma-an) are permanent farm workers who work in the haciendas whole-year round, albeit
for two to three days a week only. During the Spanish colonial times, dumaans were effectively permanent
subsistence laborers. Often they fell into a form of debt peonage through unpaid credit at estate-stores that
rendered their salaries largely insufficient.
Although the plight of dumaans who reside in a hacienda is difficult, the situation of sacadas is a lot worse
(Billig, 2003, p. 39).
Based on key informant interviews with the DOLE representatives in Batangas and Negros Occidental, the
term “sacada” is likened to slavery dating back to the Spanish period. Hence, DOLE had replaced it with the
phrase “migratory sugar workers” (MSW) to refer to those who, in order to cut canes during the milling
season, have transferred from one province to another, or from one town to another within the same
province. Essentially, migratory sugar workers are people who transfer work locations.
The original concept of “sacada” is a tabasero or laborer from Panay Island hired by the planter through
transaction with a contractor for the purpose of cutting and loading sugarcanes in the Negros province.
As the years passed, the term “sacada” grew to encompass locals from Negros. For example, planters in
Binalbagan, Negros Occidental hire people from Mabinay, Negros Oriental. These workers typically have the
option to stay in the assigned barracks or return occasionally to their hometowns.
When sugar mills in Negros Oriental and South Occidental are either closing already or have stopped
altogether, people go to North Occidental to find work. Sacadas from provinces outside Negros normally
work in South Occidental; when the rainy season starts, they go back to Iloilo, Antique, or other towns in
Negros such as Victorias, Cadiz, and Sagay.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
In Batangas,“sacadas” are “dayo” (migrant workers) or “Bisaya” (from the Visayas).These sacadas are generally
recruited by contractors. The contractor is responsible for bringing them back home. During the months of
January/February/March, the sacadas (tabaseros) arrive in Batangas. Many come from Quezon, Aklan, Antique,
and Bicol. More recently some of these migrant workers come from Mindoro.
In their place of origin, the sacada families live on subsistence level, normally getting only two (2) meals a
day consisting of rice, corn, or root crops. With no job opportunities, they sacrifice leaving their families to
work in the sugarcane fields.Those from the Visayas go to Pampanga and Tarlac first before going to Nasugbu,
Batangas. The number of Visayan migrant workers is declining because according to the contractors, many
sacada families are now beneficiaries of the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD’s)
Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps); some sacada workers opt to stay and no longer work in the
sugarcane fields.
FGD participants from Batangas viewed children of sacadas in a negative light: children as “madungis (dirty),
hindi naliligo (do not take a bath), malnourished, payat (skinny), kawawa (pitiful), may dalang kaldero at
itak (equipped with cooking pot and machete knife), Bisaya (from the Visayas), dayo (one who is coming
from outside their community), hindi marunong mag Tagalog (does not speak Tagalog), hindi nakikipaglaro
sa mga bata sa barangay (do not play with children in the community), sumasama sa grupo ng manggagapak,
nakayapak, at may towel (go with the sacadas, no foot protection/shoes/slippers, and with a towel), palipatlipat ng lugar ( moving from one place to another), laging hubad (oftentimes not fully clothed).
FGD sacada children participants from Aklan have associated the term “sacada” with the following: tubo
(sugarcane); mainit (hot weather); kailangang mabilis ang kilos (fast/quick moves/action); maagang gumigising
(early riser); mahirap na trabaho (tough job). A former sacada child described sacada work as “super mahirap
(super tough job), kulang na lang dugo ang umagos sa amin” (the work almost makes us sweat with blood).
Many sacada families associated sacada with “fast cash or ready cash” because of the practice of receiving
cash advances from a contractor or sugar plantation owner prior to their departure for work.
The Hacienda System and Roots of Sacada Work
The sacadas are better understood by looking back at history and checking the roots of their existence.
The origin of the hacienda system dates back to the colonial past of the Philippines. It was instituted by the
Spanish colonialist as an economic and political unit and was entrusted to loyal natives. The hacienda system
emerged with the formation of commercial haciendas. At that time, vast fertile lands tilled by peasants for
centuries were expropriated and converted into sugar and other export-producing agricultural estates (Ito
& Olea, 2004).The hacienda system can also be called a haciendero-sacada system which is a system of agrarian
relations (Corpuz, 1992).
Since the 1800s, the sugar industry has dominated the lives of sugar producing regions in the Philippines. An
increasingly high proportion of land was devoted to sugar rather than subsistence crops. This was the era
of the hacienda system in Negros. It has made many peasants more dependent and susceptible to hunger,
maltreatment and indebtedness (Billig, 2003).
The status of being sugar workers has been passed on from generation to generation. They do not own any
property or their “own” lives. What they have are the debts that have been handed down by their ancestors.
Page 26
Findings
The sugar workers are therefore landless, property-less and indebted. They have been tied to the hacienda
system and subjected to wage slavery and sub-human working and living conditions. The families of sugar
workers dwell in vast field of canes, in tents or makeshift bunkhouses that are covered with sacks or made
of old wood and branches of trees.
Historically, sacadas are “the farm workers in the sugar plantations of Negros.” They are described to be exploited
both by the hacienderos and the contratistas. The latter are labor contractors who earn money by serving as
middlemen with the sacadas as their “merchandise.” A Jesuit priest trying to unionize the sacadas elaborates
on how the system works as follows:
There are between 20,000 – 30,000 sacadas recruited every year who come mostly from Panay
island and brought to Negros during the milling season by contratistas. A contratista enters into a
contract with a haciendero binding himself to supply so many laborers. He gets an advance from
the haciendero usually an average of PhP46 per laborer. The money is given to the family of the
laborer to tide them over while the laborer is away. Although it is later on deducted from the sacada’s
earnings, it is sometimes given to him with interest. The sacada is also often cheated in food, in the
weighing of the sugarcane that he cuts, hauls and loads. The contratista gets a commission and he
earns over PhP1 per day per laborer that he supplies. Some of the contratistas are public officials,
town mayor and chief of police.
Slavery is a reality in an expeditious system of sugar plantation because of the peculiar labor needs of planting
and harvesting cane. The planting and harvest season is very tedious, expansive and busy and only a large,
well-disciplined labor force capable of toiling in the tropical heat can meet its demands. Sugarcane farming
tends to find a niche in regions where abundant labor could be turned to or coerced into doing field work
for low wages. Hence, production became associated with extremes in social structure: the very poor who
cultivate and cut the cane, and the estate owners and millers who control the process of converting canes
to sugar (Deduro, 2005).
The Sugar Industry
The Sugar Workers in Contemporary Times
Over the years, the working and living conditions of the sacadas have remained the same. The seasonal
nature of the sugar industry does not give job security to most of the farm workers and mill workers.
The government-mandated minimum daily wage for agricultural workers was at PhP175-250. However,
only very few work as regular workers and receive about PhP2,000/month. Other workers are
employed on an intermittent basis to weed and do other jobs and are paid an average daily wage of
PhP30 – PhP60.
Despite the payment of their wages, the farm workers continue to have a relationship of patronage with the
planter/landlord which intensifies the former’s exploitation. The planters remain to be responsible for the
upkeep of the workers. They run stores and sell overpriced foodstuff and other basic commodities to the
workers on credit.As a result of farm worker agitation during the sugar crisis in the 80’s, most haciendas now
allocate a portion of their land for rice cultivation, the harvest of which is then loaned by the planters to the
farm workers. The long list of debts is deducted from the wages of the farm workers, most often leaving the
workers still heavily indebted.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
In 2003, government data showed that out of the 618,991.026 hectares planted with sugarcane,
49.41 percent was owned by about 1,807 planters (or 0.03% of the total 46,574 planters) whose land
ownership ranged from 50 hectares to 100 or more hectares. They also control the sugar industry’s 28
sugar mills and refineries. The same few also own the fertilizers, pesticides and farm implements businesses
(Deduro, 2005).
The sugar industry contributes about P76 billion annually to the Philippine economy from the production of
raw and refined sugar, molasses, and bio-ethanol. In addition, it supports foreign currency earnings through
exports of sugar under the US Sugar Quota Program and to other Asian countries and the world market
(Sugar Regulatory Administration-Department of Agriculture, 2014).
The share distribution of sugarcane plantations by island is as follows: Negros island - 51.22%; Mindanao 22.4%; Luzon - 15.32%; Panay - 7.23%; and Eastern/Central Visayas - 3.83%. Of the total sugar production
in the Philippines, 56% comes from Negros; 24% comes from Bukidnon (Mindanao), Panay, Leyte and Cebu
(Visayas); and 20% from Tarlac and Batangas (Luzon).
There are 28 operational mills in the country and 12 sugar mills (42%) are located in Negros. One of the
12 is Victorias Milling Corporation (VMC), known as the biggest refinery in the country and in Asia, and
the third largest in the world. Of all the sugar producing areas, Negros is dependent on the sugar industry
because of its monocrop nature. Negros has the most number of sugar workers in the country (310,000
out of 460,000 or 67%), and the most number of industrial sugar mill workers (18,000 out of 24,000)
(Deduro, 2005).
A Look at the Sugar Mill Districts
Following are the sugar mill industries in areas covered by the current research project.
Don Pedro Mill District - Western Batangas, Region IV-A (Sugar Regulatory Administration-Department
of Agriculture, 2014)
Don Pedro mill district covers the western portion of Batangas and some municipalities in Cavite, Laguna and
Quezon. The mill district has seven planters’ associations that are affiliated with the Don Pedro Mill District
Development Council Foundation Inc. (Don Pedro MDDCFI). Don Pedro MDDCFI is a SEC-registered
foundation created in 2001.The mill district has 69 units of tractors owned and operated by private planters
and the MDDCFI. The MDDCFI successfully operated its tractor pool through the DA-SRA Sugar ACEF
program and was able to serve the tractor needs of the small farmers in the district.
The total plantation area in the district was 14,186 hectares in CY 2012-13 with a total sugarcane and sugar
production of 740,455 MT and 1,433,332 LKg bags,respectively. Don Pedro mill district is composed of 6,187
farmers where 98 percent are small farmers, both Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries (ARBs) and non-ARBs.
The hectarage cultivated by small farmers in the mill district is proportionate to the number of farmers
and comprises an aggregate plantation area that is larger compared to those of the large farmers. Sugarcane
plantations in the mill district are traditionally owned by small farmers.
The sharing ratio in the mill district is 65 percent in favor of the planters and 35 percent for the miller. Sugar
production in crop year 2012-13 contributed to only 2.9 percent of the national production.
Page 28
Findings
Sacada cooking area, Cadiz, Negros Occidental
Children of sacada families, Kabankalan, Negros Occidental
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Sacada housing inside view after workers left, Kabankalan, Negros Occidental
Page 30
Findings
The mill district has one sugar mill, the Central Azucarera Don Pedro Inc. (CADPI). The canes milled by
CADPI had less sugar content than the averages in Luzon and the country as a whole. Wage rates in Don
Pedro mill district was usually P180/day but could vary depending on the farm activity.
There are two operational block farms in Don Pedro mill district both situated in Nasugbu, Batangas. These
are Kamahari Multi Purpose Cooperative (MPC) with 40 beneficiaries and a total farm area of 32.5 hectares,
and Damba Multi Purpose Cooperative (MPC) with 40 beneficiaries and a total farm area of 33 hectares.
The block farms were organized by the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) and assisted by the Sugar
Regulatory Administration (SRA) on sugarcane farming technologies and capability building.
Cost of production per hectare for small farms range from PhP30,000 to PhP50,000; for medium-size farms
from PhP60,000 to PhP70,000; and for large farms from PhP80,000 to PhP100,000. Around 10-15 percent of
the plantations in the district are leased to private financiers or large planters.
Balayan Mill District - Eastern Batangas, Region IVA
Balayan Mill District covers 22 municipalities of eastern Batangas. The mill district has an area of 16,273
hectares and had a sugar production of 1,995,306 LKg bags in crop year 2012-13; this was 4.05 percent of
the total national sugar production. The sharing system adopted was 65 percent for planters and 35 percent
for millers. Farm yield was 64.55 TC/Ha and 122.61 LKg /Ha while average sugar yield for the crop year was
1.90 LKg/TC. Balayan has the highest farm yield so far among the Luzon mill districts. It is composed of 3,887
farmers, 92 percent of whom are small farmers, ARBs and non-ARBs.
Cost of production in the district ranged from PhP50,000 to 100,000 per hectare. Financing for farm
operations were sourced from the Land Bank of the Philippines, rural banks and planters cooperatives.
Interest rates usually ranged from 6 percent to 10 percent depending on the track record of the farmer or
cooperative. Around 20 percent of the farms in Balayan mill district are leased to private individuals at the
rate of PhP7,000 - PhP12,000 per hectare.
The mill district has to deal with certain challenges to remain cost-competitive. There is scarcity of farm
laborers in the mill district so the district has to import cane cutters from Negros; labor costs tend to be
high. To address the labor shortage problem, mechanizing farm operations especially the harvesting and
loading operations has become an urgent need in Batangas. Removing excess cane trashes in the fields during
harvesting is also a problem in the district.
Lopez Mill District – Negros Occidental, Region VI
Lopez mill district covers Escalante City, a portion of Cadiz City and Sagay City of Negros Occidental. In crop
year 2012-13, the mill district had a total sugarcane area of 13,010 hectares with a total sugar production of
1,522,170 LKg bags, which constituted 3.09 percent of the national production. Sugar sharing scheme of the
mill district is 70 percent for planters share and 30 percent for millers. Its cane yield was 60 TC/Ha, a sugar
yield of 117 LKg/Ha and 1.95 LKg/TC. In crop year 2010 - 2011, it recorded a total of 492 farmers, of whom
58 percent were small farmers.
The planters in the mill district project said that due to land reform, sugar production will decline because
the ARBs have no financial and technical capability to operate sugarcane farms.
Labor shortage is another problem in the mill district. A government financing scheme with counterpart
funding by the planters cooperatives for the acquisition of cane loaders and harvesting equipment is needed.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
The labor rates per farm activity in the mill district could range from Php1,295 per hectare (cultivation) to
Php12,000 per hectare (land preparation). Cutting and loading cost Php 5,385 per hectare while hauling costs
Php 7,313 per hectare.
Child Laborers in Sugarcane Plantations
The Philippine DOLE defines child labor as:
“the illegal employment of children below the age of fifteen (15), where they are not directly
under the sole responsibility of their parents or legal guardian, or the latter employs other workers
apart from their children, who are not members of their families, or their work endangers their
life, safety, health and morals or impairs their normal development including schooling. It also
includes the situation of children below the age of eighteen (18) who are employed in hazardous
occupations.”
Children above 15 years old but below 18 years of age who are employed in non-hazardous undertakings,
and children below 15 years old who are employed in exclusive family undertakings where their safety,
health, schooling and normal development are not impaired, are not considered as “child labor” under the
law (International Labor Organization (1998).
Based on the 2000 survey of the ILO and National Statistics Office (NSO) and studies by the Bacolod Citybased research group Center for Investigative Research and Multimedia Services (CIRMS), around four (4)
million or 16.2 percent of the 24.9 million Filipino children aged 5 – 17 years are working.
The CIRMS study shows that 64 percent of working children in Negros are rural-based. Majority (26%) are
working in sugarcane plantations doing weeding, plowing, fertilizing, cane cutting and hauling during harvest
season. On the other hand, 14 percent work in rice/corn farms and orchards; 11 percent in commercial
fishing as helpers and divers in trawls, haul boats, fishing boats and fishponds; three percent in various rural
odd jobs like charcoal making, woodcutting, vending, small-scale mining and serving as a helper in public utility
jeepneys; and one percent in domestic work (Deduro, 2005).
The CIRMS study also reveals that child labor within the sugar hacienda system has its own particularities.
Poverty pushes children to work but the CIRMS study further says that the exploitative character of the
sugar hacienda system also contributes to children working.
Sugar landlords do not only rely on the parents of the family but on every “productive family” residing in the
hacienda. This is proven by the fact that 92 percent of the sugar working family respondents said that “their
children do not just work as replacements, but as regular working force just like the parents. And for decades, their
families have been treated by their employers as a productive unit which has to render service regardless of their age
and gender.”
Some children go with their parents who work as sacadas. With their parents having only five (5) months of
work in the hacienda, going to the local school for these children is not possible. They spend their time as
additional workforce and have the sugarcane fields as their playground (Remollino & Aznar, 2004).
Page 32
Findings
But just like any other children, sacada children, when given the opportunity to study can also transform their
lives, as in the case of Carlos R. Gerogalin, Jr., who was a consistent scholar at West Negros University. He
graduated Summa Cum Laude, the highest honors given by the University (Malo-oy, 2012).
Responding to Sacada Needs
The DOLE is the primary government agency responsible for enforcing child labor laws. The agency also
leads a regional mechanism for rescuing children who work in abusive and dangerous situations through
the Rescue the Child Laborers or Sagip Batang Manggagawa (SBM) Quick Action Teams. SBM is composed
of government law enforcement agencies, local governments, the business community, unions, and nongovernment organizations (NGOs). SBM receives reports of possible instances of child labor in the formal
and non-formal sectors and coordinates an appropriate response among the relevant agencies for each case.
As needed, children are referred to the DSWD for rehabilitation and reintegration. In 2012, SBM rescued
223 child laborers across nine (9) regions.
Child labor is included in the following national development agendas: Millennium Development Goals (20002015); Education for All National Plan (2004-2015); Basic Education Reform Agenda; and UN Development
Assistance Framework (2012-2018). In addition, the government launched the national Child Labor-Free
Philippines campaign and the Child Labor-Free Barangays (Villages) program, and developed a new national
Convergence Plan to reduce hazardous child labor.
The Government has primary policy instruments to prevent and eliminate child labor. The Philippines
National Strategic Framework for Plan Development for Children 2000-2025 also known as “Child 21”, sets
out broad goals to achieve improved quality of life for Filipino children by 2025.
The Tripartite PPACL Strategic Framework lays out the blueprint for reducing the incidence of child labor
by 75 percent. The PPACL identifies five strategic approaches to prevent, protect, and reintegrate children
from the worst forms of child labor in order to achieve the goal. To translate this strategic framework into
action, the Implementation Plan (2011-2012) identifies concrete objectives such as improving the access of
children and their families to appropriate services to further prevent incidence of child labor and reintegrate
former child laborers.
In June 2012, the National Child Labor Committee (NCLC) launched the Batang Malaya Child Labor-Free
Philippines campaign. Campaign objectives include: the institutionalization of the Survey on Children to
be regularly implemented by the Government; mainstreaming child labor into local development plans;
adding child labor elimination as a conditionality in conditional cash transfer programs; strengthening the labor
inspectorate to monitor child labor; improving enforcement of Republic Act No. 9231; and strengthening the
NCLC through a legal mandate, budget, and dedicated secretariat.
Integrated Services for Migratory Sugar Workers (MSW) Project (I-SERVE SACADAS)
(DO No.108-10 (series of 2010)
The DOLE issued Department Order No. 08-10, Series of 2010 - Guideline on the Implementation of the
I-SERVE SACADAS Project on 3 November 2010.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
The I-SERVE SACADAS is an integrated approach aimed at changing the socio-economic conditions of
MSWs by augmenting their income, ensuring compliance of employers/contractors to protective and welfare
policies and providing them opportunity to participate in policy making processes so that their problems
may be addressed appropriately. This project took effect on 3 November 2010 and is implemented by the
Bureau of Workers with Special Concerns (BWSC) and concerned DOLE Regional Offices (DOLE ROs) in
partnership with the sugar producers, local government units (LGUs), other government agencies, NGOs,
people’s organizations (POs) and workers’ organizations.
The approach is piloted in selected communities in Regions 5, 6 and 7, specifically in Camarines Sur, Aklan,
Negros Occidental, Negros Oriental, and Antique with an initial DOLE funding allocation of PhP10,700,000.
The project consists of five (5) interventions, namely: assistance for livelihood formation and/or enhancement,
alternative employment, skills upgrading, health care, and worker empowerment through participation in
decision making processes. The project also intends to strengthen the SBM Program for child laborers in
sugar plantations and supports advocacies aimed at eliminating the worst forms of child labor under RA 9231
(Villanueva, 2011).
In 2012, the President tasked the Human Development Cabinet cluster, led by DOLE and DSWD, to develop
a Convergence Action Plan, called HELP ME, to reduce the worst forms of child labor by 2016 under the
PPACL. The directive included a funding allocation of $220,000,000 over four years for implementation,
from 2013 to 2016. The Convergence Action Plan is designed to remove 893,000 children from hazardous
child labor across 15,568 target barangays. The HELP ME plan focuses on outcomes that include a multilevel
information system, more accessible education and livelihood services, child labor agendas mainstreamed
in policy development at all levels, a compilation of policies and laws, and strengthening of enforcement
including prosecution of child labor offenders. HELP ME was launched in January 2013.
Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps)
The DSWD implements the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program to improve the livelihoods of vulnerable
families and children and to reduce child labor. The agency provides cash transfers to households, conditional
upon their children’s achievement of a monthly school attendance rate of at least 85 percent and regular
medical checkups and immunizations. In 2012, the budget was increased to $960,000, from $570,000 in 2011,
benefiting 3.1 million households and 7.4 million children through age 14.
In January 2013, DOLE announced that the 4Ps was expanded and modified through the Conditional Cash
Transfer Program for Families in Need of Special Protection to specifically target households of child sacadas.
Collaboration between Government and Non-Government Organizations
On July 11, 2014, a Memorandum of Agreement was signed in Balayan, Batangas among the DOLE, ABK3 LEAP
Partners i.e., Educational Research and Development Assistance (ERDA) Foundation, ChildFund Philippines
and Sugar Industry Foundation, Inc. (SIFI), together with other partners, namely Department of Interior and
Local Government (DILG), Department of Education (DepEd), Provincial Social Welfare and Development
Office (PSWDO), Provincial Health Office, Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA),
Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) Calabarzon, and Philippine
Information Agency (PIA).This initiative envisions the localization of the Philippine Government’s Convergence
Program through the barangay-based HELP ME Strategy (Health, Education, Livelihood, Prevention, Protection,
Prosecution, Monitoring, and Evaluation), setting up the Child Labor Monitoring System (CLMS), and inclusion
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Findings
of ABK3 partner barangays in the Child Labor Free Barangays campaign of DOLE. It is hoped that the 12
ABK3 partner barangays will be supported in their journey to becoming Child Labor Free Barangays, and that
through the CLMS, child labor situation is regularly tracked and updated (http://www.abk3leap.ph/batangasbrings-child labor-convergence-program-to-the barangays, November 12, 2014).
On February 13, 2015, DOLE IV-A rescue operation saved 12 child laborers in Brgy. Pooc and Brgy. Sampaga
in Balayan, Batangas.The operation was geared towards battling the growing incidence of child labor in Region
IV-A and put into action DOLE IV-A’s formulated Child-Labor Rescue Plan. The operation was successfully
executed by DOLE-IV A Rescue Team led by its Regional Director Ma. Zenaida A. Angara-Campita. It was
backed up by security forces of the Regional Intelligence Division (RID) IV-A, composed of 40 armed
policemen headed by Colonel Noel Nuñez, accompanied by the DSWD IV-A represented by Ms. Lucila A.
Bacay, and media representatives for coverage and documentation.
The workers did not have birth certificates because, according to the contractor, only barangay clearances
and bio-data were required for recruitment process. Hence, the actual ages of the 20 alleged minor workers
were validated through dental examination. Out of the 20, 12 were confirmed minors with age 14 as the
youngest. They were turned over to the care and custody of DSWD IV-A and were temporarily housed
in the DSWD-accredited shelter located in San Antonio, Quezon. The two (2) contractors responsible in
recruiting the minors were found to have been registered and were granted the authority to recruit under
the Department Order No. 18-A. However their Certificates of Registration may be cancelled or revoked
after due process if they engage in child labor (Prieto, 2015).
Batangas is one of the first to pioneer the localization of the Convergence Program, bringing together important
stakeholders to end child labor through community-based support to children, families and communities. In
2012, the sugar industry stakeholders in Batangas, in partnership with DOLE, DepEd, DILG, DSWD, and civil
society organizations formulated and passed a Voluntary Code of Conduct for the Elimination of Child Labor
in the Sugar Industry in Batangas, the second of its kind in the Philippines, the first one being in Bukidnon.
Sacadas in Receiving Provinces: Batangas, Negros Oriental and Negros Occidental
Profile of Adult Sacadas
A typical sacada respondent is male (95% of 168), elementary undergraduate (54%), and had worked as
sacada for an average of 11 years (or ranging from less than one month to 53 years).
Slightly more than half (51%) of them hail from Negros Oriental while the rest come from Negros Occidental
(19%), Aklan (13%) and other provinces in the Visayas (19%). A few others come from different parts of
Luzon (15%) while a small fraction (1%) come from Mindanao.
Of the 168 respondents, slightly more than two-fifths (43%) were unmarried and have no children. The rest
have children ranging from one (7%) to nine (1%) – or with an average of two children. Six (6) out of 10
respondents in Negros Occidental have no children. Those who have children (95 of 168 or 57%) have left
them in the care of their spouse (83%) in their home province.
Eight (8) out of ten (85% of 168) survey respondents worked as sacada to be able to help their families. Some
others have varied reasons ranging from wanting to rebuild their houses that were destroyed by typhoon Yolanda
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
(2%), being with working husband or children (5%), to having a higher income or wanting to have a better life (11%).
When asked whether they had worked before as sacada apart from their “current workplace”, seven out of
ten (73% of 168) answered affirmatively – with the highest response coming from those in Negros Oriental
(93%), followed by those in Negros Occidental (65%), and Batangas (55%). Many of those in Batangas (48% of
29) and Negros Oriental (25% of 59) had worked before in Pampanga while close to a third (32% of 34) of
those in Negros Occidental had worked in the same province.
Four out of ten (43% of 168) were hired as sacada by a “contractor”. According to several respondents, the
contractors came from Aklan (21% of 72), Tarlac (15%), Negros Occidental (18%), Negros Oriental (15%),
and Antique (13%). Small fractions (ranging from 1% to 7%) came from other parts of the Visayas (Iloilo),
Luzon (Batangas, Quezon) and Mindanao (1%).
The place of origin of the contractors varied across the respondents.The contractors of sacadas mainly came
from Aklan (65% of 23 for those in Batangas), Tarlac (61% of 18 for those in Negros Oriental), and Negros
Occidental and Antique (39% and 29%, respectively, for those in Negros Occidental).
Close to two-fifths (39% of 72) mentioned that the contractor was well known in their community as
providing work opportunity to the residents, while others were introduced to the contractor by a relative,
friend or neighbor (32%). Almost a fifth (19%) said that the contractor came to their community to ask who
among them would be interested to work as sacadas.
A big majority (83%) said they did not pay anything to the contractor while the few others said otherwise
(6%) or did not respond (11%). The four respondents who answered affirmatively said that they paid the
contractor 25 percent of their income at the end of their contract.
Nature of Involvement in Sacada Work
Other household members who worked in the sugarcane plantation were the respondents’ spouse (12%
of 168); their children aged 17 years and below (9%) and 18 years and above (1%); and other relatives (2%).
These respondents mainly worked in Batangas and lived in other Luzon provinces like Quezon and Bicol,
where transportation is more accessible.
The sacadas were mainly involved in harvesting and cane cutting (69% of 51 in Batangas; 59% of 63 in Negros
Oriental), and hauling of sugarcane (56% of 52 in Negros Occidental). Few others (ranging from 1% to 16%)
were involved in a combination of activities such as harvesting, hauling, preparing food, cleaning, applying
fertilizer, weeding, burning, sugarcane peeling, sowing, and transporting sugarcanes to the milling venue. The
sacadas worked 10 hours (Negros Oriental and Occidental) or 11 hours (Batangas) on the average per day,
and mostly six (6) days a week. Majority (58%) said they have no savings from sacada work.
Family Relationship
The main mode of communication between sacadas and their families was through text messaging or mobile
phone calls (87% of 54), ranging from thrice a week (39%) to once a month (24%). Few others either
communicate more frequently (13%, every day) or seldom (7%, every other month).
Nine out of ten (91% of 54) sacadas claimed to have provided allowances to their families, on the average of
PhP1,348 per week.
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Findings
Family Situations in Home Province and Sacada Workplace
Sacada respondents were asked to describe their living conditions at their place of origin and their current
workplace. Their responses are shown below:
Table 2: Sacadas’ Living Conditions in Home Province (HP)
and Current Workplace (CW)
Living conditions
Far from the town proper;
difficult to reach.
Many people are unemployed.
Many people do not have anything
to eat because of poverty.
Many children could not go to
school.
Lack basic facilities (school,
health center, etc.)
Lack basic services (education,
health, etc.)
Poor road condition
Often flooded
With peace and order problem
HP
CW
HP
CW
HP
CW
HP
CW
HP
CW
HP
CW
HP
CW
HP
CW
HP
CW
Batangas
(N=53)
55%
28%
62%
25%
68%
15%
74%
13%
28%
13%
47%
26%
55%
19%
64%
6%
38%
23%
Negros Oriental Negros Occidental
(N= 63 )
(N= 52 )
54%
63%
52%
19%
41%
38%
38%
5%
29%
44%
38%
5%
37%
48%
27%
5%
32%
48%
24%
5%
27%
60%
21%
3%
46%
69%
37%
11%
27%
58%
24%
16%
22%
27%
24%
5%
Total
(N= 168)
57%
33%
47%
23%
47%
19%
53%
15%
36%
14%
45%
17%
57%
22%
50%
15%
29%
17%
Majority of the respondents described their communities as located far from the town proper and are
difficult to reach. They differed in terms of the other descriptions with more respondents from Batangas
noting that many people in their home province are unemployed, and because of poverty, do not have
anything to eat and could not send their children to school. Their communities are often flooded and have
poor road condition. On the other hand, fewer respondents from Negros Oriental gave similar remarks
about their home province. Majority of those in Negros Occidental described their communities as lacking
in basic services, with poor road condition and are often flooded. Peace and order does not appear to be a
major problem for many respondents in the three provinces.
More respondents from Batangas and Negros Occidental considered their workplace as more accessible
than their home province. On the other hand, almost the same from those in Negros Oriental cited the
far locations of both their workplace and their home province. The same holds true with regard to the
unemployment situation.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Poverty and food unavailability are most prominent in the home province of sacadas working in Batangas
compared with their counterparts in Negros Oriental and Negros Occidental. In contrast, there were more
workers in Negros Oriental who considered these conditions as even worse in their workplace than in their
place of origin.
Educational opportunities are better in their workplace than in their home province, especially among
respondents who work in Batangas. The lack of basic services is most pronounced in the home province
of respondents working in Negros Occidental. Flooding and poor road condition occur more in the home
province than in the workplace of respondents across the three provinces, although the percentage difference
is not that significant for those in Negros Oriental. Peace and order does not seem to be a major problem
across respondents in the three provinces but slightly more of those working in Negros Oriental cited the
occurrence of this problem in their workplace.
The following table shows the responses of sacada respondents regarding their overall perceived similarities
and/or differences in living conditions at their place of origin and their workplace.
Table 3: Sacadas’ Perceived Similarities and/or Differences
between their Living Conditions in their Home Province and Workplace
Perceived similarities/difference in living
conditions
Batangas
Negros
Oriental
Negros
Occidental
Total
Total N
53
63
52
168
The living condition in my workplace is much
better than the one in my home province.
36%
49%
48%
45%
There is no difference in the living conditions in
my workplace and my place of origin.
49%
17%
17%
27%
The living condition in my workplace is more
difficult than the one in my home province.
11%
30%
29%
24%
Nearly half of those in Batangas noted that their living conditions in both places are no different. On the
other hand, almost the same percentage of those in Negros Occidental and Negros Oriental perceived that
their living condition at their workplace is much better although almost a third gave a contrasting view.
For those who said that their living conditions are the same in both places, they reasoned out that the nature
of their job and the amount of salary are practically the same (26%), and that they have their own land (1%).
Those who viewed their workplace in a more positive light gave as reasons the presence of more work and
income opportunities (32%) and higher income (8%). Respondents who considered the condition in their
home province as better said that the cost of living is higher in their workplace (2%), they could not save
(4%), and that it is difficult to be away from one’s family plus the back-breaking nature of their work (18%).
Few others mentioned that it would depend on the individual’s hard work (4%) and interpersonal skills (1%).
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Findings
Table 4: Sacadas’ Perceived Ability to Provide for Family Needs
Family situation
Batangas
Negros Oriental
Negros
Occidental
Total
Total N
53
63
52
168
Able to sufficiently provide for all the
family’s basic needs
43%
19%
10%
24%
At times able to provide for all the
family’s basic needs
32%
48%
40%
40%
Oftentimes unable to provide for all
the family’s basic needs
6%
24%
25%
18%
Very difficult to provide for all the
family’s basic needs
15%
10%
23%
15%
No Answer
4%
0%
2%
2%
The foregoing data show that two-fifths of respondents claimed to have been able to occasionally
provide for the basic needs of their families. Almost a third agreed that they have been unable to
oftentimes provide for the family’s basic needs and that they found it difficult to do so. They reasoned
out that they only get little income from sacada work despite the hardships they have experienced and
considering they have a lot of expenses (31% in Batangas, 40% in Negros Oriental, and 67% in Negros
Occidental). Few others (ranging from 1% to 7%) said that the nature of their work has been irregular/
intermittent, that they are the sole income earner in the family, that they encountered difficulties while
at work (rainy weather, illness, being homesick), and that some indulged in vices (gambling, alcohol
drinking).
Among the top three problems that sacadas had experienced while at work were a) homesickness; b) body
pains due to heavy workload; and c) tiredness or lack of sleep and rest.
Values and Perceptions
The following are some statements related to the motivations, values and perceptions of the sacada
respondents. Note that only the sacada respondents with children were asked this question item.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Table 5: Sacada Parents’ Perceptions and Values on their Relationship
with Children and Working Children: Receiving Provinces
Batangas
Negros
Oriental
Negros
Occidental
Total
(N=29)
(N=46)
(N=20)
(N=95)
As parents, we take very good care of our
children.
97%
85%
75%
86%
We make our children feel our love.
97%
93%
80%
90%
Our children could depend on us at any time of
need.
83%
87%
75%
82%
We are able to provide for the basic needs of
our children (food, education, health).
76%
55%
65%
65%
Other people should not interfere with our
family decisions especially when it comes to
rearing our own children.
45%
54%
80%
60%
It is important for us that children work (earn a
living) at an early age.
17%
28%
75%
40%
We give high value to our working children.
52%
28%
80%
53%
We expect our children to support our family.
55%
59%
75%
63%
We do not expect our children to help us earn
a living.
62%
61%
75%
66%
Earning a living at an early age is our children’s
own decision.
24%
52%
80%
52%
We supervise our working children to protect
them from harm.
55%
39%
85%
60%
Statement
The great majority of sacada respondents working in Batangas said that they give love and care to their
children. Although still a majority but relatively fewer in number, respondents said that their children could
depend on them in times of need. Nearly eight (8) out of ten respondents believe that they are able to
provide for their children’s basic needs. On the other hand, while many noted that people should not
interfere in their family decisions, there are also several who were not firm in their response.
On working children, ambivalence could be noted in the Batangas respondents’ answers. For instance, while
many disagree that children should work at an early age, slightly more than half of parent respondents value
their working children and expect that their children support their family. Many respondents also implied that
they, instead of their children, decide on the latter’s earning a living. Slightly more than half of respondents
claim to supervise their working children to protect them from work hazards.
Most of the respondents working in Negros Oriental claim that they show their love and care for their
children. They also said that their children could depend on them in their times of need. Fewer of them
(although still a majority) are able to provide for their children’s basic needs. Although many were against
their own children working at an early age, they have placed this decision at the hands of their children. More
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Findings
of them do not expect their children to support the family than those who do. Nonetheless, close to
four (4) out of ten said that they supervise their children while at work.
In Negros Occidental, significant numbers of sacada parent respondents claim to have demonstrated
their love and care for their children, and have provided them with their basic needs. They also said
they exhibit support and positive regard for child work noting however, that they supervise their
children while at work. Inconsistencies in their responses could be observed – the same percentage
distributions of respondents expect and do not expect their children to support their family. Although
still a majority, the least positive response was on their ability to provide for the basic needs of their
children.
Table 6: Perceptions and Values of Sacada Respondents
(with and without children) on Family and Social Relationships
and on Working Children: Receiving Provinces
Statement
Batangas
(N=53)
Negros Oriental
(N= 63)
Negros Occidental
(N=52 )
Total
I highly admire those children who
earn a living to support their family.
75%
67%
54%
65%
Other people also respect children
who work.
70%
67%
52%
63%
I feel that other people value us.
68%
68%
44%
60%
Relatives and friends give big
support to our family.
68%
62%
46%
59%
The above data show that the majority of respondents working in Batangas have high regard for working
children. Many respondents also acknowledge the big support they receive from relatives and friends,
including other people.
Six (6) out of ten respondents in Negros Oriental have expressed admiration for working children, and
believed that others accord respect to these children. They enjoy the support of relatives and friends, and
feel valued by other people.
Of the 52 respondents working in Negros Occidental, slightly more than half have expressed appreciation,
and noted the respect of other people, for children who work. The percentage distributions are fewer
compared with the previous responses of sacadas with children. On the other hand, many respondents chose
not to respond to statements on how others value them, and on the amount of support extended to them
by relatives and friends.
Aspirations for Children
The following are the respondents’ aspirations for their children: to finish schooling (51%); to improve the
family’s economic condition (46%); to have a harmonious family relationship (24%); to find another type of
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
work (13%); and to be employed (9%). One respondent each indicated children’s good health, and visiting
their parents as aspirations.
Family Needs and Support System
Sacada respondents mentioned the following as their family’s basic needs: food (80% of 168); shelter (31%);
stable job (25%); clothing (20%); and cash for basic needs (9%). One respondent said they need medicines.
When asked whether any agency or group has helped them address their basic needs, close to two-fifths
(39% of 168) answered affirmatively. Of this number (n=65), many of them named the DSWD (38% of 16 in
Batangas), the DOLE (41% of 29 in Negros Oriental), and the DSWD’s 4Ps (60% of 20 in Negros Occidental,
25% of 16 in Batangas, and 14% of 29 in Negros Oriental). Some (19%) respondents in Batangas named the
plantation owner, and their neighbor/friend/father/relative (12%) as source of support. The ABK3 partners
(Child Fund, Community Economic Ventures, Inc. (CEVI), and World Vision) were cited by three to seven per
cent (3% to 7%) of respondents working in Negros Oriental.
Majority (64% of 16) respondents in Batangas while fewer of those in Negros Oriental (45% of 29) and
Negros Occidental (35% of 20) rated the support they have received as “very helpful”. The rest considered
the support as “minimal” (38%, 45% and 30%, respectively). Only fractions (5% to 7%) said that the support
was not at all helpful in addressing their basic needs.
Sacadas in a Sending Province: Aklan
Community Context
As a sending province, it would be good to look at the community contexts of the covered barangays in the
municipality of Libacao, Aklan – Brgys. Batobato and Calacabian.
Barangay Batobato
Batobato is one of the poorest barangays in the municipality of Libacao, Aklan. It is bounded on the east by
Barangay Can-awan; on the west by Barangay Ortega; on the north by Barangay Rivera: and on the south
by Barangay Agmai-lig. The total land area is 793 hectares. The total number of households is 116, and the
population is 550. Majority is Catholic and some are Baptists.
Barangay Batobato is seven kilometers from the boat station, and one will have to pass by three barangays
before reaching Batobato, namely: Barangay Magug-ba, Barangay Agmai-lig, and Barangay Can-awan. During
rainy days the barangay and their sitios could not be reached because of landslides by the mountain sides and
the very poor road condition; sometimes the roads get flooded. The result is that children could not go to
school regularly and the farm products from the barangay could not be transported to the market; or those
who are able to bring their products to the market incur high transport cost.
The only mode of transportation to reach the barangay from the boat station by the Aklan River to the
village day care center of Batobato is the motorcycle “habal-habal”, which costs Php 70 per passenger one
way. There are only 25 motorcycles regularly plying the route on normal days, and a lesser number during
rainy days because the roads become slippery and there are landslides along the way.
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Findings
Barangay Batobato lacks many basic services and infrastructure such as electricity, potable water, post-harvest
facilities, e.g., a rice mill, and farm-to-market roads. Only 53 per cent of the households enjoy electricity from
the hydro power plant. Houses are made of light materials (nipa and bamboo) and their toilets are the open
pit type.
According to barangay officials, the people of Batobato belong to the indigenous people (IP) tribes of
Tumandog, Aklanon and Bukidnon.
Rice is the staple food. It is grown in limited terraced areas under rain-fed conditions. Each family still
practices hand pounding of palay on a traditional wooden pestle to remove the hull before cooking the rice.
This is normally done three (3) times a day by an adult female member of the family. The only rice mill is
about four kilometers away and located in the next barangay, Barangay Agmai-lig .Whenever the farmers have
extra money, they can bring their palay to Barangay Agmai-lig for milling.
The main source of income is farming (coconut, banana, abaca and pineapple fiber) and sacada work in Luzon,
particularly in the provinces of Pampanga, Tarlac, Batangas, and Isabela. According to barangay officials, about
70 to 80 per cent of working males are involved in sacada work, normally recruited by a local contractor
named Roger Zaradulla from Kalibo during the months of June/July/August. The migrant workers leave in
November or December and return to Batobato in May of the following year. Many are attracted to sacada
work because of the “anticipo” or cash advance normally amounting to Php 5,000 given in August prior to
departure of the sacada. Many end up heavily indebted to the contractor.
One barangay official recalled that in November 2013, after typhoon Yolanda hit Aklan and the rest of the
Visayas, eight (8) sacadas from Sitio Namalitkan, Batobato went to Pampanga and Batangas.The adult workers
left their spouses behind who then took care of their children or grandchildren. Their families normally
subsist with the help of other relatives or neighbors, e.g., by borrowing rice and other food needs. The
younger spouses left behind could not work as they have young children to take care of.
Of the eight (8) sacadas who came back in May 2014, only four (4) were able to improve their housing
condition. The other four (4) allegedly went back to their easy-going lifestyle and engaged in heavy drinking.
When they needed cash, they again borrowed from the contractor, paid debts through sacada work, got
advances while in the workplace, and returned home with very little money or “resto” (negative balance),
and with more debts. If unable to work for health reasons, they find replacements from among their family
members who shoulder the burden of paying off the debts; hence, the cycle of indebtedness is repeated.
Among the projects that seek to address poverty in Barangay Batobato were as follows:
The DSWD Kapit-Bisig Laban sa Kahirapan – Comprehensive Integrated Delivery of Social Services
(KALAHI-CIDSS) completed a 1.55 km. farm-to market road improvement. It also aims to create change in
this barangay by empowering the people through their participation in different activities such as trainings
and workshops, identification and prioritization of their needs and formulating solutions. DSWD’S 4Ps is in
place, with 50 beneficiaries.
Women benefitted from livelihood training conducted by the TESDA and the Aklan State University, namely,
handicraft making (baskets and mats from “nito” or forest vines) and pineapple fiber making. Both men and
women participated in abaca fiber stripping.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
The Department of Agriculture (DA) assisted the community in coconut replanting and abaca replanting
after typhoon Yolanda. Specifically, the Philippine Coconut Authority (PCA) distributed fertilizers and young
coconut seedlings.
Barangay Calacabian
Sitio Tilog, Barangay Calacabian in Libacao, Aklan is classified as a third class sitio with approximately 1,000
population or 193 households. Agriculture is the main livelihood of the people. Their usual crops are abaca,
rice and corn.
The sitio has the following resources: infrastructure for potable water; roads and bridges; electricity;
communication facilities like the Globe/Smart internet connection, cable television and radio; elementary
school; clinics with midwives; daycare center and transport services like the tricycle (habal-habal) and the boat.
In terms of economic and social stratification, the key informant revealed that the “haves”, i.e., the elite of
their community composed of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), teachers, office workers, police and other
regularly salaried personnel make up 10 percent of their population. The middle income group, the skilled
workers and the regularly employed farmers constitute 30 per cent of the residents while the poor or the
low income sector, the irregularly employed farmers comprise the biggest, i.e., 60 percent of the populace.
The natives of the area are called the Aklanon-Bukidnon tribe.They are accepted in the community and their
ancestral domain is recognized. Their political leadership is respected; their chieftain previously was elected
as their barangay captain. In job applications and in certain governance policies, they are given preference/
consideration.
Party politics is quite strong in the community causing divisiveness or a culture of inclusion-exclusion among
political leaders resulting in the creation of “political kingdoms” and a patronage system.This has hindered the
implementation of development programs, projects and services due to disputes among groups of residents.
The sacadas work in big sugarcane haciendas or rice fields as laborers. A contractor recruits and deploys
them for an average of six months to any of the provinces of Batangas, Pampanga, Tarlac, Zambales, Nueva
Ecija and Isabela. There are workers who bring with them their able-bodied children to help them in the
plantation so that they will derive greater income for the particular period.
There are also cases when children on their own apply for work directly during the recruitment period
to help their parents earn. Couples, too, decide to leave their young children behind on their own or
with relatives in order to work in the fields to maximize their earnings. However, since the government
agencies are seriously campaigning to eradicate child labor in their communities and are strictly demanding
compliance from recruiters, the incidence of working children has greatly decreased.
In an interview with the Aklan Provincial Governor, he mentioned that one of the major thrusts of the province
is to improve the agricultural sector in the municipalities of Madalag and Libacao. As far as infrastructure is
concerned, these two towns have actually been left out. Aklan is basically known for its tourism program and
its tourism potential because of the Island of Boracay. Tourism is one of Aklan’s main sources of income, and
livelihood and job creations. Libacao and Madalag are situated in the eastern part of Aklan while Boracay is
in the western side of Aklan. In the total development of the province, Libacao and Madalag have been left
out. Compared with the other 15 towns of Aklan, the opportunities for work is really very difficult in these
two areas.
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Findings
Profile of Survey Respondents
Most (94%) of the 31 respondents originated from Aklan and the remaining percentage came from Antique.
Household size ranges from two to 10, or five on the average. Number of children ranges from zero to eight,
or three on the average. All respondents are female with ages ranging from 18 to 58, or an average of 34
years. The ages of their spouse range from 21 to 58, or an average of 37 years.
Slightly more than one-fourth (26%) are elementary graduates, followed by high school undergraduates
(23%), elementary undergraduates (16%), and high school graduates (16%). On the other hand, their spouses
either graduated (45%) or did not graduate (32%) from elementary.
Majority (69%) of the female respondents are unemployed while the rest work in the farm. All of them have
a working spouse, 94 percent of whom work in sugarcane plantations while three percent each are farmers
and laborers.
Nature of Sacada Work
The top three destinations for sacada work are Pampanga, Tarlac and Isabela. Their sacada spouses have
worked in sugarcane plantations on the average of 14 years (or a range of 2 to 30).They mainly do harvesting
only or harvesting in combination with sugarcane peeling and hauling. They work 11 hours, six days a week
on the average. Many (58%) of them decided on their own to find work as sacada while some (26%) were
recruited by a contractor.
Perceptions and Values
Table 7: Sacada Parents’ Perceptions and Values on their Relationship
with Children and Working Children: Aklan
Statement
Aklan, N=28 (Respondents with Children)
Agree
Disagree
Can’t Tell
As parents, we take very good care of our
children.
100%
We make our children feel our love.
93%
Our children could depend on us at any
time of need.
86%
7%
We are able to provide for the basic needs
of our children (food, education, health).
57%
36%
7%
Other people should not interfere with
our family’s decisions especially when it
comes to rearing our own children.
89%
7%
4%
No Answer
7%
7%
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Statement
Aklan, N=28 (Respondents with Children)
Agree
Disagree
It is important for us that children work
(earn a living) at an early age.
7%
93%
We give high value to our working
children.
50%
50%
We expect our children to support our
family.
39%
61%
We do not expect our children to help us
with earning a living.
36%
64%
Earning a living at an early age is our
children’s own decision.
32%
68%
We supervise our working children to
protect them from harm.
68%
32%
Can’t Tell
No Answer
Sizeable percentages of Aklan respondents claim that they make their children feel their love and care.
A fewer number of them say they are able to provide for their children’s basic needs. Close to nine
(9) out of 10 value their privacy when it comes to making decisions on how their children should be
brought up.
Majority of respondents in Aklan are against children working at an early age, and do not believe that it
should be their children’s decision. However, they are ambivalent as to their degree of appreciation of their
children working. Surprisingly, six (6) out of 10 gave contrasting views about the support they expect from
their children. For respondents with working children, nearly seven (7) out of 10 claimed to supervise them
while they are at work. Their main problems at work are homesickness, lack of sleep and rest, and lack of
food.
Situation of Families Left Behind
For families left behind the mothers usually take care of the children (94%) while a few are cared for
by their grandparent/s. Their means of communication with their sacada spouse is mainly through text
messaging, either once a month (35%), weekly, more than thrice a week (26%), or once in two months
(19%). Nearly six (6) out of 10 (58%) have not received allowances from their spouse. Of those who
were given allowance (n=13), they have received an average of Php 669 per month. Slightly more than
half (55%) said that they have not been able to sufficiently provide for their children’s basic needs.
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Findings
Perceptions of Community Situation
The following table shows the descriptions given by the respondents of their community situation.
Table 8: Perceptions on Community Situation
Situation
% (N=31)
Far from the town proper; difficult to reach
71%
Many unemployed persons
84%
Many families have no food due to poverty
61%
Many children unable to go to school
61%
Community lacks basic facilities (school, health center, etc.)
42%
Lacks basic services (education, health, etc.)
42%
Poor road condition
52%
Community frequently flooded
58%
With peace and order problem
3%
A significant number of respondents describe their community situation as being far from the town
proper although only less than half pointed to the lack of basic facilities and services. The intertwining
problems of unemployment, lack of food due to poverty and the inability to send children to school
also prevail. Slightly more than half indicate poor road condition and frequent flooding in their areas.
Peace and order problem was not identified as an issue in their communities.
Table 9: Perceptions and Values of Sacada Respondents (with and without children)
on Family and Social Relationships and on Working Children: Aklan
Statement
Aklan, N=31 (with or without children)
Agree
Disagree
I highly admire those children who earn a living to
support their family.
68%
32%
Other people also respect children who work.
71%
26%
I feel that other people value us.
90%
10%
Relatives and friends give big support to our family.
71%
26%
Can’t Tell
3%
3%
Among Aklan respondents, there is high regard for children who work. Also, there is a good sense of
feeling of being valued by other people, and of being supported by relatives and friends.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Situations of Children Left Behind
Profile
Of the 30 child respondents interviewed, 60 per cent are male. All of them originated from Aklan.
Their ages range from 10 to 17, or an average of 13 years. Many (87%) of them are in school, 48 percent
of whom have to walk to reach it from their residence. Six (6) out of 10 (67%) are staying with their
mother. Among them, 61 percent have mothers who work in the farm and 97 percent have fathers
who work in a sugarcane plantation.
Relationship with Sacada Parent
Child respondents communicate with their sacada parent mainly through text messaging (80%). Seven (7)
out of 10 (73%) have received some allowance from their parent although 50 percent said it was infrequently
sent, while others (32%) received it monthly. Although the majority (63%) of them felt sad with their parent’s
physical absence, half of them said they understood the reason for it.
Psycho-Emotional Condition
Table 10: Psycho-Emotional Condition of Children Left Behind
Statement
Page 48
(N=30)
I do not have any close friend.
13%
My family loves me.
97%
I don’t want to bother other persons with my problems.
67%
There are people in my life who depend on me.
67%
Nobody understands me.
13%
Nobody wants to interact with me.
3%
There are many times when I prefer to be alone.
13%
I belong to one group or organization.
20%
When I am with somebody, I do not share anything about myself.
23%
I feel that I could not share any story or any personal things
about myself with other people.
27%
I feel uncomfortable to ask help from others.
53%
I feel I am all alone.
10%
Whenever I share my problems with persons close to me, I
feel that they too are affected or that I might disturb them.
63%
I do not feel needed or important to other people.
3%
Findings
The above data show the generally positive psycho-emotional dispositions of the child respondents – being
dependable and able to socialize/interact with other people as well as being secure with the love and
understanding accorded them by their family and friends. They are also self-contained as they refrain from
bothering other people with their problems, and from sharing things about themselves.
Social Support
Table 11: Social Support Available to Children Left Behind
Statement
My family takes very good care of me.
For others, I am not important.
(N=30)
100%
7%
My family has a high regard for me.
100%
My friends depend on me.
93%
My family admires me so much.
97%
Other people respect me.
93%
My family loves me.
100%
My friends do not care about my wellbeing.
23%
My family can depend on me.
93%
I cannot rely on my family to support me.
17%
Other people admire me for working at an early age.
17%
My friends look after me.
57%
I feel that other people are concerned about me.
77%
I am not close to my family.
17%
All the child respondents feel the love, care and appreciation of their family.They exhibit a positive self-image
such as being respected, dependable, and able to establish good relationships with family and friends. Many of
them do not view their working at an early age as something to be admired by other people.
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A sacada cutting sugarcane in Nasugbu, Batangas
Case Studies
This section presents the case studies of selected sacadas and their families in the four provinces covered
by the research – Aklan, Batangas, Negros Occidental and Negros Oriental. Aklan is the sending province
(where the sacadas come from), while the other three (3) are the receiving provinces (where the sacadas
go for work).
AKLAN: Sending Province
Young couple Bella and Jessie lost baby boy John Clint while Jessie was on sacada work
Bella, 32 years old, was born in Sibalom, Antique, and a college graduate (Bachelor of Science in Business
Administration, BSBA). Jessie, 30 years old, hails from Batobato, Libacao, Aklan. Jessie has limited education,
having finished only grade 5. Bella exudes a strong personality and very articulate while Jessie is shy and
lacking self-confidence - always looking at Bella as if seeking permission to speak up. Bella has an 8 year old
son from a previous relationship. The couple has two sons - Jarvy, 4 years old, and John Clint who was 10
months old when he suffered and died of heart failure on June 15, 2014 while Jessie was on sacada work in
Isabela, Northern Luzon.
Bella shared her own story as a student as follows: During her student days, she needed to support herself to
be able to finish high school so she worked as a domestic helper on weekends and holidays. She was then in
2nd year high school in Antique when she worked as domestic helper cum caregiver of an old woman whose
family lived in the United States (USA). When she finished high school, the old woman was generous enough
to allow Bella to stay in her house and support her college education. In exchange, Bella would be running
errands for her and be her caregiver. Bella’s family was happy with the arrangement and was grateful that
Bella graduated from college.
Bella came from a big family of 10. Bella was the youngest. Her three (3) sisters were Bella’s role models
because they were self-supporting students and obtained their college education on their own. Her six (6)
other siblings, also working students, are now in high school.
Jessie started sacada work in October 1997, when he was 14 years old. His elder brother, a sacada, brought
him to Pampanga for a six-month contract as replacement for their 60 year old father who could no longer
work due to health problems. Jessie is the second child in the family. Both Jessie and his elder brother were
to pay off debts and support a big family (his parents and five other siblings). Their contractor was Roger
Zaradulla from Kalibo, Aklan.
Jessie received “anticipo” or cash advance amounting to PhP5,000 and gave PhP4,000 to his mother. Jessie
recalled that he was paid PhP80 per ton, and was with a group of 10 sacadas. He recalled his “hirap”
(hardship) and “pagod” (fatigue) in Pampanga, illustrated as follows: “kanya-kanyang luto” (each one prepared
own meals), “maaga gigising” (woke up very early morning), “mainit sa tubuhan” (hot in the sugarcane fields),
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
“mabigat magpasan ng tubo” (cane loads were heavy), and “Linggo lang ang day off” (the only rest day or day
off was Sunday).
He was lonely and the only entertainment was through his peer group “kwentuhan” (conversation) about
their work and daily field experience. He liked best the arrangement that he could cook and eat whatever
he liked, with such expenses to be deducted by the contractor from Jessie’s salary at the end of the contract.
At the end of his first contract in May 1998, Jessie received a net amount of PhP3,000, some of which he
gave to his mother and the rest he bought clothes for himself. Back in Batobato, Jessie and his brother were
unemployed since there were no job opportunities and livelihoods to earn income.
The idea of having spot cash lured Jessie to go back to sacada work with his brother the following years
until 1999. In 2000, Jessie went on his own, this time in Batangas, under the same contractor. The pay was
PhP80 per ton. He got used to sacada work until 2007. In 2007, he decided to find work elsewhere and was
fortunate to be employed as laborer in hollow blocks making factory in Bulacan, where he worked until 2009.
While in Bulacan, Jessie was introduced to Bella by a friend through text messages in 2008. Bella then was
working as saleslady in SM Rosario, Cavite.They became text mates and continued to do so even when Bella
transferred to Baguio City in 2009 and worked as a waitress in a restaurant. Sometime in late 2009, the two
decided to meet in Bulacan where Jessie worked. On Jessie’s birthday, they decided to live together as a
couple, with Bella’s 3-year old son Jaymar (from a previous relationship).
In January 2010, they got married. Jessie found work as a “pahinante” (service delivery boy) with San Miguel
Corporation in Pampanga; their trucks delivered beer as far as the province of Isabela in northern Philippines.
They decided that Bella would go to Jessie’s home in Batobato, Libacao, Aklan to meet and stay with his
family. Bella then was already two (2) months pregnant with their first baby. They also decided that Bella’s
3-year old son Jaymar would stay with Bella’s parents in Sibalom, Antique. Bella’s parents lived in a remote
village but they have a piece of rice land (around 5 hectares) that yielded 25 sacks of rice at 50 kg each per
season. This secured their daily rice needs.
Bella’s life in Batobato was miserable as she could not find a job. She was living with Jessie’s mother and three
(3) of Jessie’s siblings who were also sacadas. There was not enough food for everyone. In October 2011,
Bella and their 6 month old baby boy Jarvy got sick. Bella advised Jessie to come back to Batobato. When
mother and son fully recovered, Bella and Jessie decided that the couple would visit Bella’s family in Antique
in 2012. Jessie found work in a hollow blocks factory in Antique, earning an average of PhP320 per day. From
his earnings, Jessie would send some amount to his parents in Aklan, ranging from PhP1,000 to PhP1,500.
While in Antique, Bella could not work as she needed to take care of her two children. She however, engaged
in vegetable gardening for home consumption.The couple stayed in Antique for a year and celebrated Jessie’s
29th birthday with Bella’s family. They returned to Batobato in January 2013, with a sack full of rice.
For a growing family, life in Batobato is about survival. For the first time, the young couple was living on their
own. From January 2013 until September 2013, Jessie managed to put up a small nipa house (about 5 meters
x 4 meters elevated thatched house, with bamboo flooring), in a piece of land handed down to his parents by
his grandparents. He worked as farm laborer during rice harvest season, on a sharing basis (he gets one sack
of rice for every seven sacks harvested). Bella was a plain housewife taking care of their children. In August
2013, she gave birth to their second son, John Clint. The couple decided it was time for Jessie to go back to
sacada work as the “hunger months” were coming.
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Case Studies
When typhoon Yolanda hit Aklan on November 8, 2013, the couple’s small house was totally damaged.Within
two weeks, Jessie rebuilt it using bamboo scraps and nipa (palm) and shelter kit (nails, hammer, and white
tarpaulin for roofing) distributed by different relief organizations. Jessie was able to qualify for cash-for-work
and earned PhP245 a day for 15 days. The family benefitted from goods distributed through the municipality
of Libacao by different agencies such as Caritas and the University of the Philippines. The emergency goods
included food (rice, sardines, noodles, sugar, coffee, and canned goods), medicines, water jug, blanket, hygiene
kit (toothpaste, laundry soap, bath soap, toothbrush, shampoo), kitchen wares (cooking pot, spoons, forks,
plates).
On 28 November 2013, nearly three weeks after typhoon Yolanda, Jessie left for a six-month sacada work
in Isabela, northern Luzon, with the same contractor. The usual “anticipo” (cash advance) amounting to
PhP5,000 was used to pay back the remaining PhP5,000 debt incurred by his late father. Nothing was left
with Bella and the children. They figured the relief goods they received could last long, perhaps until May
2014 when Jessie returns from Isabela. It was Jessie’s first sacada work in Isabela. He was excited when he
was told the pay is PhP180 per ton. Jessie was able to send PhP1,000 to Bella once, when their youngest son
John Clint got sick in May 2014.
While Jessie was away, Bella was all alone taking care of their children. Jessie’s mother was in Manila now
staying with his sister. Her other in-laws live in another village quite far from them. They have no electricity
yet. Bella hoped Jessie will fix the electric meter later. Bella managed to meet their daily needs. The goods
(rice, canned goods) received from different relief organizations were a big help. Bella also learned to grow
vegetables for home consumption. The couple texted each other once a week or when Jessie felt lonely,
missed his family, and worried about their youngest son John Clint who was very sick.
Jessie once told Bella that he wanted to quit as he himself got sick (nose bleed) because of the hot weather.
But Bella would always encourage him to stay on and finish his contract. Jessie acknowledged that ”tinitiis ni
Bella ang lahat ng hirap kasi kailangan kong tapusin ang contract” (Bella had to bear the pain and struggles of
daily life taking care of our children by herself because I needed to finish my contract). At times, Bella would
text her 67-year old mother in Antique for help, but the mother could not come because she did not have
money. Many times Bella felt all alone and helpless.
On June 15, 2014, Bella called Jessie to tell him the sad news - John Clint passed away.The 10 month old baby
boy died of heart failure. It was painful for Jessie who could not leave immediately as he still had a few more
days left to complete his contract. On June 17, 2014, Jessie came home with PhP4,000 he earned from his
six months sacada work in Isabela. They buried baby John Clint on June 24, 2014. Unlike other sacadas, Jessie
this time did not incur any debt from his contractor. However, the PhP4,000 he brought home, according to
Bella was “kulang pa para sa kabaong at ibang pangangailangan sa libing ni John Clint” (not even enough for
the coffin and other burial expenses of John Clint).
Since June 2014 until July 30, 2014, Jessie was unemployed. Jessie was able to do cash-for-work briefly in late
June 2014.The couple started their vegetable home garden for home consumption.The family is a beneficiary
of the government’s DSWD 4Ps program on receiving PhP1,600 every two (2) months. Bella’s eldest son
Jaymar, now eight (8) years old, is also a beneficiary of 4Ps in Antique.
When asked if Jessie will go back to sacada work, Bella replied in a firm manner that she will not allow him
to do sacada work and be away from them.When asked if Jessie will bring Bella and their children with him if
he continues sacada work, Jessie replied “Hindi, mahirap at kawawa ang kondisyon doon sa baraks” (No, the
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
condition in the barracks is difficult and pitiful). Jessie thinks that despite the hardships and struggle of daily
living in Batobato, it was still a good decision that he left his family behind. It could have been worse had his
family joined him in Isabela.
The young couple plans to be a working couple. Bella plans to take a Civil Service Exam (sub professional
category) in September 2014 in Libacao, Aklan. She hopes to find a government job soon after taking the
exams. Jessie will no longer consider sacada, but will do construction work (carpentry) in Libacao, Aklan.
They plan to find a place in the town proper when they find work and raise their children there, provide them
with a good education so they do not become sacadas. Jessie laments that “hindi sinabi ni Tatay at ni Kuya na
napakahirap pala maging sacada” (my father and brother did not tell me that sacada work is very difficult).
Erwin, 32 years old, single, tried sacada work at age 14 without his parents’ consent
Erwin is 32 years old, single and finished grade 5. Erwin is a very shy person, avoiding eye contact in the
course of our interview. He comes from a big family of 11 children. He has four (4) sisters and six (6)
brothers. Erwin is the second in the family. Except for the youngest who is 11 years old, grade 6 and another
one in grade 7, Erwin’s brothers and sisters finished high school and one sister is a college graduate. Four (4)
of the 11 children are now married and living on their own. The seven (7) children are still living with Erwin
and his parents in Barangay Batobato, Libacao, Aklan.
Erwin’s father, Igmidio, is 59 years old, and a native of Bicol. His mother is Teresita, 55 years old, a native of
Batobato, Libacao, Aklan. The couple met in Bicol when Teresita was vacationing in her sister’s place. The two
got married in 1980 and moved to Sta. Cruz, Laguna where Igmidio as a farm worker, learned rice cultivation.
By 1982, the family moved to Batobato. They lived in a remote community, an open forest land which is
part of the 90 hectares owned by Rodolfo V. The village has no passable road and could be reached only by
walking for an hour from the Barangay Batobato center in sitio Malitkan, and crossing a total of nine creeks
or streams. They have no electricity and they use “gasera” or gas lamp as source of light. For cooking, they
use firewood gathered from the forest.
Igmidio is a very hardworking family man who diversified his income sources to support his growing family,
namely through threshing rice (operating the thresher machine of a Mr. Zabala), rice harvesting (sharing
arrangement is 3:10, with Igmidio getting three (3) sacks for every 10 sacks harvested), copra making and
abaca stripping. His wife Teresita grows vegetables in their home garden for supplemental food. His children
help in backyard swine and poultry raising.
There was a time when they had eight (8) heads of swine, two of which they owned, while the other six (6)
heads were contracted to them at 50:50 sharing arrangement. In “koprahan” or copra making, the sharing
arrangement is also 50:50, which gave them an income of about PhP7,000 every three months (the value of
15 sacks of copra yield in three months). In abaca stripping, if their output is 80 kg, they get 70 kg at PhP42
a kg or PhP2,940; the owner gets the 10 kg.
Despite their hard work and family cooperation, income was not enough to meet the daily needs of his big
family (11 children). For Igmidio and Teresita, their children’s education is their primary concern. To enable
them to do so, their grown up children help in supporting their siblings’ education. For instance, Erwin had
to stop schooling after finishing grade 5 so his younger sisters and brothers could continue schooling. He
helped in swine and poultry raising for added income for the family.
Page 54
Case Studies
In 1996, at age 14, Erwin started sacada work in Passi, Iloilo without his parents’ consent. It was a coincidence
that when Erwin went to Passi to attend the wake and funeral of one of their relatives, the season of
sugarcane harvesting just started. His uncle who worked in sugarcane plantation convinced him to join. Erwin
worked for seven (7) months with a group of six (6) other cane cutters. They produced seven (7) tons of
cane per day and earned PhP80 per ton.
As it was Erwin’s first sacada experience, Erwin said “nahirapan ako noon magtabas at magkarga” (I had
difficulty cutting and hauling canes). When his father came to Iloilo, he told his father he was working in
sugarcane plantation. His father did not get angry as Erwin needed money to go home to Aklan. To his
surprise, his father also tried sacada work but only for a week as he could not physically manage the heavy
load.The work was back-breaking for his father. But Erwin stayed on for seven (7) months and then returned
to Batobato to help his family raise swine and chicken.
Erwin’s father would have wanted Erwin to go back to school so he could finish his elementary education,
but Erwin decided to just help his family earn a living. From age 18 until 32 years old, Erwin did sacada work,
spending six (6) months each year in Pampanga, his new work place. His contractor was Roger Z. of Kalibo,
Aklan. At age 18, and before departing for Pampanga he bought his dream bicycle, paying PhP2500 from the
“anticipo” (cash advance) he had received.
Each time he left for sacada work, his parents would advise him “ingat lang dahil malayo ka sa amin” (take care
of yourself as you are far from us). If his mother would have her way, she would not want Erwin to leave and
work in a far place. His mother missed Erwin and was not satisfied with regular text messages she received
from him.
One Sunday at work Erwin called his mother and told her that he accidentally cut his left ring finger with
his cane knife; she was so worried. He was unable to work for a month while waiting for his wound to heal.
He was not paid for a month but he got free meals and free medical treatment. His father said they do not
impose on their children to work and help their siblings, but “basta gusto nila, okay na rin sa amin” (if they
want to work and help, it is OK with us).
When typhoon Yolanda hit Aklan on November 8, 2013, the big family house was totally damaged. Their
sources of livelihood such as copra and abaca and livestock were all gone. With two (2) younger sisters in
grade school to support, Erwin decided to help out again and considered sacada work. In December 2013,
Erwin went for sacada work in Isabela in northern Luzon. He had a six-month contract ending May 2014
with the same contractor.
While Erwin was in Isabela, Erwin’s family in Batobato busied themselves with house reconstruction. Their
original big family house which was damaged was made of bamboo with thatched roof (pawid). It has two
levels, with 50 sq. meters floor area of main house, 20 sq meters of kitchen area, six (6) sq. meters terrace,
and a separate toilet area outside the main house. The newly constructed house is smaller, yet just right for
nine (9) family members, about 50 sq. meters, bungalow style made of bamboo and G.I. sheets roof. It cost
them PhP50,000. Labour alone amounted to PhP7,500, i.e., 10 days work for three (3) carpenters at PhP250
a day. As typhoon Yolanda survivors whose house was totally damaged, they received an initial amount of
PhP6,000 from the Red Cross for G.I. sheets roofing, and expect to receive another PhP7,000 to complete
their roofing materials.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
In January 2014, the family received relief goods from the Red Cross and other organizations, including one
(1) sack of rice, some canned goods, a water jug, a hygiene kit (tooth paste, bath soap, laundry soap), shelter
kit (hammer, nails) and a cash grant of PhP2,000 from Red Cross.
In February 2014, Erwin was able to send PhP2,000 to his family through contractor Zaradulla for his two (2)
younger sisters’ school needs, one of whom is in grade 6 and is a beneficiary of the government’s DSWD 4Ps.
As beneficiary, they receive PhP1,600 every two months. The other sister is in Grade 7 in Poblacion Libacao,
staying with and running errands for her aunt in exchange for free lodging which normally would cost them
PhP200 a month.
When Erwin returned to Batobato in May 2014, he earned a net amount of PhP2,000 from his six (6) months
sacada work in Isabela. He gave PhP1,000 to his mother for their food needs (rice, meat, fish, etc.).The rest he
kept for his own personal needs. As Yolanda survivor, Erwin also benefitted from cash-for-work for 15 days at
PhP245 per day or a total of PhP3,675. This was a big help to the family who lost their house and livelihood
because of typhoon Yolanda.
Erwin is not sure yet if he will go back to sacada work in the coming milling season. He is definite though that
he wants to continue working to support his youngest siblings’ education. According to Erwin’s father, “Si
Erwin kasi gusto na lang magtrabaho. Thirty-two years old na siya. Nahihiya na siyang pumasok sa eskuwela”
(Erwin just wants to work. He is already 32 years old and is embarrassed to go back to school). Erwin‘s
father though assured Erwin that “puede pa syang mag-aral kahit vocational course gaya ng electrician or
auto mechanic” (He still could take vocational courses to become electrician or helper mechanic).
Erwin’s parents are very proud to say that the shy Erwin who spent 15 years in sacada work has indeed
helped his siblings go to school. He sacrificed his own education for his siblings who are indeed very grateful
to their big brother. While the children are not obliged to help their siblings, their parents hope that Erwin’s
brothers and sisters will someday return the favor and take care of big brother Erwin in his old age should
he remain single.
Couple Fe and Jimmy looking forward to “retirement” from sacada work
Fe is 54 years old and her husband Jimmy is 63 years old. Both are native of Batobato, Libacao, Aklan.
Both have limited education, having finished only grade 3. They got married late in their life, i.e., Fe was 30
years old, Jimmy was 39 years old. They are living with their two adult unmarried children, their 22 year
old daughter and 19 year old son. Their daughter graduated from primary school. Their son finished only
grade 5.
According to Fe, sacada work has been the family’s “bread and butter” all their life. She considers her husband
Jimmy a “retiree” after this year 2014. Husband Jimmy started working as migrant worker in Victorias mill
district, Negros Oriental in 1966 when he was 15 years old. For six (6) years he worked in Negros Oriental,
each time spending six (6) months cutting and hauling canes. Later he went to Negros Occidental and
since then had done sacada work alternating between Negros Oriental and Negros Occidental until he got
married in 1989.
Beginning 1990, Jimmy worked under contractor Roger Zaradulla. His place of work was Pampanga and
Batangas. Jimmy never brought with him his family because “mahirap may familia, malaki budget pag kasama
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sila, magulo sa baraks” (It would be difficult to bring my family because I would need a bigger budget; and the
barracks’ condition is chaotic).
Fe would normally be left alone taking care of their two growing children. The family lived in a thatched
house along the main road and their nearest neighbor, their relative, lived across the road. So during rice
season, Fe would leave the children under her relative’s care, and she would go to nearby upland areas to do
“kaingin” (slash and burn) work, i.e., weeding and planting rice for their daily subsistence. Fe’s coping strategy
for survival according to her is “badget-badget lang, tipid-tipid pati bigas” (budgeting and being thrifty with
daily meals including rice). She is pleased that her children never complained of their meager meals of rice
and dried fish or salt, or “laswa” (vegetable soup).
When Jimmy returned from sacada work, the couple would help each other in harvesting and stripping abaca
from the forest.They continue to do this up to this day as additional source of income, getting at least PhP42
per kilo of abaca fiber.They set up a clothes line to hang the newly stripped abaca fiber in front of their house
along the main road. At the time of interview, the wet stripped abaca fibers were hanging on the clothes line
measuring about five meters long.The couple was proud to say that because of hard work, they were able to
buy a second hand color television set they enjoyed; it was displayed in their living room.
The youngest son, Jomar is now 19 years old. He wanted his father Jimmy to stop sacada work because of
his health. According to Fe, Jomar is concerned and “ayaw na pabalikin ang ama sa sacada kasi nakikita nila na
pagod na siya, masakit ang tuhod at namamayat na” (He does not want his father to continue sacada work
because he looks tired and has started feeling age-related problems like weak knees and weight loss). In 2013,
Jomar decided to do sacada work in Isabela under contractor Roger Zaradulla of Kalibo, Aklan. He told his
father Jimmy “Retire na kayo”(you should retire ), “ako naman”(it’s my turn).
For Fe and Jimmy, they decided that the last sacada work for Jimmy was in November 2013 until May 2014 in
Batangas, after typhoon Yolanda hit Aklan. The typhoon totally damaged their house and they needed money
to rebuild it in the same location. Jimmy had already received in August 2013 the partial cash advance of
PhP3,000 which they already spent on family’s daily needs. The remaining balance of PhP2,000 was given to
him in November 2013 after typhoon Yolanda, and prior to his departure. Jimmy kept PhP1,000 for his pocket
money so he need not ask for more cash advances while in the work place. He left the other PhP1,000 with
his wife for their daily needs. Jimmy would communicate with his family once or twice a month via text
messages, with Jimmy borrowing his peers’ cell phone. Fe herself was able to buy one cell phone from the
cash advance they received.
Fe would always worry about Jimmy’s health particularly when Jimmy got sick due to over- fatigue in January
2014. She advised him “Rest ka muna” (take a rest). Sacada workers do not get paid if they rest, so Jimmy
was concerned that he would lose his daily income of PhP150 per ton. Jimmy decided to continue working
and ignored the body pain. To relax, he enjoyed the daily “kwentuhan” (peer conversation) and the color
television set provided by the contractor. He refused to join his peers’ drinking sessions for health reasons
and to save some money.
In February 2014, Jimmy was able to send his family PhP500 through the wife of the contractor. But Fe would
have to travel to Kalibo and go to the contractor’s house to claim the money. Fe travelled half a day to Kalibo
and spent more than PhP200 for transport (She was offered a cup of coffee by her host, nevertheless).
Overall, what was left was barely PhP300 for their family needs.
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Jimmy came home to his family in Batobato in May 2014. His net income was PhP5,000. The family was quite
pleased that they were able to put up a small bamboo house with thatched roof. As Jimmy retires from
sacada work, he recalls the promised sacada incentives, which never materialized. He particularly mentioned
PhilHealth “pero peke naman ang card” (fake PhilHealth card).
Fe and Jimmy decided they will work full time on abaca, hoping that the government’s promised program
on abaca rehabilitation will commence soon. They look forward to the scheduled abaca training and cashfor-work project. They are not sure if their son Jomar will continue the sacada work after his father. Jomar
is attracted to the easy, immediate cash advance of PhP5,000. He has big dreams of buying a motorcycle for
passenger transport so he could have additional income during off-season sacada work. Fe and Jimmy will
let their youngest son decide on what is best for him. According to Jomar “ayaw ni Tatay na ituloy ko sacada.
Pero pag walang pera, ok na rin mag-sacada kasi madali mag-cash advance” (My father does not want me to
continue with sacada work. However, in times that we need immediate cash, it is ok with him because we
can easily get cash advance).
Perlina and Orlando, confronting poverty through sacada work and diversified farming
Perlina, 57 years old, and Orlando, 67 years old, are both from Brgy. Batobato, Libacao, Aklan. Both have
limited education having finished grade 5 in primary school. They have seven (7) children, (2 daughters, 5
sons) now all grown-up whom they were able to raise well and provide good education for in spite of their
poverty. However, they lost the youngest daughter (the 5th) in 2002 due to colon cancer.
Perlina was formerly a housewife, domestic helper, farmer, and small entrepreneur. Orlando was formerly a
sacada, utility boy, jeepney driver, farmer, and now barangay leader. At age 67, Orlando, according to Perlina,
is still very physically fit and can still climb coconut trees with ease like a monkey would.
Perlina and Orlando are now enjoying the fruits of their hard work and determination. According to the
couple, “Being poor is not an excuse. It is like crossing a river - one’s goal is to cross the river successfully.
One has to strategize to realize one’s goal and one’s dream and succeed”.They added it is important to have
“determinasyon na mabago ang buhay mo” (determination to improve one’s life), be resourceful and have
“lakas ng loob at magsikap” (courage and diligence), “kumpyansa sa sarili” (self-confidence) and faith in God.
Their success story includes surviving in a poor village of Batobato, diversifying their income sources, and
self-discipline in a sacada environment.
Orlando started sacada work when he stopped schooling at age 14 in 1961. He was staying in his uncle’s
place in Batangas who introduced him to sacada work. His first work place was in Paliparan, Dasmariñas,
Cavite. He worked there until age 17 and transferred to Negros Oriental at age 18. According to Orlando,
he recalled that back then, the pay was PhP84 per ton, and his group of 10 workers could finish 20 tons a
day. Depending on availability of trucks to deliver the canes to the mill, each would get at least PhP168 per
day. At that time, the contractor would get PhP20 per ton. The “anticipo” or cash advance was PhP10,000
for two (2) persons or PhP5,000 each, normally given to married migrant workers who needed money and
for their families left behind. Orlando, being single, did not get a cash advance.
While doing sacada work in Negros Oriental, Orlando was surprised how his co-workers could become so
undisciplined. According to Orlando, “hindi tama ang ugali nila” (their behavior is not right). Majority of them
were heavy drinkers and would bully their peers, hence would result to in-fighting. Their “cabo” or foreman
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would separate the hard working from the slow workers. Normally, the trucks would pick up first the stocks
piled by the hardworking group; the slow workers’ stocks later. His group worked so hard and got fully paid
for six (6) days’ work. Slow workers would get paid for only four (4) days’ work.
Sometime in 1968, Orlando thought “walang kinabukasan dito sa sacada” (there’s no future in sacada), so he
went to Manila and tested his skills as a utility boy in Lauren Hospital. In 1969 - 1970, he went back to his
relatives in Tanauan, Batangas and worked as a jeepney driver. He wanted to settle down, so he went back to
Batobato and met the young Perlina who was then working as a housemaid in Kalibo, Aklan. The couple got
married in 1971. Orlando was 24, Perlina was 14 years old.
Life in Batobato was difficult, and farming was the only option available in order to survive. Orlando planted
upland rice, abaca, banana, and coconut in the four (4) hectare upland area “owned“ by his parents. But
farming was not profitable and would take at least three (3) years to become economically productive.
According to Perlina, “walang sinayang na oras ang mister ko” (my husband did not waste time). Orlando
would do farm work in other barangays, namely Balete, from 5 a.m. till 6 p.m. doing “kiging ng abaca” (“kiging
is a local dialect of Aklanon, referring to the process of making fiber). He would earn a meager net income
of at least PhP2 per kg.
Between 1971 and 1978, Orlando’s family was growing and they lived at a subsistence level. His wife, who
could not work because their three (3) children are still young, was very “matipid” (thrifty and able to
stretch their resources) and resourceful. She would prepare simple but varied meals out of cassava (boiled,
sweetened) for breakfast, rice porridge for dinner (or many times during the day), boiled banana and
sometimes “laswa” (vegetable soup) for lunch. Their regular “ulam” (viand) was “bagoong” (fermented fish)
eaten with homegrown vegetables.
In 1979, Orlando realized that despite the hard work, his meager income from farming could barely cover
their daily needs; furthermore their children would soon be going to school. They were forced to borrow
money from a relative when the children got sick. So Orlando decided to go back to sacada work. Pampanga
would be his place of work for the next three (3) years, 1979-81, staying in Pampanga for six (6) months each
milling season. Perlina was left behind to take care of their children. Orlando would send a letter to his family
(with a small amount, e.g., PhP50) for their food through his “cabo” or foreman.
When Orlando returned in May 1980/81, he continued his “kiging ng abaca” (abaca fiber making) work, both
in Barangays Balete and Batobato. He also started copra-making. This required him to wake up at 1 a.m. to
cook the nuts at 2 a.m. until 6 p.m. in a coconut area about half an hour’s walk from their house. He would
bring the 40 to 50 kg bags of copra on his back and would walk back to their house for half an hour, reaching
home by 8 p.m. or 9 p.m. The following day, Orlando would use a carabao to haul the copra to nearby
Barangay Agmai-lig, walking for an hour to meet the buyer who would already be waiting for him.
The “compradores” (buyers) were the source of money for Orlando in times of need. Perlina felt sorry
for her husband who had to spend 20 hours working on copra making and taking a long walk to deliver the
product and get paid. But Orlando did not mind the long hours of work and walk because he would get
a share of PhP7,000 for every 100 kg copra he delivered. For supplementary income, Perlina started her
backyard vegetable garden growing “sili” (pepper) and working in the rice fields doing weeding.
In 1981, Orlando got sick due to over-fatigue while doing sacada work in Pampanga. The couple decided
that he stop sacada work and concentrate on his “kiging ng abaca” (abaca fiber-making) and copra-making in
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Batobato. They also started swine-raising. By 1983, the couple already had seven (7) children. Raising them
well was a big challenge. Supporting them in school was a bigger challenge.
Fortunately for the couple, their rice harvest, bananas, abaca and coconuts became their sources of income
that supported their children’s high school education. Their rice harvest was used to pay the lodging of their
children in Libacao at one (1) cavan (50 kg) per student per year. They also succeeded in swine raising and
experienced getting 22 piglets from three (3) breeder pigs and sold each piglet at PhP300, resulting to an
income of PhP7,000 which during that time was quite good.
In 1989, Orlando got interested in community service to help his poor community. He was elected “kagawad”
(councilor), and served in that capacity for 20 years. As “kagawad” (councilor) he became more informed
on possibilities for college education of his seven (7) children. He explained to his wife Perlina that if the
children would go to public schools the tuition fees would be cheaper. Also they discussed with their children
that some would have to stop schooling for a year to give way to the older sibling’s college education. When
their turn would come, they too would be supported. This strategy they thought would give everyone the
opportunity to get the education they all wanted. Everyone understood “magbigayan kayo para makatapos si
Ate at si Kuya; gumasta nang maayos at magtipid sa baon at pagkain” (they needed to give way so their elder
sister and brother could finish college, spend wisely and save on allowances and meals).
The eldest daughter, Analyn, now 40 years old, married and with three children, graduated from a four-year
college course -- B.S. Accountancy. She is grateful to his brother, the 4th in the family, who stopped schooling
for one year to give way for her college education, and who helped the family in their piggery to raise money.
Analyn’s younger brother, the 2nd in the family, now 36 years old, married and has three (3) children, finished
a two-year course on mechanical technology and lives in Laguna.
The 5th in the family had to stop schooling for a year to give way to the second sibling and help in the piggery.
The 3rd in the family, now 32 years old, single took up a four-year agriculture course and is yet to graduate,
landed a job as farm manager of a cattle farm in Saudi Arabia, and has been working there for a year. The 4th
in the family, now 30 years old, single, took up a two-year radio electronics course, works part-time in Manila
and takes night classes in German language course and nursing. He is being supported by relatives from the
USA and his youngest brother, the 6th in the family.
The 6th in the family, now 28 years old, married with two children, finished high school. He decided to be a
full-time farmer in Batobato (piggery and growing bananas, abaca, coconuts, rice) in the four-hectare upland
area that his father had under a 25-year stewardship contract.
The youngest in the family, now 26 years old, single, finished a two-year mechanical technology course. He
has been working in Taiwan for two (2) years now. He is supporting his brother who is taking up a nursing
course (initially sending him PhP20,000 for tuition fee), and another older brother’s rice mill business by
initially sending him PhP50,000. He also supported the construction of a new concrete, bigger family house
in Batobato (their old house of nipa and bamboo was totally damaged by typhoon Yolanda).
The family lost the youngest daughter (the 5th in the family) in 2002 when she suffered from colon cancer. She
was 19 years old. She was hospitalized and the family incurred big medical expenses amounting to PhP52,000.
During that time, they had some money but not enough to cover all expenses. All children, except for Analyn,
the eldest who already graduated from college and was already married, were still in school and money was
tight. Orlando, then 55 years old, and his son-in law (Analyn’s husband) decided to go back to sacada work
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through contractor Roger Zaradulla. Their contract was four (4) months in Pampanga and four (4) months
in Cavite.Their total “anticipo” (cash advance) amounting to PhP10,000 was used to partially pay the medical
bills.
With a sack of rice (so they could save money on food), Orlando and his son–in law left the family in Batobato
on November 2, 2002. Orlando who was used to sacada work since he was 14 years old, was determined to
finish his contract. His son–in-law, a high school graduate and self-employed driving tricycle in Libacao town
proper, had never experienced sacada work. The son-in-law was not able to endure the backbreaking sacada
work; he got sick and lonely and after two (2) months he returned to Batobato. After three (3) months of
sacada work, Orlando was able to pay off the PhP10,000 cash advance, but decided to finish his contract to
save some amount for his children’s education, two (2) of whom were in college and two (2) in high school.
While Orlando was on sacada work in 2002, Perlina, then 45 years old, decided to work as a domestic helper
in Kalibo, Aklan. On weekends, Perlina would help their son (the 6th in the family) in their piggery in Batobato.
After a month as domestic helper, and with a small borrowed capital of PhP1,000, Perlina also ventured into
buying and selling “tinagat na pina” (pineapple fiber raw material for pina cloth). She would get the materials
in Libacao and would deliver these to her customer in Kalibo. Perlina recalled that buying and selling was
a lucrative business. Initially she would get a gross income ranging from PhP12,000-PhP18,000 a month,
delivering to her customers three (3) times a month. Her expenses would be about 50 percent, hence, she
could get a monthly net income of PhP6,000 - 9,000.
When Orlando came back from sacada work in May 2003, the couple decided to pay off all their outstanding
debts (PhP42,000) through the combined earnings of Orlando and Perlina.They were happy and relieved and
could start all over again. Perlina focused on buying and selling “tinagat na pina”. Orlando concentrated on
copra making, abaca, rice, banana and swine raising.
Perlina recalls that when one of their children was in college in 2004, they would give a weekly allowance of
PhP500 for meals and PhP1,000 for school projects. Hence, for one college student, they would have to have
a monthly budget of at least PhP6,000. Perlina and Orlando would repeatedly tell their children that “kung di
kayo mag-eskwela, sacada ang pupuntahan nyo”(if you will not go to school, you will end up in sacada work).
While buying and selling pineapple fiber was lucrative, Perlina would in some days incur losses due to poor
quality fiber which would be rejected by her customers. Also, with time, some customers would be unable
to pay, and become indebted to her. But Perlina persevered as they needed cash for their children’s college
education. Orlando on the other hand although still able, would suffer from over fatigue. The doctor
advised him “hinay hinay sa trabaho” (not to work too hard). The couple was hopeful they could slow
down when all the other four (4) children had graduated from college like their eldest, Analyn. By 2011, all
children except their farmer son (the 6th in the family) have graduated from a two or 4-year college degree.
In 2010, Orlando was elected barangay captain. He got his second term and is quite an active barangay captain
according to his constituents. As barangay official, he gets a monthly honorarium of PhP3,000. In 2011, the
couple’s wish came true - their children have all graduated from college. The sad news though was that
Perlina was diagnosed by a doctor that she has thyroid problem and should refrain from stressful activity
and lifting heavy objects. She was advised to slow down and has been on maintenance medication since then.
The couple decided that Perlina should stop her buy and sell business. They were hopeful that now all their
children who are grown up and educated would have better employment opportunities and could live a
better life, one they never had.
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Indeed in 2012, their two sons became overseas workers, one in Saudi Arabia, the other in Taiwan. They are
now generously supporting not only their parents Orlando and Perlina in their old age, but also their other
siblings. Many knew and admired the family for their hard work, cooperation and commitment to educate
their children. Many knew their success story and survival strategy but few knew about Orlando’s sacada story.
For the young generation, Orlando advised them “magsikap ka, huwag katamaran ang paiiralin”(work hard, do
not be lazy). “Kung hindi ka mag-eskwela, sacada ang pupuntahan nyo” (If you do not go to school, you will
end up in sacada work). Orlando thinks that Batobato is not a poor place as it has agricultural potential. But
Batobato people are “kulang sa diskarte para mabuhay” (they lack formulating creative and viable strategies
to survive). Rather than doing sacada work, people should stay in Batobato, grow agricultural crops on
parcels of land they could “rent” through sharing arrangement, and be entrepreneurial. Sacada work should
only be a last resort if one urgently needs immediate cash.
But sacadas should behave well, discipline themselves, and “isakripisyo muna ang sarili at huwag mag-bisyo
kasi ang number one kahinaan ng mga sacada ay garbo at bisyo, kaya one day millionaire sila pagdating dito”.
(They should sacrifice and not indulge in vices, because sacadas’ number one weakness is having vices like
heavy drinking and extravagant living; when they come back, they live like one-day millionaires).
Perlina now believes she can enjoy a good life, spending more time with her three (3) grandchildren with
their farmer son in Batobato, as well as her three (3) other grandchildren in Libacao town proper. For
Orlando, he never stopped working on the farm, but this time at a slower pace since his son farmer has taken
over. The couple are misty-eyed as they reminisced their tough life when the children were young and both
of them had to struggle to meet daily needs and finally succeeding in raising them well and providing them
with good education. As the interview ended, the couple smiled and proudly shared with us the good news
that their dream house is “malapit nang matapos” (nearing completion), courtesy of their Taiwan–based son,
their youngest.
Eric, 12 years old, a child left behind by sacada parents
Eric is a grade 6 student of Calacabian Elementary School, Sitio Tilog, Barangay Calacabian. He is currently
a representative of their class to the Supreme Pupil Government. He was a consistent honor student from
Grade 1 to Grade 5. He is the eldest of three children.The second, a girl, is nine (9) years old and is in Grade
4 while the youngest, another girl is five (5) years old and is in kindergarten.
His mother and stepfather applied for work with a certain Mr. Zubiaga and were deployed in Tarlac. They
worked there from November, 2013 up to March, 2014. He and his younger sister were left with his maternal
grandparents (lolo and lola) while his youngest sibling was brought along by his mother to the plantation site.
As surrogate parents, his grandparents took care of their needs including their school needs and attendance
to meetings and other requirements.
He was saddened by his mother’s separation from them, though temporarily. To overcome his sadness, he
spent most of his time studying and helping with household chores such as cooking and fetching water for
family consumption from the nearest source.
When his mother was in Tarlac, she rarely communicated with them. She would call her sister who had a cell
phone who would go to where they stayed so that they could talk to her.
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According to Eric, his father is from Caloocan. It was in that place where they were born. His mother, an
Aklanon-Bukidnon, brought them to Aklan on June 6, 2009 while his father was left behind. After that, the
children did not see him again. He knows that his father has another woman.
In 2011, his mother and stepfather came to live together. He is a town mate of his mother. He revealed
that he and his siblings were not informed by his mother about this arrangement. He disclosed that it is his
mother who provides for their needs without any assistance from his stepfather. His mother disciplines them
by whipping them while his stepfather only tells them what to do (pinagsasabihan). He is not close to both
of them. He decided to move back to his grandparents’ home when the couple started fighting; the fighting
greatly affected him and his siblings.
When asked about his relationship with children his age, he said that he has friends in school and he plays
with them. He gets along well with other kids (walang kagalit). Whenever he encounters problems, he keeps
them to himself. He does not have a confidante.
Sonny, Eric’s grandfather, belongs to the Aklanon-Bukidnon group. He is 55 years old. He previously worked
as sacada and is still a farmer up to this day working in Calacabian. He and his wife only reached Grade 3. He
lives with his wife, two (2) daughters who are slightly older than Eric, and another daughter who has a son
out of wedlock.
According to Sonny, when his daughter and partner went to Tarlac to harvest sugarcane, Eric and his sister
stayed with them. Since she was not regularly sending money to support the basic necessities of her children,
he found it difficult to sustain the requirements of additional members, being only a contract farmer of palay.
He tried his best to provide for them especially for Eric’s school needs, who was a consistent honor student.
He pictured his daughter’s family as troubled (magulo). The partner of Eric’s mother has vices, e.g., gambling
(nagsasabong or cock-fighting) and drinking, which trigger arguments between the couple.
Sonny described Eric as quiet (hindi umiimik). Eric would only talk when asked questions. Contrary to what his
grandson said, he revealed that there are no friends or playmates going to their house, (walang barkada). His
only playmates are his aunts and siblings. Sonny and his wife exert effort to find out how Eric is doing, what
his situation is. He also remarked that Eric is not close to his mother. He helps with household chores like
cooking and fetching water for household needs. He often reminds him not to quarrel with other children, to
study hard and to always help in whatever way he can. Education is very important to Eric. Thus Sonny often
tries to alleviate the apprehension of his grandson about not being able to finish schooling.
The five-month absence of the mother and stepfather to work as sugarcane laborers in Tarlac did not seem
to affect the child that much because of the closer relationship that he has with his grandparents than
his mother. Eric was definitely saddened by his mother’s absence but since most of her time was spent in
earning a living and not in getting to know her children, she failed to establish a bond between them. It was
his grandparents who mainly looked and supported his needs, both the basic as well as the emotional. They
reached out to and connected with him to find out how he is doing. They know more about the boy than
his mother does. It was his grandfather that created a greater impact in his growing up years, taking interest
in how he was doing, guiding and inculcating in him the important values that he should uphold throughout
his life.
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Franklin and children as sacadas
Franklin, 56 years old and married, has been a sacada ever since he started working up to the present. He
finished Grade 1. He is an Aklanon-Bukidnon. His wife is Linda, 46 years old. She reached third year high
school.Their union bore for the couple six sons and a daughter.Their daughter and youngest son are children
with special needs. Linda’s mother, who is already bedridden, is also staying with them. The couple verbalized
that they are really hard-up with three of their family members needing medical care. But they try to make
ends meet with the help of their children.
Their six (6) sons are: Fidel 26 years old, finished elementary and is now married; Plaridel, 25, a first year high
school graduate and has his own family; Peter, 24, completed Grade 4 and is married; Franklin, Jr., 19, stopped
studying after Grade 1 and is single; Erick, 16, is single and currently enrolled in first year college; and Filmore,
aged 10 and has repeatedly been enrolled in their day care classes because of his mental disability. His height
is that of a three year old child. Their daughter, Efny, 12 years old has not attended school ever since due to
her physical and mental disability. She is blind and moves around like a jellyfish because her bones have not
fully developed. Her mother and siblings take turns caring for her.
The couple described their children as obedient, respectful to elders, family-centered and industrious, helping
in doing house chores and earning a living. These are the values that they have imparted to them. Erick, who
persisted in studying, is an honor student. Linda proudly said that their family usually help and participate in
community activities. They also have many neighbors who help one another in time of need (nagtutulungan
sa aming lugar).
According to the couple, poverty due to low wages and irregular work pushed their four (4) children to go
with their father as sacada to different plantations outside of Aklan. As parents, they wanted their sons to
finish schooling but the family had to give priority to their day to day subsistence. Their situation became
more difficult when the two disabled siblings were born and when the mother of Linda came to live with
them.
Franklin revealed that their work consisted of harvesting and loading sugarcane in trucks.They were considered
contractual workers under the “pakyaw” arrangement. They are given a cash advance of PhP10,000 each for
their family’s needs while they are in another province working for six (6) months. For every ton of cane
harvested, the worker is entitled to receive PhP 180. He was able to get a pay of PhP1,500 monthly when he
was contracted out. However, he said that the work he did this year was his last because he accidentally cut
his forefinger which has not healed up to the present. He said that he was only given PhP3,000 as medical
assistance, which was not sufficient to pay for his medical expenses. Though a member of the Social Security
System (SSS), he could not get any benefit because he could not produce any record of his membership.
Moreover, SSS does not have any record of his membership and contributions. An interview with their
subcontractor revealed that he is not a member due to his contractual status.
Left at home with the smaller kids, Linda tries to look for work in the farms within their community to
supplement family income. In addition she plants vegetables around their house, selling them to neighbors or
using the produce as payment for loans. She avails of the health, day care and nutrition programs and services
in their community. She is the president of their home room parents-teachers association. Her youngest son
was accommodated as a “special” beneficiary of the 4Ps of the DSWD and is receiving partial benefits.
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Fidel, the eldest son of Franklin, was the first child who accompanied him to the sugarcane plantations in
Batangas, Pampanga and Tarlac.The family’s economic needs prompted him to start working in 2003, at age 15
after he graduated from the elementary school. He assisted his father in at least eight (8) seasons harvesting
and loading the produce in the truck.
In order to be hired, he had to change his age to meet the age requirement. The foreman who was directly
in charge of deployment clustered them into groups of 10 to 11 members each and brought each group to
their assigned hacienda. His first job was in Pampanga, staying there for three (3) months from November,
2003 to January, 2004.Then he and his father were transferred to Batangas where they worked from January
to May, 2004.
The workers did their own cooking, marketing and laundry work, etc. After six (6) months, the foreman
allowed them to go home if they had paid all their debts. He earned an average of PhP3,000 every 15 days.
He did not receive any other benefits.
According to Fidel, to some extent, he was able to help his family then by giving part of his earnings but it
supplemented only the food needs of the household (kulang pa din). He apportioned the amount of his pay
that he set aside to buy his clothes and other personal needs.
Fidel characterized his family as closely knit. However, he did not have anyone with whom he could open
up and discuss his problems, decisions, important events and other personal thoughts. He usually made
important decisions by himself and just informed his parents and siblings afterwards; they usually supported
him, though. One example was his decision to get married which took the family by surprise but accepted it.
When he was younger, Fidel wanted to be a policeman. However, he decided to work and not continue his
studies due to their family circumstances. Now that he already has his own family, he wants to inculcate the
values of obedience and helping one another to his three (3) children. His focus now is earning for his family
so that his children would be able to study. He has also realized the importance of family planning in order
to adequately provide for their needs.
Ronald: Getting out of sacada life
Ronald, 20 years old, is a former sacada from Madalag, Aklan. He finished second year high school. He is
second among four children. At age 17, his parents could no longer support his education. In his desire to
help his family, he went with his then 51 year old father (who started sacada work when he was 16) to Isabela
for two months and later they moved to Tarlac.
Their contractor is a nephew of his father who gave them a total cash advance of PhP18,000 (PhP8,000 for
Ronald and PhP10,000 for his father). Ronald was able to settle his cash advance while that of his father’s
remained unpaid. Ronald was supposed to pay for his father’s cash advance by working again as sacada but
DOLE’s strict implementation of a policy against child labour prevented him from doing so. According to
Ronald, when he started sacada work at age 17, no birth certificate was required. At age 18, he was told he
could no longer leave because “bawal na ang child labor” (child labor is no longer allowed).
Ronald narrated that sacada work was “super mahirap (extremely difficult), kulang na lang dugo ang umagos
sa amin” (to the extent that we would sweat in blood). He had other cousins in the group aged 15/16 years
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old who after one or two days gave up and left. In their workplace in Isabela, the sugarcane fields were hilly
and mountainous, and loading canes in the trucks was a struggle especially for a boy whose body frame is
small. Ronald suffered from sprained ankle that immobilized him for five days; during which time he did not
receive any pay. His father applied herbal medicine to treat his sprained ankle.
Despite the hard work, Ronald chose to stay with his father. According to him, there were no job options
outside of sacada work. He further narrated that his 43-year old mother was always worried about his father
while at work , “Naawa siya kay Papa kasi matanda na siya at lagi pang super pagod sa trabaho” (She pitied
my father because of his old age and he felt very tired from work).
In the workplace, Ronald and his father woke up at 4 a.m. to cook for meals to be taken to the field. They
were shuttled by a truck to the sugarcane fields and began work at 5 a.m.They returned to the barracks at 8
p.m. or 9 p.m. By then, they were already very tired and often had difficulty sleeping. He and his father lacked
decent meals, which often consisted of a small can of sardines and salt. They wanted to save so they could
bring home some money.
In 2012, DOLE under its child labor-free campaign, interviewed and chose two sacada children as its scholars.
Ronald was one of them. DOLE staff visited Ronald’s place in Madalag. Ronald underwent and completed a
two-month training done by TESDA on housekeeping (cleaning bathrooms, fixing things, etc). At age 19, he
was employed as a gardener receiving a salary of PhP210 a day in Boracay Regency Resort and Spa (BRRS).
Within two years of hard work, Ronald got promoted from gardener to public attendant, and then to linen
attendant, now receiving PhP287 a day. From his monthly income, Ronald allocates PhP1,000 for monthly
room rent, and sends around PhP1,500 to his family. According to Ronald, his goal is to continue acquiring
knowledge and skills so he would qualify for higher positions.
Ronald is the sole breadwinner in the family.While his father does carpentry work and raises some livestock
at home, Ronald takes on the bigger responsibility, including providing for his siblings’ school needs. His
younger sister already graduated from high school, and another sister is now in her second year high school.
Ronald said he could forego his own education for as long as he is able to support his siblings until they finish
college. From his earnings, he helped his family repair their house, which was destroyed by typhoon Yolanda.
He said that” mas maayos buhay namin ngayon kaysa dati” (Our life is much better now than before).
Recalling his sacada days, Ronald said that he only received PhP200 per ton, or an average of PhP100 per
day after being deducted his cash advances, including his daily meals. According to him, having been a TESDA
scholar opened an opportunity for him to explore other job opportunities. Other youth like him saw in him
a ‘hope’ for a better life. He fondly remembered his peers’ reaction when he came home last year. He said
that they saw in him their ‘hope’ for a better life. They wanted him to also facilitate same opportunities for
them.
Ronilo and Jocelyn: Sacada family life experience
Ronilo and Jocelyn, both 46 years old, are residents of a “sacada village” in Brgy. Janlud, Libacao. They are
staying in a home lot bought by one of Ronilo’s children. Ronilo went up to grade 3 and Jocelyn reached grade
1. They have five (5) children. Their eldest and only male child, Ramie, also works as sacada. Two (2) other
children are also working -- one as a helper in Manila and the other as a salesgirl in a grocery store. The two
(2) youngest children are in school-- one in elementary and the other in high school.
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Ronilo started work as sacada in 1998 at the age of 29. He used to plant rice in the mountainous area near
their community; but when his wife got sick and needed money for medication he decided to be a sacada. He
was recruited by Mr. Zaradulla and has since been working in sugarcane farms in Pampanga, Tarlac, Batangas,
Cavite and Bataan. He stayed for six (6) months in each farm assignment and communicated with his family
through letters or cellphone once a month. Back home, Jocelyn tried to augment the family income by doing
laundry work, selling native delicacies in the nearby school or working in another farm in their barangay. As
4Ps beneficiary, she also received a cash grant for her children’s education.
Now 25 years old, Ramie has his own family and lives in a one-room extension of the house occupied by his
parents and other siblings. He started sacada work at the age of 15 when no birth certificate or barangay
clearance was required for employment. Since then he has worked thrice as a migrant sugar worker. Initially
he joined his father to do sacada work in order to augment their family income; now, he does the same
to support his wife and four (4) children. He sees being a sacada as a way to get a quick cash advance. He
worked in sugarcane farms in Tarlac and Pampanga. Apart from sacada work, Ramie earns income from
construction jobs, rice, abaca and copra production, and habal-habal (motorcycle) operation from which he
gets an average of PhP100 a day.
Sacada life is hard, according to Ronilo and Ramie. They woke up as early as 2 a.m. to prepare their day’s
packed lunch. Sometimes, when they want to save on income, they only had salt, rice and water.Work started
at 4 a.m. until 5 or 7 p.m., depending on the amount of work, with a short break at 12 noon for lunch which
they usually had under a parked truck.They worked continuously under the heat of the sun.When they tried
to get some rest in-between, they are reprimanded or sometimes hit by the strict cabo. On top of these, they
have to bear the loneliness of being away from family; they are always worried about their family’s situation
back home.
Before leaving for his sacada assignment, Ronilo received a cash advance of PhP4,000 for his family’s needs
including his children’s schooling. All their basic needs while working in a sugarcane farm e.g., rice, sardines
and other viands, soap and other essentials were deducted from their income. Ronilo was paid PhP80/ton
of sugarcane harvested. However, he only received a net pay of PhP2,000 after six (6) months of work after
his cash advance and daily expenses while at work were deducted. But during his later assignments, he was
forced to get additional cash advances to send to his family when his child got sick and his parent-in-law died.
The cash advances left him with an outstanding balance of PhP19,000 and zero income at the end of the
harvesting season. They used half of the PhP30,000 assistance they received as Typhoon Yolanda survivor to
pay some of their loans.
Ramie, on the otherhand did not have any outstanding loan. He got a cash advance of PhP10,000 from his
last sacada assignment. During his six-month assignment, he was able to repay the cash advance, and send
PhP1,000 every two (2) months to his family. He was also able to bring home an additional PhP1,000.
After 10 sacada trips and the concomitant hard work and accumulated loans, Ronilo decided to stop sacada
work. His last sacada trip was when he left for Tarlac in January 2015; but he had to go back home after a
month when one of his children got sick. He now plans to do farm work in areas near his house. For Jocelyn,
she wants her children to finish schooling and have good health.
Ramie also sees himself outside of sacada work. He plans to continue with his work in rice and abaca
plantation, copra production and expand his involvement in swine raising.
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Junie: Life of a Cabo
Junie is 26 years old while his wife, Jennifer, is 21 years old. They have two (2) female children – one is four
(4) years old and the other is two (2). They hail from San Andres, Quezon province.
Junie started sacada work when he was 16 years old. He went with his uncle to work as sacada. For eight (8)
years (from age 16 to 24), he did sacada work for six (6) months each year. After his sacada stint, he went
back to Quezon and did fishing and planted banana, corn, palay and copra – all for his family’s consumption.
Now married with children, he lives in Duhatan, Batangas, in a community of sacadas that was established by
a local sugarcane plantation owner. He and his family have stayed in Duhatan for two (2) years at the time of
interview. A year later, his brother joined him.
Junie works as a foreman/cabo. He has nine (9) workers under him, all from San Andres, Quezon. They are
either his relatives or neighbors. He describes their community which is located near the sea as quite remote
(a 24-hour ride).
According to Junie, he wakes up at 3 a.m., takes a bath and then has breakfast. At 4 a.m., he starts works as
sacada in a nearby place that is walking distance from where he stays. Sometimes, he and other workers were
brought by a truck to a farther location. He finishes work at 4 p.m. When at home, he cuts wood, fetches
water and then takes his rest.
As a cabo, he is paid PhP250 per ton or equivalent to PhP500 a day or PhP3,500 a week on the average.Their
daily needs such as rice, viand and other essentials (soap, sugar, coffee) were advanced from the canteen
owned by the planter. A sack of rice costs around PhP2,000, which lasts them a month. The cost of their
grocery items averaged PhP30 per day, usually consisting of sardine and noodles. They averaged PhP200 per
week for viand.
Junie narrates that sometimes accidents happen while harvesting or cutting sugarcane. He tells how some
workers under him accidentally cut their foot or hand. When this happened, the only medicines they took
were for pain relief. He said that they had to rely on themselves since there was no support coming from
the government. When any of their children got sick, they would bring them to a hospital if they had money;
otherwise, they just went to a herbolario (local traditional healer). A month before the interview, Junie’s
daughter got sick of asthma. He asked for a cash advance of PhP1,000 from the manager/plantation owner
to cover his daughter’s medical bills.
Junie dreams that his children will be able to get a good education. He said this can be realized if he works
hard. He said that he sees to it that his family is well taken care of.
Junie said that he has no choice but to work as sacada. As he said, “Hanapbuhay naman siguro ang buhay
naming magtutubo, kaya dito na lang kami manirahan” (Sacada life is a form of livelihood anyway, so we will
just continue to stay here).
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Lito: Experience of a plantation owner
Upon his retirement from government service two (2) years ago, Lito ventured into sugarcane production.
He went to Quezon province to hire sugarcane workers. Lito is a free plantation owner and not a member
of any association.
He and his siblings own 10 hectares of sugarcane farm.They usually hired 30 sacadas who worked alternately
under him and some of his siblings. He owns one (1) truck and hires another truck owned by a relative. Lito
has established a community of sacadas located near his residence. A total of 16 temporary shelters were
built by the sacada themselves while Lito provided the lot and materials. Apart from the shelters, a spring
well was built and electricity was provided to two (2) households. Monthly electric bill costs around PhP200
for each household.
Lito said that per hectare of sugarcane, the investment costs around PhP70,000 to Php80,000. Rent for tractor
costs PhP14,000 per hectare. Apart from this, he spends an average of PhP10,000 for plowing; PhP4,000 for
planting (at PhP200 per person per day), and PhP1,500 for fertilizers. Each truckload averages 20 tons. The
number of trucks average two (2) per day, or 10 trucks per week.
Lito has hired two (2) cabos – Junie and Rodito. Junie has nine (9) workers while Rodito has 15 workers
working under them.
According to him, a planter has PhP120-150 share per milling season. His total share was equivalent to
2,500 tons in the last milling season. In 2014, the share of planters was 65 percent as against the 35 percent for the
azucarera/millers. In 2015, the percentage share was 67 percent for the planter and 33 percent for the azucarera.
Protective gears, e.g., hand gloves, are paid for by the workers themselves, which they could get from their
weekly cash advance/allowance. Sacadas working under him do not have PhilHealth or SSS benefits. When a
worker needs medical treatment, half the cost is paid by the worker.
For workers who do not wish to go home after the harvesting season, they are permitted to remain in
the community. They are later paid to do clearing (PhP200/day per person) and putting fertilizers (PhP25to
Php30 per bag), plowing (PhP400/day) and harrowing (also PhP400/day).
According to Lito, the term ‘sacada’ was not used. Sacadas are locally named “tabasero” or “manggagapak”
(meaning, harvester or sugarcane cutter).
BATANGAS, NEGROS OCCIDENTAL and NEGROS ORIENTAL: Receiving Provinces
13-year old Ariel and his big family
Ariel is 13 years old and comes from a big family of 10 children, only five (5) of whom are still living. His
parents are Benjie, 48 years old, and Madonna, 36 years old, both from Quezon. The father is from General
Luna while his mother is from Dalahican. His parents met in Dalahican port, Lucena and got married when
his mother was just 14 and his father was 26. At that time, his parents were both working: Madonna who
finished grade 5 was working in a Dalahican port canteen, and Benjie who finished grade 6, was working as
copra cargo ship loader in the port.
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Ariel’s eldest sister was born when his mother was only 16 years old. Ariel is the 7th, and one of the five
living children. His 17 year-old sister, Jocelyn, is now married, has a son, and lives in Lucena, Quezon. His
three year old sister, Kristine, has been entrusted to his aunt (Madonna’s sister) in Lucena. His seven-year old
sister Sheila Marie and his three-month old brother, named Gino live with Ariel and his parents in the sacada
barracks. Gino was born in the barracks, which is made of old container vans provided by the contractor in
Cogonan. They have been staying in Cogonan, Nasugbu, Batangas since November 2013.
As the family grew, his father Benjie did all farm labor to provide for the family, working in coconut and
banana farms in General Luna and Tiaong, Quezon and Sto. Tomas, Batangas. The father started working in
sugarcane plantation when he was 39 years old. The mother remained as a housewife, struggling to raise the
children. Life was tough for the couple who could not even afford to get a midwife during the birth of each
child. Thus the father acted as “comadrona” (midwife).
In the last 10 years, the family has moved from place to place. During this time they had lost five (5) of Ariel’s
siblings due to pneumonia (eldest sister) and measles (the other 4 children). At age 36, and with five (5)
surviving children, Ariel’s mother Madonna lamented “kawawa ang buhay nila” (their life is pitiful); thus she
would not want to have more children. She seemed to be happy hearing “manipis na bahay bata mo” (you
have a thin uterus) from a village doctor she had seen once. A big family and the migratory nature of Benjie’s
father’s work was an overwhelming responsibility.
Ariel’s mother developed some vices -- drinking and playing card games on Sundays, initially encouraged by
her father to ease her boredom.The mother’s drinking habit got worse however; sometimes she would sleep
anywhere in the barracks after a heavy drinking session. Ariel is always concerned about his mother and at a
very young age had to remind his mother to stop drinking. Many times now, the mother recalls Ariel saying
“Mama, tama na ang pag-inom” (Mother, please stop drinking).
Life in the barracks for Ariel is made up of a daily routine consisting of fetching water, cooking, cleaning
their quarters, and taking care of his baby brother. His mother taught him how to cook lunch and dinner
that consisted of rice and dried fish. His mother took care of early breakfast (3 o’clock in the morning) for
his father before he goes to the field. His mother taught him how to feed his baby brother Gino with Bear
Brand milk three (3) times a day (Halfway through the interview, it was baby Gino’s feeding time, so Ariel
brought his baby brother to their quarters).
At age 13,Ariel is short, thin, and fragile, one wonders how he is capable of carrying two (2) plastic containers
of water of 10 to 15 liters each at a distance of about 200-300 meters, repeated at two to three times a day.
He is quite active, moves fast, not sickly but he and his sister suffered from asthma lately. He is indeed a small
boy with huge responsibility.
Compared to their life in Dalahican, Quezon, they feel unhappy and miserable in Cogonan. In Dalahican, they
have more friends and relatives, better food, and live near fishing areas. In Cogonan barracks, while they are
not forbidden to go out of the area, they do not know anybody and feel isolated. There are four (4) women
with children in the barracks, while four (4) others work in the sugarcane field. According to Ariel, these
women engage in rumor mongering and fight among themselves.
In the barracks, each family looks after its own meals but there is good practice of sharing meals with others.
However, there are suspected thieves among them.There are incidents of rice stealing. Someone stole Ariel’s
family rice one night. Ariel was angry at whoever stole their rice but there was no policeman to report to.
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Because of this incident, he now keeps his new pair of rubber slippers close to him at bed time. He considers
this new pair of slippers given by his mother recently his most valuable possession.
Ariel’s mother cares very much for his father so she brought Ariel and his two siblings to be with him, run
errands and cook for him in the barracks until his contract ends in May. Ariel’s mother claims she does not
know, nor did she ask her husband how much he receives every pay day. The mother though is content that
all their food needs are met, including baby Gino’s weekly Bear Brand milk (5 boxes at PhP27 per box, costing
PhP135 per week). They get all their supplies from the contractor who puts extra PhP2 to PhP5 mark-up on
every item. Ariel’s mother gets an average of PhP200 per pay day from his father.
Running errands for his family has its occasional little “perks”. Ariel for instance gets a pocket money of
PhP20 to PhP30 from his mother when she is able to set aside PhP20-30 from the money given to her by his
father. With this pocket money Ariel buys his favorite junk foods – chips from the nearby “sari-sari” (small
variety) store across the street. His wish list includes new clothes and Jollibee food that he has seen his
neighbor’s daughter have a few months ago.
Ariel’s family does not own any appliance, time piece or radio, but they can tell the time through the routines
they have been used to: when “ Bossing “ (the boss, or contractor) comes in the morning to check if the
workers are already awake, that’s 3 o’clock; workers leave barracks -- 5 a.m.; the sound of siren from the
mill-- lunch time; when they hear the bell ringing from the mobile bread cart passing by -- that’s about 2:30
p.m. In another barracks visited by the research team, a color television set is provided by the contractor. In
Ariel’s barracks, there was none. Ariel had hoped that a television set will be provided for the sacada groups
for the latest news and entertainment.
Ariel’s father is a foreman supervising 12 cutters in his group, some of whom are indebted to him in the
amount of PhP5,000 to PhP12,000. While workers could leave once their debts are either partially or fully
paid, none from Ariel’s father’s group had left. According to their neighbor, Ariel’s father is kind hearted and
gentle; although he has aged tremendously because of sacada work, he is still a good looking man. Unlike
Ariel’s mother, he only drinks occasionally.
Ariel sees and certainly worries that his father’s work is physically challenging. Her mother quips that “naaawa
siya sa Papa niya, kaya gusto na niyang tulungan“ (He pities his father, thus he wants to help him) even at
his early age. After the contract in May 2014, Ariel and his mother wish to go back to Dalahican which they
consider the best place to stay. They plan to improve their house – from a small house made of plastic rice
sacks with used plastic roof (from fish port), to one made of nipa and bamboo, and with provision for one
bedroom and kitchen. Ariel who never finished grade one because the family has been moving from place
to place, hopes to go back to school in Dalahican. Should his father decide to work again in Cogonan next
milling season, Ariel no longer wants to come back.
The rice stealing incident in their barracks made Ariel want to become a policeman someday. Also he hopes
he will finish high school, help his Papa so he does not have to go back to back-breaking sacada work. Ariel’s
mother seems determined to follow young Ariel’s advice to stop drinking and gambling, and lead a better life
for the sake of the family.
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Gerald, a 19 year old, single male from Kalibo, Aklan
Gerald, 19 years old, is one of the youngest of the 42 sacadas from Aklan housed in a big, bamboo, nipa
barracks provided by contractor Roger who is from the same province. Gerald is single. He has limited
formal education, having finished only grade two.
His family lives in Kalibo, Aklan. It includes his mother (38 years old), stepfather (46 years old), and elder
brother (26 years old, married with three children). His mother runs a small variety (sari-sari) store. His
stepfather was a sacada in Pampanga, but was not able to finish his contract due to illness. He left a PhP2,000
debt with the contractor. His brother Ryan was a sacada in Pampanga and Batangas, but found another
contractor who brought him to Iloilo where it was claimed that pay was better (PhP200 per ton).
In 2012, Gerald at 17 was asked by his mother if he wanted to try sacada work in Pampanga. The truth was
his stepfather got ill, stayed only for two (2) months and was indebted to the contractor. His mother said the
work would be difficult but if Gerald would happen to like it, he could continue. His mother mentioned that
those who continue sacada work reasoned out that their daily meals are secured three (3) times a day, “hindi
binibili” (not bought) though actually deducted from their salary. Others said that the work is easy and that
it is “kain-tulog lang” (eat and sleep only).
Gerald initially was excited about leaving Aklan for a new place. He found out later that the work was very
exhausting. He asked himself “Pagkain lang ba ang maganda dito?” (Is food the only good thing here?) He also
got bored. But he was worried he had not settled his stepfather’s debt of PhP2,000. In addition, he wanted
to keep his promise to his elder brother to help support his three (3) kids in school (at that time, the eldest
was 9 years old and in grade 3, and brother’s wife was a stay-home mother).
Also in 2012 while in Aklan Plaza, Gerald met 18-year old Agnes, a 4th year high school graduating student
from Troytoy, Aklan. They started as ‘text-mates’ and developed a relationship after six (6) months. Gerald
introduced Agnes to his family who seemed to like her. Gerald though has yet to meet Agnes’ family.The two
have no plans of getting married yet. Agnes wants to go to college. Because of Agnes, Gerald wants to stay
in Aklan and find other work or help in his mother’s sari-sari store. But he has yet to fully pay the PhP2,000
debt of his stepfather.
Gerald’s target is to save around PhP5,000 to settle all debts. He heard from other sacadas that Batangas
pays well and it is a very beautiful place. He came to Cogonan last March and intends to stay until May. At
a salary of PhP1,000 per week, he got an advance of PhP700 each week, and was able to send home a total
of PhP2,100 from his three weeks’ work. The money advanced he sent home was budgeted for his family’s
food, nephew’s school needs and “pasa-load” (mobile phone load transfer) of PhP100 per month so he could
text or call his girlfriend, Agnes. Gerald keeps a very tight budget in order to reach his targeted peso savings.
For a single guy like Gerald, barracks life could be very lonely. He misses home. The place where his family
lives in Aklan is a busy place, along the main road, with lots of public transport and neighbors live close by.
Their house is a two-bedroom nipa hut constructed on a rented piece of land for which they pay PhP300
a month. From his looks during the interview, it was clear he misses most his girlfriend who wants him to
come back when his contract ends; and also his “barkada” (peers) whom he calls “tropa” (buddies) and their
“gimikan at jamming” or bonding moments.
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In the sacada barracks, he has friends from another group who share their stereo component for singing
and entertainment. Though these new friends are nice to him, he does not feel close to them unlike his
“tropa”. The workers are not allowed to go out after 9 p.m. because they do not know the place.They could
either get lost or might run away. They are monitored by their foreman who serves as watcher and whose
permission they seek when they want to “rest “or take a day off. At the time of interview, Gerald was on his
”rest“ day, busy texting his girlfriend.
At times Gerald regrets being in Cogonan, far away from people he loves and cares about. While there are
incidents of run-aways in the past, Gerald never entertained the idea to do so -- because he is closer to his
goal of paying off his stepfather’s debt and supporting the school needs of his nephews.
Sacada life is tough but Gerald values the advice of their “Bossing” (Roger, the contractor) for him to be
“mabait at masipag” (good and industrious). His hard work, discipline and patience, according to him, will
soon pay off. At the end of his contract, he plans to go back to Aklan, excited that his now 20-year old
girlfriend Agnes is still there waiting for him. Gerald dreams of marrying Agnes at 25, having kids whom he
could ably support and provide better education so they do not end up as sacadas.
Willie, 62 year old male foreman (“cabo”) from Medina, Madalag, Aklan - At last the incentives
are coming!
Willie is 62 years old and hails from Medina, Madalag, Aklan. He is one of the foremen (workers call him
“cabo”) supervising one of the four groups of cutters (average of 10 cutters per group, or a total of 42
cutters) housed in a big, nipa-bamboo barracks provided by contractor Roger, in Cogonan, Nasugbu, Batangas.
His 31 years of migratory work provides some insights on what he could expect and hope as a “senior”
migrant worker.
Willie started as a cutter in 1983 in Pampanga. He was 31 years old and single then. He did sacada work
mainly in Pampanga and Canlubang, Laguna. When the Canlubang sugar mill closed in the 90’s, Pampanga and
Batangas became his workplace. This milling season, he spent four (4) months in Pampanga from November
2013 until March 2014. He came to Cogonan, Nasugbu, Batangas in March with 11 other cutters from
Aklan whom he recruited. They will stay in Cogonan until May 2014. He is married to a widow with four (4)
children. In all his sacada work Willie never brought his family with him.
Willie never had any formal education, but he could read and write and speak Tagalog well. According to him,
he learned to read and write and speak with confidence through his constant association with some local
“politikador” (politicians) and their friends especially during campaign periods. For someone with no formal
education, he was interested and excited about our research, quite open and asked questions like “When and
how do we know the results? Will DOLE call on us?”
Willie has a big family whom he left behind in Madalag, Aklan - his wife (61 years old) and his four stepchildren
(all in their 20’s, two of whom are married) and a 12-year old step-granddaughter named Cathy. Only the
eldest stepson Ronel (28 years old, father of Cathy) reached high school – he was in first year high school
when he stopped to help the family.
All stepsons are farmers working on his wife’s piece of land on the hillsides which she inherited from her
mother.The land is planted with rice, corn, coconut, banana, abaca, cassava and bamboo.The stepdaughter (26
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years old and married) helps in backyard livestock raising - swine for breeding, native chicken, and cattle.They
own two carabaos for plowing the field. Cassava is used as swine feed supplement.Though swine raising takes
time, their investment of PhP1,000 per head could mean a gross income of PhP8,000 per head, in good times.
When typhoon Yolanda hit the Visayas on 8 November 2013, Aklan was badly damaged. Willie’s thatched
house made of “pawid” (nipa palm) was blown away; the standing crops of rice and corn were down, coconut
trees fell on the ground hitting his two carabaos. They lost all their sources of livelihood.
Willie’s three (3) stepsons all went to Luzon for sacada work. Alix (24 years old) and Lemuel (20 years old),
both unmarried went to Tarlac. The eldest, Ronel (28 years old) went to Pampanga, leaving his 12-year old
daughter in her grandmother’s care. Willie advised Ronel not to bring his family with him.
According to Willie, many years of sacada work exposed him to different kinds of personalities, characters
and behaviors of his co-workers: some were aggressive, troublesome, jealous type, fun-loving, easy-going,
hardworking, quiet, responsible, friendly. Family life in the barracks could be complicated and chaotic, especially
for newly married, or young couples with children.
In the past, Willie recruited some workers who brought their families. It was “magulo” (chaotic) as many
couples fight because of the “asaran” (bullying) among co-workers. Unlike at home where help was always
available, life in the barracks is “kanya-kanya” (to each his own), i.e., one takes care of his own meals and needs
with no concern for the others. Willie compares sacada life to one of OFW’s (oversees Filipino workers) always missing one’s family, and thankful that cell phones are there to connect to his granddaughter once or
twice a week.
As a recruiter, Willie said he is also investing money. For every worker, he gets a cash advance of PhP12,000
from the contractor, leaving PhP2,000 with the worker’s family before departure. If the worker runs away
before the contract ends, Willie is obliged as per the contract he signed (as recruiter) with Zaradulla
Manpower (the contractor) to shoulder all debts incurred by the worker while at work. Those who left
were either “pasaway” (trouble maker) or newly married couples.
According to Willie, the cycle of indebtedness exists and re-occurs between him and the worker who left
and between him and the contractor. Sometimes he is short-changed, but not “lugi” (incurs a loss). The plus
side is Willie gets commission of PhP5 per ton as compensation based on the earnings of the hired migrant
workers. This is as per signed contract he showed the researcher. For example, if his 10 workers earned 200
tons, Willie will get a total of PhP1,000. What he does with this money, according to him, is to give half of it
to the workers, half for himself. As cutter, he is paid PhP125 per ton. He sends money to his family amounting
to PhP1,000 every 15th and end of the month. At 62, will Willie “retire” from sacada work? He feels he still
has the energy to do sacada work and will continue to do so while he is still strong.
But sacada work is not for all. As recruiter, he does not recruit minors. His youngest in his group is 19 years
old. He no longer recruits those 60 years old and above. As migrant worker all his life, he has advocated for
incentives like the SSS and the social amelioration bonus from the planters. According to him, this milling
season workers in Balayan, Batangas were given an amount of PhP2,000 per person, based on 10% per ton
and output of 200 tons by 10 persons. He is happy that the long overdue incentives are forthcoming.
Willie keeps repeating to the researcher that sacada work has not been easy, it is physically draining under
the heat of the sun, but it is a good work, better than stealing. Most of all, it is honest work.
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Raymond and Joy -- A young couple with eight-month old baby boy Edmund
Raymond (23 years old) and Joy (26 years) are the only couple with a child among the four (4) groups of
sacadas composed of 42 workers housed in a big, naturally ventilated bamboo and nipa cottage provided by
contractor Roger in Cogonan.
Raymond is from Kalibo, Aklan and has completed 4th year high school.Working since he was 16 years old, he
has worked as a tabasero (harvester), and as a construction worker. He has assumed other temporary jobs in
between. Joy is from Paranaque, Rizal, and had finished 4th year high school. She was an assistant in her aunt’s
bakery when she met Raymond in March 2010. At that time, Raymond was employed as helper in the bakery.
As a couple, they were happy in Aklan. Raymond worked in rice farms on sharing basis, i.e., for every three
(3) sacks of palay harvested, Raymond would get two (2) sacks for his family. There was always rice, but not
enough cash. Joy liked having their own place, a small nipa hut and going to the market. She had learned to
sleep on the “banig” or hand woven “ buli “ (a kind of fiber) mat and also learned to perform domestic chores
like simple cooking (rice) and house cleaning and laundry. She missed cooking using recipe books that she
was used to do in Paranaque. What she enjoyed most in Aklan is the yearly Aklan festivals. She missed her
parents in Paranaque and the monthly allowance of PhP1,000 for her “gimiks” or entertainment purposes
provided by her father (who works as security guard), she being the youngest of the two children and only
daughter.
Aklan is one of the provinces devastated by typhoon Yolanda in 2013. The couple vividly remembers the
damaged rice lands and the mountain sides. According to Raymond, it would take at least four (4) months for
the rice fields to fully recover.The roads and other infrastructures were broken down. Raymond and Joy lost
their house but survived with their then three-month old baby boy Edmund.
But the couple was uncertain where Raymond would find work. Raymond approached an uncle who has
been a migrant worker in Pampanga for the last seven years. Raymond’s previous sacada experience in
Pampanga in 2007 when he was 16 years old gave him enough confidence to go back to sacada work for his
family. He thought that at least sacada work would assure him of enough cash after the contract. He was told
his new place of work would be Cogonan, Nasugbu, Batangas.
Leaving mother and baby boy behind was not an option. According to Raymond, he would worry a lot and
would not be able to do his work should they stay behind. Also, the couple believe that they should stay as
a family wherever Raymond finds a place to work. They entertained the thought of permanently settling in
Luzon. So Joy and Edmund joined Raymond in Cogonan for a three-month contract, March until May 2014,
under the same contractor, Roger who hired him in 2007.
When he was 16 years old, Raymond’s first sacada work was in Pampanga. He considered it as an easy work,
“palaro-laro lang” until “masanay na” (it was all play until he got used to it). Now at age 23 and with his family
around, sacada work and life is difficult, something he said “pinagtitiyagaan para sa familia” (he has to bear
it for the sake of his family). As a family man, Raymond promised himself “di pwedeng magbulakbol” (not to
malinger on the job), otherwise his take home pay would be affected.The slow worker gets penalized (reduced
pay) but the hard worker gets additional PhP50 per ton. His foreman monitors everyone’s performance and
instills discipline and team work among them.
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For Joy, it was a life of continuous adjustment from Paranaque to Aklan rice fields, to Batangas sugarcane
plantations. Joy realizes she has lost her youth, and her mestiza complexion. According to her, “maputi ako
noong dalaga pa” (I had fair complexion when I was single). Joy appreciates that Raymond taught her domestic
chores while in Aklan, but she could only do limited chores in the barracks because of the baby. The couple
fights over food and budget. But according to Raymond, “bawal away dito” (fighting is not allowed here) so
they do it discretely.
Raymond handles the money and has a target of keeping at least 10 percent of his salary for savings in
preparation for their kid’s education. He gets a weekly cash advance every Monday amounting to PhP500
including groceries from the contractor. He cooks the daily food before and after field work. When he
comes back from the field, Joy complains that the food is limited and she wants more as she is breastfeeding.
Breastfed baby Edmund is healthy, neat, and mestizo-looking like Joy and has a ready smile.
Joy has gotten used to sleeping on bamboo floor with a woven mat in their 2 x 2 meters sleeping quarters
and is thankful that the ceiling is high enough to allow natural ventilation. They have good water source for
food cooking and bathing from the artesian well in front of the barracks by the roadside. Concrete comfort
rooms are provided on the other side of the cottage. She does not feel isolated and feels happy watching
television –there is one colored set provided by the contractor – strategically located on the second level,
middle part of the cottage. She considers as her friend the wife of another sacada; the couple does not have
any child.
In a few weeks, the contract will end. The couple looks forward to it with excitement. Raymond expects
to get at least a net pay lump sum of PhP10,000, after taking advances for groceries and food, etc. He is
paid PhP250 per ton per day, or at least PhP1,500 a week. They plan to visit Joy’s parents in Paranaque so
they will get to know their grandchild baby boy Edmund. They are hoping Joy’s parents will welcome them.
While sacada life was difficult, the couple like Batangas as a place of work. Raymond will look for a job in
construction. Joy hopes to find a job as saleslady.
In the long term, they plan to be a working couple, with two kids (one boy, one girl), with both of their
children finishing college -- something they never had.They dream of owning a house, and returning to Aklan
only for vacation. By then, the Aklan rice fields and mountain sides would have fully recovered, economic
activities have flourished and the roads and infrastructures would have been rebuilt as promised by the
government.
The sacadas from Dumaguete, Negros Oriental, leaving Balayan, Batangas after six (6)
months stay
Amidst a sprawling sugarcane plantation in Cawatihan, Balayan, Batangas, is a small, 5 x 5 square meter,
concrete (hollow blocks), red tin roofed barracks housing 22 migrant workers, all male, from Dumaguete,
Negros Oriental. People whom we approached for direction along the way referred to this housing as “kubo”
(small hut) with a red tin roof.
The living quarters look crowded, and during that piping hot sunny afternoon of our interview, the workers
sought comfort outside. We felt the pleasant air around us as we sat on bamboo benches or squatted under
guava trees. There was a soiled plastic hammock swinging near a hollow pit that serves as cooking area. But
where are the toilets and the bathroom areas? Where do they get their water? A neighbor friend of the
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group called “Mr. Joey” passed by and told us there is a river nearby, less than a kilometer away that served
the purpose. Mr. Joey sighed “mababait sila, masisipag pero kawawa ang buhay ng mga iyan.” (They are nice
people, hardworking, but their living condition is pitiful).
Mike, 26 years old, married from Bindoy, Dumaguete, Negros Oriental -- a Sacada newcomer
in Balayan, Batangas
Among Mr. Joey’s friends is Mike, 26 years old, married, who by his looks would qualify more as a modern
rock star than as a sacada: Mohawk black hair, neat tattoos on both shoulders, a cell phone on one hand and
an 18-inch long silver necklace proudly dangling on his tight sleeveless gray shirt.
Mike is from the sugarlands in Bindoy, Dumaguete, Negros Oriental. He comes from a big family with six
(6) grown up children. He is the fourth. His eldest brother (39 years old) and two younger sisters finished
elementary education. Mike and two other brothers did not. Mike said that when he was younger he was
fun-loving and preferred hanging out with his “barkada” (peers) than go to school.
Mike’s father and his three elder brothers work as local cutters in a sugarcane plantation in Dumaguete. His
mother and youngest sister stay home, planting cassava and raising pigs for additional income. According to
Mike, cutters in Dumaguete get paid PhP150 per ton, higher than the previous rate of PhP130 per ton. They
consider it a good paying job though physically exhausting, especially if they work every day. When he was
recruited by a certain Joaquin from Dumaguete, Mike was told Balayan pays better, PhP190 per ton. It was an
opportunity he did not want to miss. So he gave it a try.
Mike came to Balayan, Batangas in November 2013 for a six-month contract. He left behind his 23-year old
wife Juliana and two (2) young children in the care of his mother-in-law in Dumaguete.The eldest is a two (2)year old girl. The other is a one-year old baby boy. His wife, through his mother in-law, was given an advance
of PhP4,000 by the contractor. Mike is pleased that he has already paid it off at the time of this interview, and
three days (3) before got his net salary and the expected group departure.
The six (6) months of sacada work seemed to take forever for a family man like Mike. He feels lonely. Their
barracks is too far from the main road and center of community activities. Dumaguete is more alive. He
missed his two-year old daughter who now can say “Papa” to him on the cell phone he bought from his salary.
He calls his wife Juliana every day. While his co-workers are his former “barkada” (peers) in Dumaguete,
sacada life and the barracks are their only common conversational piece.They are all too tired to play a game
of basketball after their 4 a.m. to 4 p.m. daily routine of field work under the sun.
Fortunately, Mike and his group are spared the cooking as they have a cook for the whole group. Despite the
“kanya-kanya” (one minds his own business) system in the barracks, Mike still feels they are a family. Their
nearest and only neighbor is Mr. Joey, a bespectacled man in his 50’s whose big, concrete house is located
some 500 meters away from their barracks. From what we heard, Mr. Joey used to work as a seaman abroad.
He is humble, friendly and sympathetic to the workers. Mike and his friends get invited to his house on
several occasions for eating and good fun. They all have high regard for Mr. Joey - “Mabait po si Mr. Joey.”
(Mr. Joey is a good man).
At times, Mike blames himself for not getting a good education. A man with a growing family like him has big
responsibility. He has seen his father’s struggle to raise them with the money from cane cutting. His father
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never finished primary school -- he only completed grade one. He thinks his father at age 60 should no
longer continue sacada work.
His wife Juliana was his neighbor and childhood friend. She graduated from elementary school, worked as
baby sitter in Tondo, Manila for four (4) years, came back to Dumaguete and ended up as cane cutter also in
Dumaguete. Will Mike and Juliana’s children be like them when they grow up? Mike promised himself they
will have a better education so they could get a better job.
According to Mike, sacada work is never fun. Barracks life is lonely and miserable but a three-meal day is
assured “kahit always tuyo lang ulam” (even though our viand is always dried fish). Pay-wise, Mike likes sacada
work very much, especially in Balayan - “maganda ang sahod” (pay is good), PhP190 per ton. He is proud that
he was able to regularly send to his family monthly the amount of PhP1,500 for food, and his baby’s milk. He
is very much relieved that the PhP4,000 advanced to his family is fully paid. He expects to receive a lump sum
net amount of PhP20,000 on his last pay day.
What is his plan for his hard earned money? Mike has a long list. When he comes back to Dumaguete, he
plans to get electrical connection to replace the “gasera” or alcohol-fueled lamp they use. His wife never
complained about the lack of household stuff or her own personal and baby’s needs but Mike knew. Mike
will give his wife some money to do some real shopping. Most important for him is to set aside 10 percent
savings for his children.
In the future, Mike plans to juggle construction work as a mason in Negros and sacada work during milling
season in Balayan. This decision though will depend on Juliana, his wife. If his wife approves that he goes back
to Balayan for better pay, Mike will go. Otherwise, he will find other work in Dumaguete and stay with his
family. Personally, Mike prefers to be with his family and to never leave them again.
Rosalio, a 31 year old male, single, from Dumaguete, Negros Oriental – Committed to sacada
life and supporting his siblings
Rosalio is 31 years old and single. He is one of the 22 migrant workers from Negros Oriental staying in the
barracks. He hails from Bindoy, Dumaguete. He comes from a big family of 11 children. He is the eldest. He
finished grade 6. He appears to be very sporty or athletic person. But he is a very shy guy, a man of few words,
always trying to avoid eye contact during the interview.
Rosalio‘s mother married his father when she was 14 years old. She is now 46 years old while his father is
67 years old. His father was a local cutter in Dumaguete all his life but because of old age, he stopped and
went into corn farming. His mother remained a housewife, staying home and now taking care of her youngest
sister’s baby girl.
Among Rosalio’s siblings, two brothers are working in Manila as construction workers. His youngest sister
who is married is also in Manila working as a domestic helper. Rosalio is helping four (4) others in high school
in Dumaguete, one of whom already graduated. A sister is in third year high school and will graduate next
year. He is also supporting his niece’s day care needs and schooling.
Rosalio is still single but with a big family to support. His mother told him they have incurred plenty of debts,
“maraming utang” and would remind him to save and continue helping his siblings. ‘Tulungan mo sila” (help
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them) is his mother’s constant reminder. Getting married perhaps could wait. From his parents’ married
life experience, Rosalio realizes “Hindi basta- basta nag-aasawa” (Marriage is a serious thing). According to
Rosalio, “hindi pa dumating ang suerte ko. Pag nakaipon na siguro” (My luck has not come yet; perhaps, when
I am able to save).
Rosalio at the age of 18 started working in a sugarcane plantation in Bais City, Negros Oriental. He was
with his father then. After the milling season, he did carpentry work in construction projects, or was hired
as laborer in rice farms.
In 2005, he together with some of his friends were recruited by a Mr. Joaquin. Their place of work was
Balayan, Batangas. It was his first time in Luzon. He did not particularly like sacada work but his options
were limited because of his limited educational attainment. He had wished his parents were not poor so
that maybe he could go back to school and could qualify for office work. He regards office work as a classy
profession, a dream.
Rosalio came back to Balayan, Batangas on 26 November 2013, under the same contractor. Pay was good,
PhP190 per ton, compared to what they received in Dumaguete of PhP150 per ton. He was able to send
to his mother PhP1,000 to PhP3,000 monthly depending on their needs. He figured that at the end of his
contract, whatever is left will be equally divided between him and his mother to pay off debts.
According to Rosalio, he has gotten used to being away from home and did not feel lonely during the nearly six
(6) months of barracks life in Cawatihan, Balayan, Batangas. He brought his own cell phone from Dumaguete
and called home occasionally. On free days, they were allowed to go out even after 6 p.m. to the nearby
barangay Lucban, a livelier community for good fun and entertainment. They went in groups – two persons
per group. They take a tricyle which charged PhP20 one way. It normally took 20 minutes to reach Lucban.
Rosalio’s co-workers consider their only neighbor Mr. Joey their “Kuya” (elder brother) Joey; “ parang kamaganak” (like a relative). Joey regularly stops by in his motorcycle to say hello, or share some food or cigarettes.
They also got invited, two (2) to three (3) people at a time, to his house during special occasions like
birthdays. They were told their village fiesta is coming soon -- May 17. The group is invited but they will be
gone by then as their contract is ending in three (3) days. They will surely miss “Kuya“ Joey and the fiesta.
In Dumaguete, Rosalio and his “barkada” used to play basketball and volleyball against other teams. He misses
this in the barracks -- the fun, the crowd and the “kantiyawan” (teasing) or “asaran” (bullying). What about
his girlfriend? According to Rosalio, he has none, and has never been lucky to find one. He thinks that to
successfully get the attention of a “Tagala” (a Tagalog girl), he would need a “backer” or someone to act as
a bridge. He is too shy to approach a Tagala. He also remembers his mother advice to focus on helping his
siblings and defer any plans of getting married.
Despite being single and loveless, Rosalio dreams of a better future. Could he be the engineer of the
construction company that he worked for before? In his dreams, yes! And if so, what would his life look
like? He imagines his future- his mother and his siblings living in a big, concrete house in the sugar lands in
Negros, with his two (2) successful grown up children (a doctor daughter and an engineer son), and himself
overseeing his own cattle and swine agri-business.
Meanwhile, when his contract in Balayan ends in May, Rosalio plans to go back to Dumaguete, and give his
mother half of what he had earned.The other half, he will treat himself -- he wants to get new set of clothes!
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He will find work in construction, and come back to Balayan next milling season. And as advised by his
mother, he will have to save for the future.
Prudencio from Laoan, Antique - homeless, penniless and no family
Prudencio, 66 years old, is from Antique. He is one of the 35 migrant workers brought by a contractor from
Aklan to SLI-Bearin Leased Farm, Kabankalan, Negros Occidental this milling season, beginning October 2013.
He is one of the three (3) migrant workers who were more than 60 years old. Except for Prudencio and
his two (3) other senior migrant workers, the rest of his group has already gone back to Antique. Prudencio
has been in SLI-Bearin for seven (7) months, does not know when he will leave as he has no family and home
to go back to. The two (2) other senior workers joined their relatives in nearby town of Cauayan, Negros
Occidental.
Prudencio came from a remote, mountainous area of Laoan, Antique. Other than “kaingin” or slash and burn
agriculture, there is no livelihood opportunity in this area. Prudencio finished grade five. He and his wife got
separated 10 years ago. He has two grown up sons (ages 26 and 24) who, as far as he knew decided on their
own to work in Japan as cargo port loaders. Both sons came home once during the last 10 years and gave him
little money. He has not received news from any of his family members. He does not expect them to send
money to support him. He feels so alone; meanwhile he is willing to do odd jobs “para mabuhay” (in order
to survive) for as long as his energy and strength would allow.
Prudencio arrived in SLI-Bearin Leased Farm, Kabankalan in October 2013. When they arrived in SLI-Bearin,
Prudencio remembered the overseer, Mr. Edgardo Fupa Alanon undertook physical inspection of each worker
and gave each of them the field supplies they needed: cane knives, water jug, tupperware food container, and
other personal things, for which they signed a receipt . They were told that they were supposed to return all
these supplies at the end of the contract, otherwise they would be charged a certain amount.
During the physical inspection, the overseer noticed that Prudencio had deformed hands and discussed the
matter with the contractor. Under normal circumstances of labor availability and following DOLE guidelines,
Prudencio would be rejected by the overseer as he may not be physically fit to do the work. The overseer
thought “kawawa naman ang matanda” (the old man’s condition is pitiful). As an act of mercy, the contractor
and the overseer agreed that Prudencio will be allowed to join the two other senior co-workers and as a
group they will strategize how Prudencio will be able to contribute to their group.
Prudencio ‘s daily routine consisted of the following: at 5 a.m. they all wake up as their cabo or foreman
whistles; they then take a bath, eat the breakfast provided by the contractor; then go to the nearby fields at 6
a.m. with their cane knives, water jug, tupperware container with food prepared by the cook; at 10 a.m. they
return to their barracks nearby, and go back to the field at 1 p.m.; they work until 5 p.m. Despite the hard
work, Prudencio was happy he was allowed to work “kahit pangkain lamang” (even for meal assurance only).
In the sugarcane fields, Prudencio and his co-workers endured the intense heat of the sun all day. Prudencio
luckily did not suffer from dehydration or other sickness, such as influenza or pneumonia. His younger
co–workers ages 18-21 years old reportedly got sick (common colds). Later however, the cabo or foreman
found out they were lying and were using sickness as their “alibi” or excuse to avoid working in the field.
They got a tongue-lashing from the foreman who forced them to go back to work. Others who lied could not
bear the hard work and voluntarily left - they were newcomers as sacadas. Those who really got sick were
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either treated in the hacienda clinic, or given medicines by the contractor. The medicines were compliments
of the hacienda owner.
At work in the sugarcane fields, Prudencio and his co-workers were supervised by their “cabo” or foreman
ensuring that they did close cutting of the canes on the ground and employed the right harvesting technique
so that they would get quality canes (trashless), for which they could get the trash incentive of PhP10 per ton
(for 1% to 2% trash). If the canes have more trash, a corresponding amount would be deducted from their
wages. The trash incentive was given to them by the overseer directly (not by the contractor) every Friday,
which was also their free day.
Prudencio’s physical condition affected his performance. His performance was only one fourth (0.25 ton per
day) of that of the physically able co-workers doing cut and load tasks. Hence, instead of the regular daily wage
of PhP117 per ton per day, he got only PhP40 per day, which was even lower than the daily subsistence budget
of PhP65 provided by the contractor to each worker. According to Prudencio, at the end of the day, he still
owed the contractor PhP25. He and the two (2) other senior workers did well but their overall performance
was very low. Hence at the end of the contract last 30 April 2014, all three (3) of them had a negative balance
or “resto”. They had no savings, but glad that they were not considered heavily indebted to the contractor
since they were able to finish their contract.Whatever they owed the contractor, it was considered “fully paid”.
Life in his barracks was not so bad, according to Prudencio. Their living quarters is big (20 x 20 meters) and
well ventilated. It was made of nipa and bamboo, with a bamboo floor elevated from the ground at about 1.5
meters, accessed through a bamboo stairs. It could accommodate 70 people. Since there were only 35 of
them, they had enough sleeping space. They had a color television set, a cooking area, water source run by
electric pump, and three porcelain toilet bowls housed separately at the back of the main quarter. Prudencio
lamented the fact that 70 percent of his co-workers were uneducated and could not read nor write and
did not know how to use modern toilets; they did what they were used to in their own homes -- using the
open field as their toilets. At the time of interview, the big quarters was empty and surprisingly clean as the
workers had gone back to Antique. But Prudencio was still around.
In the quarters, Prudencio and his co-workers were provided with a cook, paid by the planter. The cook
normally served them simple meals of rice (plenty of rice) and always “tuyo” or dried fish, two (2) times a
day. Vegetables were served occasionally. Prudencio recalled that the cook started serving mixed vegetables
or “laswa” only when the overseer would visit. The overseer would warn the contractor not to be stingy
to the workers or “tinitipid” as far was food was concerned, and advised the contractor and cook to serve
more vegetables and varied meals for better nutrition. Prudencio wished that the overseer would always
come by and check on the contractor and cook’s compliance regarding better nutrition, because otherwise
they would be left in a miserable condition (“kawawa”).
Accidents did happen in the field or in the quarters for various reasons. Prudencio acknowledged that
gambling and drinking in the barracks were normal ways of entertainment among co-workers. In 1981,
Prudencio had an accident in their sacada quarters in Bacolod City. The contractor and his co-worker who
was a little drunk one night had a quarrel over dinner. Prudencio tried to pacify both sides. During the fight,
the contractor accidentally hit Prudencio‘s hands with a cane knife, causing excessive bleeding. He was
brought to the hacienda’s clinic. The bleeding had stopped but he was advised by the doctor to have his
fingers cut off. Prudencio did not agree and instead just let his fingers heal normally using herbal medicines.
His fingers on both hands eventually healed but became deformed. This affected his performance as migrant
worker since then.
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Despite Prudencio‘s disability, he continued to do migrant work in different haciendas in Kabankalan, Negros
Occidental, namely, Hacienda Clementina, Hacienda San Isidro, and SLI-Bearin. During those times, he never
brought his family with him. Separated for the past 10 years from his wife and with his sons working as cargo
porters in a Japan port, he has never heard from any of them. He felt that he had failed as a parent and hoped
to make amends when his sons come back for a visit.
Prudencio is used to being alone. He cherished the special holidays like Christmas with his co-workers when
the hacienda would give them complimentary meals. He wished that sugar price would always increase as
they were also given complimentary T-shirts with SLI-logo.
After finishing his contract last 30 April 2014, the contractor considered whatever he owed as “fully paid”.
But life has to go on and he needs to survive. He has been here for seven (7) months, penniless and has no
plan to go back to Antique. He intends to continue working, but no longer doing cut and load work; rather
he hopes to do lighter farm work such as “cultivo” or sugarcane planting, directly hired by “ voucher” without
benefits. He expects to get PhP130 per three (3) hours work in cultivation.
Meanwhile, he stays with the family of his new friend Richard, a 34 year old bull cart worker in SLI-Bearin,
whose big family lives nearby the empty sacada quarters. As we close the interview, nine children ages 1-14
years old (5 girls, 4 boys) swarmed Prudencio who was seemingly overjoyed by the attention given him by
these children. He felt like he was their long lost “abuelo” or grandfather. Prudencio is homeless, penniless
and has no family to go back to in Antique. His only family now is his newfound sacada foster family.
Tito, 21 years old, with family from remote, mountainous Iba, Mabinay, Negros Oriental
Tito, 21 years old, is from sitio Iba, Mabinay, Negros Oriental. His live–in partner of five (5) years is Jessa, 19
years old.The couple is blessed with a one-year old baby girl. They all lived with 40 other migrant workers in
a big concrete living quarters by the main road along Cadiz Crossing, Daga, Cadiz City.
Tito was one of the 40 “tabaseros” or sugarcane cutters brought to Hacienda Bayabas, Cadiz- Agro by Mr.
Augusto, a contractor from Antique. The group arrived on May 1, 2014, and their contract ends on June
18, 2014 when central mill closes. “Tabaseros” ho brought their families normally live in separate tents
or quarters, according to the foreman, Felton. However, since the contractor was in a rush to get the 40
“emergency workers” settled, Tito’s family had to stay in the same quarter as the others.
The living quarters is big but messy, cluttered, and dimly lit made of concrete walls (10 x 20 meters) and
tin roof. Each worker has sort of a cubicle or sleeping area (3 x 3 meters), double decked beds, made of
Gemelina wood. The young couple, Tito and Jessa, had to hang a blanket and used plastic rice bag to serve as
wall of their own cubicle. There are only two big windows on one side of the quarter, and ventilation comes
through small (4 x 12 inches) openings on the other end near the ceiling. There is a charcoal fueled cooking
area inside the quarters that is good for six (6) people cooking at a time. The rest do their cooking outside
using three (3) stones to support the cooking pots. A manually operated artesian well near the quarters
supplies water for all purposes: cooking, drinking, washing, bathing. A small sari-sari store owned by the
contractor is attached to the entrance of the quarters. And there are also modern toilets inside the quarter.
Before coming to Negros Occidental,Tito’s family lived with his parents.Tito is third among nine (9) children.
Their house is made of bamboo and nipa shingles. Their place is mountainous and remote and they had to
walk three (3) hours to reach the main road. The family planted corn, bananas, sweet potatoes in a three
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hectare “kaingin “, or slash and burn agriculture area which they claim they “owned”. They also engage in
charcoal making.There are no livelihood opportunities so Tito and his four (4) older siblings had to find work
elsewhere. In recent years, five (5) of them were working as “ tabaseros” in Negros Occidental.
Tito started working in sugarcane plantations at the very young age of 12. His older siblings brought him
to Hacienda Esperanza, La Carlota City, Negros Occidental to do light work such as weeding. At age 13,
he started to work as “tabasero” initially through direct hire by the hacienda. At age 14, Tito’s experience
exposed him to the realities of sacada work and child labor, namely the tedious work under the heat of
the sun, long hours of cutting canes and short hours of heavy loading, rampant fighting among co-workers,
gambling and drinking, loneliness, accidents happening while doing field work. He himself still has the scar on
a finger from a wound he had during cane cutting; he had accidentally cut by himself. He learned how to treat
oneself using effective herbal medicines such as cane juice extracted by chewing younger top cane points, and
applying it on the wounded area to stop bleeding.
In October 2014 and before coming to Hacienda Bayabas, Cadiz, Negros Occidental, Tito with his three
(3) siblings and three (3) cousins worked as “tabasero” in Hacienda Esperanza in La Carlota City, Negros
Occidental. Since five (5) years ago, his live-in partner, Jessa, had always gone with Tito to take care of him. It
was also Jessa’s decision to bring along the one year old baby girl with them to Hacienda Bayabas since she
was breastfeeding her baby. As a family man with a young family to take care of, Tito worries about his baby’s
health and safety. At the time of interview, the baby has had sore eyes for a week but has not been given any
medication. The couple thought it was a minor ailment that would go away soon. They did not inform nor
request the foreman or the contractor for medical aid as they were not aware such help could be available.
As a young couple,Tito and Jessa sometimes fought over money, lack of food, and jealousy. In the very limited
privacy they had in their quarters, Jessa would always complain of “kulang ang pagkain” (insufficient food).
She needed more and a variety of food for better nutrition since she was breastfeeding her baby. Tito in
return would complain that “tinitipid siya ni Jessa” (Jessa would not give him enough money) and he could not
sustain his only vice,“paninigarilyo”, or smoking.When we asked how much money he gives to Jessa, the aloof,
shy and seemingly embarrassed Tito replied ”tanan”, (all) of his earnings. However,Tito realized that Jessa had
difficulty managing their budget. Deducting the advanced payment they got from the contractor amounting
to P500 from Tito’s first week salary of PhP900, what was left was only PhP400 to meet their weekly food
needs consisting of some groceries, rice and “ulam” (viand). These were taken from the contractor and
deducted from his salary. Will Jessa be able to manage their budget well until June 18, 2014?
Tito worked six (6) days a week; Sunday is free day. He received PhP130 per ton per day, with his group’s
performance of 13 tons (10 workers). According to the ”cabo” or foreman, Tito is a good worker and he
stayed with his original team. In each team, the workers would appoint from among themselves their leader.
The team would strategize how to fast track their daily work. Their daily routine consists of the following:
wake up at 5 a.m., eat breakfast, take a bath; go to the sugarcane fields at 6 a.m.; work until 9 a.m. and go back
to the quarters; take lunch; work in the field from 1 to 5 p.m.; have dinner at 6 to 7 p.m. Their only social
activity is their team meeting at 9 p.m. discussing their work and strategy for the following day.
Tito considered his “tabasero” or cut and load work as both light and hard work. The lighter part was the
cutting of canes despite the long hours.The harder part was the loading of heavy canes though shorter hours.
Many times Tito would complain to Jessa of body pain, exhaustion, and sleepless nights due to aching muscles.
What he liked best was the fact that they were assured of three (3) meals a day and that he got paid regularly.
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After June 18, 2014, at the end of their contract, Tito and Jessa will go back to Iba, Mabinay, Negros Oriental.
Tito will help his family do “kaingin” or slash and burn agriculture on his parents’ three hectare “kaingin” area.
They will plant sweet potato and bananas, and engage in charcoal making. During next year’s milling season,
will they go back again to Negros Occidental for Tito to work as “tabasero”?
If Jessa will have her way, she prefers that in the long term, Tito will have a more permanent job in Mabinay,
Negros Oriental so they will be closer to their parents. But Tito has not decided yet. Moreover, Jessa prefers
that they engage in chicken and hog raising for livelihood though they have little experience in these livelihood
projects and they have no capital to start with. Both have limited educational attainment: Tito finished grade
2, while Jessa finished grade 4. Despite their limitations, the couple dreams big. They hope that they will be
able to always have food on the table, build their own house in Mabinay town proper, not in the remote,
mountainous area of Iba, Mabinay, Negros Oriental where they were born and send their baby girl to school.
Joaquin and Maricel, soon-to-be sugarcane plantation owner
Joaquin, 26 years old, and his wife Maricel, 24 years old, are from Kabigahan, Sagay City, Negros Occidental.
They are blessed with three (3) children: two (2) girls with ages 5 and 2, and a five- month old baby boy. Both
have limited formal education. Joaquin finished grade 1, while Maricel finished grade 2.
Joaquin, Maricel and their two (2) younger children (Kimberly, 2 years old and Richard, 5 months old) arrived
in Hacienda Bayabas I-Farm, Daga, Cadiz City on May 1, 2014. They stayed until June 18, 2014 when the
central mill closed. According to Joaquin, Maricel wanted to personally take care of the younger ones, and
she was still breastfeeding five-month old Richard. The five-year old eldest daughter was left in the care of
Maricel’s mother in Kabigahan, Sagay City. The couple realized that Joaquin’s work would be stressful and the
living conditions would be miserable. The children’s health and safety could be at risk. For Joaquin, however,
having his family around could be a joy and a source of inspiration.
Joaquin’s parents worked in sugarcane plantation. His father was a “tabasero” or cane cutter, but who
now owned a 1.2 hectares sugar land as an Agrarian Reform Beneficiary (ARB) in Kabigahan, Sagay. His
two (2) older siblings are in Bacolod City doing construction work. Only Joaquin worked as “tabasero”.
He started as “tabasero” in Vista Alegre, Bacolod City when he was 18 years old to help his parents
support the family.
One month ago, in April 2014, Joaquin accidentally hit his left finger with his cane knife while at work in Sagay
sugarcane plantation. He chewed young cane top points, squeezed the juice and applied the juice on the
wounded area. It was effective in stopping the bleeding and healing his left finger. He admitted to Maricel that
he cursed himself for lack of focus on his work, and promised he would be more careful next time.
Joaquin and Maricel were among the five (5) couples who brought their families during this “emergency
work” in Hacienda Bayabas, I-Farm, Daga, Cadiz City. Their contractor was a certain lady named Elizabeth
from Daga, Cadiz City. The five (5) families lived in separate tents along Hacienda Road of Hacienda Bayabas
I- Farm, Daga, Cadiz City.The tents were set up about 200 meters away from Bayabas Elementary School and
Bayabas Health Center within the two-hectare compound of the hacienda. Apart from their two children,
Maricel’s brother Peter, 19 years old, and his friend Virgilio, 26 years old, both “tabaseros” lived with the
couple in their tent.
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Each family had a separate temporary quarters which could be dismantled when they leave. Each tent was
composed of a traditional “papag” or bamboo bed measuring 4 x 3 meters covered with blue “trapal” or
canvas material. The natural ventilation was quite pleasant except that the mosquitoes were aplenty at
night time. The couple bought a mosquito net big enough to protect their two young children. The couple
themselves slept outside the “kulambo” (mosquito net).
They had no electricity and they used battery operated torch light or emergency flash light which they
regularly recharged from the school’s electric outlet. Their source of drinking water was over the fence in
the school compound, about 200 meters away from their tent. There was however an artesian well pumped
manually for bathing and cleaning, some 50 meters away from their tent. There was no provision for cooking
area, and they just dug a pit under the tree for cooking using scraps of twigs, wood and charcoal.When asked
where the toilets were, the couple looked amused and told us matter-of-factly, while pointing in the direction
of the open field, that “hindi problema, malawak ang tubuhan” (no problem, the sugarcane field is wide open).
The open field along Hacienda Road is their place for relief anytime.
As “emergency worker”, Joaquin’s daily routine consisted of the following: wake up at 5 a.m., take breakfast,
take a bath; 6 a.m. to 12 noon -- work in the field; 12 noon to 1 p.m. -- take lunch; 1 to 6 p.m. -- work in the
field; 6 p.m. -- return to tent; 6 to 7 p.m. -- take dinner. Maricel’s daily routine, on the other hand consisted
of the following: 5 a.m. -- cook breakfast and prepare packed lunch for Joaquin; 6 a.m. -- wash clothes, feed
children; 11 a.m. -- cook lunch for her and children; 5 p.m. -- cook dinner for her and Joaquin. Normally, the
workers would bring with them only rice (generous amount) for lunch in the field. The contractor would
provide “ulam” or viand during lunch time in the field. Viand would be mainly “tuyo” or dried fish and a
modest amount of “ laswa” or vegetable soup. Occasionally, there would be pork or chicken feet. Maricel
would not be able to get a share of the lunch provided by the contractor in the field, so she would cook
whatever their budget would accomodate. Often times, she would miss the vegetables and varied meals
needed for nutrition of lactating mothers like her.
It was difficult for Maricel to handle the daily budget for the family. Her main item of expense was rice
for which they needed at least 1.5 kg a day (breakfast, lunch, dinner). If rice would cost PhP35 per kg,
she needed at least PhP52 a day. Joaquin would receive PhP130 per ton, and his group’s performance (5
persons) is 12 tons a day. Hence Joaquin could expect a daily income of PhP273. During their two (2)
weeks’ stay thus far, the couple complained that what Joaquin received was “kulang pa sa pagkain” (not
enough even for food).
They were grateful when Maricel’s mother and their five-year old daughter Kimberly visited them a week ago,
May 12, 2014, and brought two kilos of rice. They also appreciated the generosity of their neighbour, Selma
Dimapanag, a resident in this barangay who lived over the fence in the school compound. They considered
Selma a very good and caring friend, who regularly shared her home made “ulam” (viand) with the couple.
According to Selma, “ kawawa ang mag-asawa” (the couple’s condition is pitiful), “laging walang ulam” (many
times they do not have viand),“dahil resto, laging walang pambili” (because they have negative income balance,
they have no money left to buy food).
Maricel did not feel lonely while Joaquin was in the field. She was in the company of her friend Emilia, wife
of another worker, and their neighbor, Selma. The women found time to meet under the avocado tree when
they were not busy with domestic chores, normally after lunch. Selma would share daily news she heard or
saw on TV. The wives would share their sentiments about their miserable condition in the tent.
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When Maricel’s five month old baby boy Richard got sick of bronchitis on their first day in the farm, May 1,
2014, the women helped Maricel gathered herbal leaves of “sambong” which grew around the area. Maricel
boiled the leaves, extracted the juice and spoon-fed it to her baby boy.The baby boy was relieved, though one
could still hear a little whistling sound as he breathed in and out. There was a health center near the school
but it looked deserted.
After June 18, 2014, the couple looks forward to going back to Kabigahan, Sagay City. Maricel considers it
a better place than where they have been staying since May 1, 2014. In Kabigahan, they live in her mother’s
house made of nipa and bamboo. They have no electricity but they have “gasera” or gas lamp. Their water
source is an open well for all purposes.
In the long term, Joaquin dreams of having his own sugarcane plantation like his father, an ARB who now
works on his own 1.2 hectares sugarcane plantation in Kabigahan, Sagay City. According to Joaquin, it will no
long before he eventually gets the one hectare sugarcane area from DAR. After cutting the standing crop, the
one hectare will soon be turned over to him. Upon turn over, Joaquin plans to plant sugarcane, and look for
other jobs while waiting for the harvest season in 10 months. The couple hopes to be able to provide for
their three (3) children’s education, provide them with better food, better clothes, and a more decent home.
It will indeed be a much better future for their children, much better than what they have had, working from
place to place.
Giovanni and Emilia Nicos, both 26 years old – happy and grateful even on “hungry days”
Giovanni and Emilia, both 26 years old are from Purok Pasto, Barangay Lopez Jaena, Sagay City, Negros
Occidental. They are blessed with three children: one girl age 5, and two boys with ages 2 years and 10
months. Giovanni finished grade 2 while Emilia finished second year high school.
The couple met in 2006 in Escalante, Negros Occidental. Giovanni was working as a waiter in a local
restaurant while Emilia was still a second year high school working student. Emilia worked as a “kasambahay”
(domestic helper) cum baby sitter during the day, and went to school in Escalante at night. She got paid
PhP1,100 per month. The couple got married at age 20.
Giovanni started working in sugarcane plantation at the age of 19. He did weeding in Hacienda Magsaysay in
Cadiz City. In 2013, he was recruited by a contractor from Batangas. He was a “tabasero” or cane cutter in
Balayan, Batangas and stayed there for almost a year, away from his family.This year 2014, he decided to work
in Hacienda Bayabas, Cadiz City, Negros Occidental so he could be with his family.
Emilia convinced Giovanni to bring the family with him to cut on cost. Emilia handled the budget and she
figured that budgeting their meager resources would be reasonably easier if they stayed together. If they
would be apart, they would incur “doble gastos” (the cost will be twice as much), which they experienced in
2013 when he worked as migrant worker in Batangas.
The couple has been in Hacienda Bayabas for three (3) months. They arrived on February 17, 2014. They
were housed in a tent that measured 3 x 4 meters, located along Hacienda Road, Hacienda Bayabas I, Farm,
Daga, Cadiz City. The tent’s protective cover was a blue “trapal” or canvas material. Inside the tent was a
traditional “papag” or bamboo bed, which served many purposes: their bed, children’s play pen, receiving area,
dining table. A small improvised bamboo kitchen sink served as wash basin. They had one small “kaldero”
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(cooking pot) and their kitchen stove was a pit dug outside the tent, under a tree. They used scraps of twigs,
wood, tree barks, and charcoal for cooking.
Interestingly, the family’s personal stuff, clothes, a travel bag, backpack, hammock, mosquito net, umbrella,
plastic water containers and “gasera” or gas lamp were neatly organized unlike the other quarters the
research team visited earlier. Indeed the lady of the house, the articulate Emilia herself looked neat, clean
and bright.
Giovanni’s daily routine consisted of the following: 5 a.m. -- wake up, take breakfast, take a bath; 6 a.m.
until 12 a.m. -- work in the field; 12 to 1 p.m. -- lunch; 1 to 5 p.m. -- work in the field; 6 to 7 p.m. -- dinner.
Emilia’s routine consisted of the following: 5 a.m. -- wake up, cook, take breakfast and prepare packed lunch
for Giovanni ( mainly rice); 6 a.m. -- wash clothes; 7 a.m. -- feed children; 11 a.m. -- cook lunch; 12 noon -lunch. Her five year old daughter helps in fetching water for drinking from a source located nearby Bayabas
Elementary school, about 300 meters away from their tent. On Sunday, Emilia would go to the nearby market
in Cadiz City, while Giovanni would stay and take care of the kids. Sunday is Giovanni’s free day which he
would devote to his family.
As a young couple they faced everyday challenges of not having enough food and varied meals for the family,
particularly for a lactating mother like Emilia. According to Emilia, the situation was worse “pag walang trip
ang trucks” (when cane trucks were on stand by and not bringing the canes to the central mill). No truck
trips meant no pay. Giovanni on normal working days would get PhP160 per ton. But on days with no pay,
that would mean very little or no food at all. How would a couple like them cope on “hungry days”?
Giovanni felt lucky that Emilia never complained about the lack of food and other necessities. Instead of
having a fight, the couple would discuss how best to cope. Giovanni would do his best to find means, and
would get help from peers. For example, when they ran out of rice, Giovanni would borrow from other coworkers who would kindly loan some amount which the couple would return later.
Giovanni’s viand during lunchtime was provided by the contractor in the field. They normally would have
any of the following for lunch: “laswa” (vegetable soup), “nilagang baboy” (meat with broth and vegetables),
“adobo” (meat cooked in vinegar and soy sauce), chicken feet dish, or “dinuguan” (pork blood). Emilia would
occasionally be given these various meals by the contractor for which the couple was very grateful.
Also, their neighbour friend Selma, a resident in this barangay who lives near the school compound was
generous enough to share whatever she cooked for the day and for which the couple was truly grateful.
Selma would bring some home-made dishes to Emilia and her children over lunch. According to Selma, she
feels sorry for the family because “laging kulang pagkain nila” (the food is always not enough for them). Selma
is fond of the children who are all good looking like their parents but she is concerned that they are all
“payat” (thin) and “mahina” (weak and fragile). “Mababait sila” (they are good kids), “naglalaro lagi” (playing
around and having fun), and “masasaya” (happy).
At the time of the interview, Emilia was breastfeeding her 10-month old baby boy.The five-year old daughter
Gavia was in the corner peacefully taking her afternoon nap. The two-year old brother Jevei was out of sight.
When Gavia woke up she immediately disappeared and was sighted joining her little brother Jevei playing in
the open field. Later they were spotted by their mother who got embarrassed as the children were relieving
themselves out in the open. Emilia explained that there were no toilets around and the open field served
the purpose.
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Sacada families in living quarters, Cogonan, Nasugbu, Batangas
Sacadas being interviewed in Nasugbu, Batangas
Sacada children , Cogonan, Nasugbu, Batangas
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Sacada mother and child , Cogonan, Nasugbu, Batangas
Case Studies
Boatride at high tide crossing the river to Batobato, Libacao, Aklan
Sacada children Batobato, Libacao, Aklan
60 yr. old sacada from Aklan with deformed fingers
Batobato, Libacao, Aklan is accessible by boat and motorcycle
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What else don’t they have in their temporary home? There is no electricity in the area where their tents
were set up. Giovanni and Emilia made an improvised “gasera” or gas lamp using an empty beer bottle and a
piece of cloth as its wick. They bought gas at PhP54 per liter which could last for 4 to 5 days. They estimated
that it would cost them PhP10 to PhP15 per night gas consumption, by using the lamp from 6 to 8 p.m. and
from 5 to 6 a.m. only, or for a total of three (3) hours gas consumption per day. At night the mosquitoes
could cause sleepless nights for their children, so they bought a mosquito net big enough to accommodate
the three (3) children. Fortunately, the children were not seriously beaten by mosquitoes yet nor had they
gotten ill.
What the couple liked about their life in the tent is the fact that they were with their children, that they were
a family and that their peers were good company.The quiet, soft spoken Giovanni does not drink nor smoke.
Emilia understood the tough work of a “tabasero” and the realities of a migrant worker. Her father was a
“tabasero” himself who could not afford to send her to high school, so she had to work during the day and go
to night school. She realized that Giovanni had been doing his best to support their young family. She recalled
that while their children were much younger, Giovanni did odd jobs such as landscaping to support the family.
More often than not “resto lang” (negative balance). According to Emilia “kahit mahirap, basta masaya, okay
lang” (Although they are poor, they are happy, so it’s fine).What is important for her is that she and Giovanni
understand and support each other.
Emilia found her old friend Maricel living with her own family in one of the five tents for emergency workers‘
families. Maricel came from a neighboring sitio in Sagay City. They were happy to give each other company
while their husbands were out in the sugarcane fields. They shared friendship with Selma, their neighbour
friend who would come to their rescue on “hungry days”.
As Giovanni’s contract ends on June 18, 2014, the couple plans to go back to their home in Purok Pasto,
Barangay Lopez Jaena, Sagay City. They could plant bananas, sweet potato or raise chicken, goat and pigs.
Their place though is mountainous, quite far from the barangay center and the road system is bad.
Five (5) kilometers of the road are unpassable and it would take 10 minutes to reach the main road by “habalhabal” (motorcycle ride). Emilia remembers that their place is below the project site of The Organization for
Industrial, Spiritual and Cultural Advancement (OISCA) Japan Cooperation. Her family was a recipient of a
goat dispersal program of the city government since March 2014. Others from their place were recipients
of cattle dispersal program. However, the recipients were not given proper training in either goat or cattle
raising.
The couple dreams of sending their children to college so they will have better employment opportunities
and have a better life. They plan to be a working couple to be able to save enough for their children’s
education. When their youngest child is already two (2) years old in 2016, Emilia plans to work either as
waitress in a restaurant or a saleslady.
She discussed with Giovanni her plan to continue her education and apply for Alternative Learning System
(ALS) of the Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS) in June 2014. Giovanni is supportive
of her plan and if she gets accepted in ALS, she would go to Sagay National High School to finish her high
school education so she could get better job opportunities later on. She will also explore if she would qualify
for the DSWD’s 4Ps program. Her younger sister was a beneficiary of 4Ps until last year when she stopped
schooling.
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Emilia regrets getting married at a young age and not finishing her high school education. She realized that
parenthood is a big responsibility. But “tapos na iyon“ (It’s done). Her only choice is “magsikap, magtrabaho
at mag-ipon” (do her best, work hard and save). The couple dreads “hungry days “ for their children. She and
Giovanni would now focus on raising their children well for a better future.
Joel – A 16-year old emergency laborer at Sagay, Negros Occidental
Joel is a sugarcane worker from Sitio Kutkut, Cadiz City, Negros Occidental. He was recruited by a contractor
named Jeremy, who does not take deductions from the laborers’ salaries. Joel has been working at the
hacienda for one (1) week, having been hired as an emergency worker to finish the harvesting for this season.
He would be staying for one (1) month at the plantation to do weeding, as well as cutting and loading of
sugarcanes. His house is one (1) hour away from the hacienda by tricycle. The fare is PhP50, so he is not able
to go home as regularly as he wants to.
His sturdy built and muscled arms, along with dark skin, are borne of six (6) years of laboring under the sun.
He has learned to find odd jobs here and there since his pre-teens in order to augment the family income.
When he was 10, he worked as an errand boy at a house in Bacolod (the capital of Negros Occidental). Since
then, he found paid work in air conditioner repair shops, construction sites, and haciendas.
Other than Cadiz, he has gone to Pampanga for work at a sugarcane plantation. He stayed there for eight (8)
months in 2013, earning PhP250 per ton and loading an average of 100 tons per ten-wheeler truck. Wages
are higher when more canes are harvested, so he hauls these heavy canes onto his back and loads them onto
the truck, thinking of the earnings he can make. When asked how he got permission to work in Pampanga,
he said that he matter-of-factly informed his mother about the job opportunity, and she replied, “Ewan ko sa
‘yo, ikaw ang bahala” (I don’t know, it’s up to you).
According to him, life as a sacada is the same in Pampanga and Cadiz, except that in the latter they get to have
one rest day, unlike in the former where they had to work day and night, seven days straight. Also, the pay is
much lower in Cadiz at PhP150.00 per ton. There is free medicine given by the employer, but only for minor
ailments like cough and colds. So far, he has not heard of any accidents happening at the hacienda, though if
these were to happen, there are no existing provisions for assisting the laborers. Although working under the
intense heat of the sun is difficult, he is “masaya” (happy) about the fact that he can support his family. “Kapag
hindi nagtrabaho, wala ring pagkain” (If there’s no work, there’s also no food to eat).
Joel’s parents are from Kutkut, Cadiz City. His mother finished second year high school, but had to do
weeding in haciendas after marrying. She is now 65 years old and suffers from ulcer. Because she is frail
and unable to do hard labor, she has become wholly dependent on her children for financial support. Her
husband had left them, and Joel’s last recollection of seeing him was when he was one (1) to two (2) years
old. He could not pin an age to the event, it was so long ago. When asked if he had siblings, he said he had a
13-year old brother who contributes income through “pagtatanim ng gulay sa umâ” (planting vegetables in
the small field included in the hacienda property).
Both brothers finished second grade of elementary school. Even if they wanted to continue studying, they
could not because no one would support their schooling. What Joel likes about school is that “maraming
natututunan” (so much can be learned). Back when he was a student, he took pleasure in interaction with
classmates and regarded Filipino as his favorite subject. Now, however, he would not consider going back to
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school. He says “nakakapagod ang nakaupo buong araw” (it’s tiring to sit the entire day) and he has to earn
money, anyway. His brother shares the same sentiments about education.
On days when Joel is at home, he helps with chores like fetching water, sweeping, and washing laundry.The small
nipa house where he lived with his family got destroyed by Typhoon Haiyan in November 2013, but he struggled
to put it back up with the money he got from his jobs. He now dreams of expanding that house and installing a
decent water system, as they currently access water through a hose connected to an external tank.
When asked about what he aspires for, he said that he wants to provide for his family. After being prodded
about what he wanted for himself, what he desired to be if he could have all the resources in the world, he
finally said he wanted to be a driver. With regard to travel, he stated that he wanted to see Bacolod. Pressed
to think about selecting a foreign country to visit, he named Japan as a dream destination. He had a “tiya”
there - the sister of his maternal grandmother - who sends him PhP1,000 once a year.
Joel has no girlfriend at present. He says that there are pretty girls in his village, but he simply could not spare
time to talk to them or attend any social activities. In fact, he does not plan to get married. In his shy, quiet
manner of speaking, he emphasized that family is important to him and his mother is his greatest motivation.
He would do anything, take any job - no matter how hard - just so he could ensure that their needs are met.
Jason – A 20-year old worker at Sagay, Negros Occidental and soon-to-be-father
Jason is a 20-year old man who hails from Sitio Kutkut, Cadiz City, Negros Occidental. He and Joel are from
one barangay, and they were contracted by the same person to do “emergency” work in order to do the
last-minute harvesting from May to June and bring the sugarcanes to the sugar central for appraisal.
Jason was very forthcoming with accounts of the situation in his town and his personal life. He shared that
there are many families in his sitio, but out of those approximately 100 families, only three (3) are beneficiaries
of the DSWD’s conditional cash transfer program, called the 4Ps.
According to Jason, aside from being very poor, one has to have close ties with the Barangay Captain in
Kutkut to qualify for the 4Ps.The people of his sitio are not only direly limited in terms of poverty alleviation
programs; they are also lacking in public facilities and services. In Kutkut, schools only reach the sixth grade
levels. If people wanted higher education, they had to go to the neighboring towns of Mabini for high school,
and Cadiz for university. The commute is costly, though, proving to be a hindrance for students who are
earnest about studying but have very little resources. As regard medical concerns, the nearest health center
is in Mabini. There are no barangay health centers or clinics in Kutkut itself.
He met his wife at the birthday celebration of his policeman uncle. She was the niece of his uncle’s friend, and
she was the most beautiful girl at the party. They had known each other for only less than a year when she
got pregnant. Since they could not afford to get married, they simply lived together. Now, she is carrying their
five-month old child. They still do not know if the child is going to be a boy or a girl; they have no money to
undergo check-ups, let alone get an ultrasound. Jason is happy and excited to be a father, yet apprehensive at
the same time. He asks himself all these questions: What preparations do I need to make for the birth of my
child? What if I have an accident at the plantation? What if something bad happens while my wife is giving birth?
How would I provide for my family? Will we stay happy together? Won’t we end up broken like my own family?
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Family planning seems to be a concern of which he is aware, as he plans to have a maximum of only two
children, with about five (5) years in between. He said that life is hard and he does not want his kids to suffer
deprivation. Even though his wife is a high school graduate, she is unable to find a job. Therefore, Jason feels
that the responsibility of breadwinning falls upon him as the “man of the house.”
Jason’s mother is from Cadiz, while his father is from Sagay. He has practically no recollection of them and
what they are like, as they left him when he was only a year old.When he got older, he was told that his father
was caught cheating, so his mother went off in a rage. It was two years after his parents’ split that Jason got a
glimpse of his father again. He was still very young then and could not remember anything about the incident.
His voice assumed a wistful tone whilst talking about his parents, and he admitted that he would like to see
and talk to them.
There are speculations that his mother is currently in Manila, while the father is in Bacolod. Both parents have
not gotten in contact with the children. They were left from the very beginning of the separation in the care
of their maternal grandmother, who has been very kind to Jason and his two siblings. He has an elder brother,
aged 21, who finished Grade 2 and works as a delivery man of eggs in Manila. The youngest, his 16-year old
sister, finished second year high school and is presently a housekeeper in Bacolod. None of them are married
or have live-in partners. Their grandmother is now 80 years old, quite deaf and forgetful.
Out of his own initiative, Jason resolved to find paid work. He figured that he and his siblings could not
keep on relying on their grandmother to provide for them. Also, their grandmother’s children were unkind
to them and abused them physically and verbally. Since Jason’s highest educational attainment was second
grade, he had very limited options for employment. When he was 10, he tried working with an uncle at an
air conditioner repair shop, but the latter would always take all of his salary, leaving nothing for him or his
siblings. Jason also found other types of work in construction and welding. He was an errand boy for some
time in Bacolod, and he started plantation work with “paglalagay ng tubo sa karo” (loading sugarcanes onto
carts).
Typical life at the hacienda involves waking up at around 4 am, eating breakfast, taking a bath, and getting
dressed. At 5 am, the laborers begin working in the fields. They then take a break between 11 am to 1 pm
for lunch and to take shelter from the relentless sun. Normally, they just bring packed meals (if there are
any) to the field so that they won’t have to walk back to their quarters. Work resumes at 1 pm and ends at
around 5 pm, during which they could head back home if they are done loading the canes onto the truck.
Jason declared that it is difficult not to have benefits from the employer, and that if things could go his way,
laborers’ salaries should be raised. According to him, “hindi biro magtrabaho sa initan” (it’s no joke to work
under the sun) and unlike working in construction, where resting is allowed, at plantations you cannot stop
even when you’re tired.
When asked what place he would like to see given the opportunity, Jason gave a wide grin that showed his
canines, the only two (2) upper teeth he had. He said he dreams of someday going to Guam, where a cousin
lives. He yearns to find overseas employment and work abroad when his child is several years old so he can
give her or him a better future. When urged to name a profession that he would like, he said he wanted to
be a manager. “Libre lang naman mangarap, tataasan ko na” (It’s free to dream, so I’ll dream big). He said that
he would be faithful to his wife and endeavor to keep their family together at all costs.
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Jasry -- Helping the family at 12 years old during school vacation
A 12-year old skinny and dark-skinned boy named Jasry hails from Sitio Kapipinis, Brgy. Nalundan, Bindoy,
Negros Oriental. He is a farm worker during school vacation in a sugarcane plantation called Kampo in Brgy.
Lumbangan, Mahinay, Negros Oriental. He started working at age 11. He just finished Grade IV in the last
academic year (AY 2013 – 2014) at Kapipinis Elementary School.
Jasry is the 3rd child in the brood of seven (7). His siblings are 16, 15, 11, 8, 3 and 2 years old. Renato and
Juanita, his parents are quite young, being both 34 years old. His parents started a family when they were only
17. Both parents reached Grade VI and that is the highest education attained by any member of the family so
far. This is also true with the 16 and 15-year old children in the family.
The family of Jasry is dependent on agriculture for their livelihood. His parents are cultivating a two-hectare
land that is not theirs. The produce from the land is divided to three (3) parts. One-third (1/3) of the
products harvested goes to the owner of the land while two-thirds (2/3) go to their family.
Jasry started to work in the sugarcane plantation when he was 11 years old and had just completed Grade III.
He began working during school vacation. He only works for straight eight (8) weeks or two (2) months. His
16 year-old brother Jaryl also works in the sugarcane plantation but has been in Cebu with their grandmother
since March 2014.
Looking back, it was through the invitation of his friends that Jasry was enticed to become a farm worker. He
and his friends were recruited by a certain Ricky who is from Lumbangan, Mahinay, Negros Oriental. Jasry
worked for three (3) to four (4) days a week.
His day starts when he wakes up at 2 a.m. He is picked up by a truck along with other farm workers.
Normally, they are 60 in a group and half of them or 30 persons, are children. These 60 persons come from
different barangays.
He works in the camp from 6 a.m. to 1 a.m. doing the “weeding”. His one hour free time, actually for lunch,
is at 11 a.m. – 12 noon. Instead of eating his packed lunch immediately, he plays “running” (habulan) with his
four friends, one of whom is 20 years old, two are 14 years old and another one is 12 years old just like him.
After playing, he spends the remaining time, eating his lunch.Then, he resumes work at 1 p.m. until 3 p.m., and
by 4 p.m., he is at home.
At the end of a day of back-breaking work, Jasry feels tired and exhausted. He claims that the work is hard
because of the scorching heat of the sun. However, he said that he is already used to this kind of work. He
also said that he is happy in the sugarcane plantation because there are lots of children.
Jasry is paid PhP100/day compared to the adults who receive PhP125/day. He earns PhP300 – P400/week and
he gives all of his earnings to his mother. His money is spent to buy food and viand for the family. He is given
PhP10 by his mother so he can buy whatever he wants and that includes “candies”.
Jasry could not say what else he wants apart from working in the sugarcane plantation. He only thinks of
continuing his work as a farm worker. On the other hand, his mother articulated that she wants Jasry to finish
high school and that is her dream for this child.
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Sacada Work Process
Figure 3: Sacada Work Process
Income Distribution
Figure 4: Sacada Income Distribution System
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Sacadas cutting sugarcane under scorching heat of the sun
Chapter Three
Analyses, Conclusions and Recommendations
This section presents the analyses, conclusions and recommendations of the Study based on the findings
derived from multiple sources. It is divided according to the Study’s main objectives that cover the following:
1.
2.
3.
Psycho-social and economic conditions of sacada adults, children and their families;
Protective and risk factors involved in sugarcane work; and
Coping mechanisms and the effects of seasonal migration on children.
Psycho-Social and Economic Conditions of Sacada Adults, Children and their Families
Motivations, Perceptions and Aspirations
Sacadas are among the poorest sectors in society. Among the agricultural workers, they are at the bottom
end.They live in communities that are difficult to reach due to their far distance and inaccessible or poor road
condition. They have limited access to livelihood opportunities and other basic services and infrastructures.
Their desire to earn income for their families has prompted them to work as sacadas.They are lured to leave
their families to work as sacadas due to poverty. In addition, their very low education offer them very limited
job options. For some, sacada work has been their “bread and butter” all their life – an intergenerational
work phenomenon dating back to decades and involving several members of a family (grandfather-fatherson-brother-uncle-nephew).
Since they do not have prior knowledge about the conditions in their workplace before they leave, it is not
among their considerations for leaving home. Thus, no strong pull factors were evident for their seasonal
migration. In fact, some of them even considered their workplace as being no different from the place where
they live.
“Family” is valued highly by the sacadas.They are willing to sacrifice themselves by working hard and being away
from home just so they could help provide for their family’s basic needs and send a child or sibling to school.
Furthermore, sacadas are motivated by the opportunity to receive quick cash through cash advances ranging
from PhP3,000 to PhP5,000 for new hires, and up to PhP10,000 for the seasoned or well-experienced
workers. They receive the cash advance from the labor contractor before leaving for sacada work. Others
are forced to become sacada to pay for the debts from previous cash advances incurred by a parent with
the contractor/plantation owner.
Case study participants began sacada work at a young age (ranging from 11 to 16 years old). Some had to
take over from their sacada father/step-father who could no longer continue the work due to poor health
and old age. Others were encouraged by a family member or relative to become sacada.
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A case in point is that of Tito who started working in sugar cane plantations at age 12. His older siblings brought
him to a hacienda to do light work such as weeding. At age 13, he worked as a cane cutter. Since then, he had been
exposed to the realities of sacada work and child labor, i.e., tedious work under the scorching heat of the sun, long
hours of cane cutting, and carrying heavy loads of cane for loading.Tito had an accident while cutting cane; the wound
left a mark on his left finger.
Government officials interviewed claimed that due to strict monitoring, child labor no longer exists in sugar
cane plantations. However, a few cases have been detected; but these were kept hidden as they violated the
anti-child labor law that provides for penalties for perpetrators.
Low wages, irregular employment or having no income at all have pushed children to go with their sacada
parents.While parents aspire that their children finish school, their need for subsistence had compelled them
to permit their children to work.
A case in point is that of Fidel who at age 15 was goaded by his family’s impoverished condition to help his father
with sacada work. He altered his birth document in order to pass the age requirement for employment. He had to
forego his dream of getting a college degree and becoming a policeman just so he could help his family earn a living.
His case typifies other cases involving sacada children.
The situation of sacadas could be explained by the “poverty trap” theory of Robert Chambers (1983) as
shown in the following diagram. Sacadas are beset with physical weakness, material poverty, vulnerability,
powerlessness and isolation. These conditions have pushed them to engage in physically challenging and
oftentimes “exploitative” work arrangements. Furthermore, they have to contend with being physically away
for months from their loved ones. However, spiritual poverty as affecting the sacadas was not as evident in
this Study.
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Many parent respondents have shown ambivalence on their view about working children. While they
disagreed that their own children work at an early age, they also appreciated and gave high regard for those
who work to help their family. This reflects a condition of “powerlessness” - even if they want their children
to complete their schooling, they are financially constrained to do so. They were left with no option but to
have their children work even as sacada.
More sacada respondents from the receiving provinces than from Aklan believed that parents, rather than
children, should decide on whether or not children should work. For those who have working children, some
claimed to have supervised them to help ensure that they are protected from work hazards.
Children viewed working at an early age as something that is not admirable, a view that was a stark contrast
to that of adults. As mentioned earlier, sacada parents were against their own children working at an early
age but expressed admiration and respect for children who work to support their family. Although they
exercised the prerogative as parents to decide for their children, many of them said they would rather
have their children decide whether or not to work. This is especially true among sacadas in the receiving
provinces. While there seems to be this ambivalence, it could manifest a tendency for parents to take a
hands-off attitude towards their children having to work. Parents are generally cognizant of the child labor
laws; as such, they would not want to be viewed as “violators” although in a sense they could be “motivators”
of children engaging in labor.
Children left behind by sacada parent/s generally exhibited positive psycho-emotional dispositions. Survey
data reveal that they considered themselves dependable and able to socialize and interact with other people.
They were also self-contained as they did not want to bother other people with their problems. In contrast,
some case studies of “children left behind” provided a different picture – they claimed to be shy and hesitant
to relate with people outside their family circle.
Economic and Work Conditions of the Sacadas
Sacadas were mainly involved in harvesting/cane cutting and hauling. They spent an average of ten hours of
work per day for an average of six (6) days a week. Sunday is their free day. They spent a few minutes of
rest in-between work with little food to eat. Focus group discussion (FGD) participants described their
work condition as “extremely difficult” and “inhumane”. Among the common problems of the sacadas were
body pains, exhaustion, sleepless nights due to aching muscles from the lifting of heavy cane loads, and
homesickness.There were two to three (2 to 3) accounts of work-related deaths witnessed by some sacadas
during one of their work stints.
Maltreatment also occurred in the workplace. The foreman closely supervised them to ensure that they
did their work well. Some sacadas were allegedly physically maltreated by the foreman especially when the
former refused to go back to work because of fatigue, or when found to be lying about being sick.
A sacada had to face the daily challenge of not having enough food and a variety of meals.This is more difficult
for a sacada who brought his spouse/family with him to the workplace.When trucks were delayed in bringing
canes to the sugar mill, sacadas would not receive any pay for the day. A sacada received an average income
of PhP130-160 per ton per day. However, he could only get his pay at the end of his contract.
Sacadas usually went home from a five-month harvest season with net incomes ranging from PhP2,000 to
PhP20,000, or an average of PhP5,000. On the extreme, few sacadas went home with no income as their cash
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advances for daily food, other essential items and previous loans were deducted. Their take-home pay was
usually insufficient for them to meet their daily needs until the next harvest season. Some sacadas were able
to engage in other paid work (farming, abaca fiber stripping) upon their return; few others had no means of
income but did backyard gardening for the family’s food consumption.
The barracks where the sacadas temporarily stayed are usually located far from the main road and center of
community activities. Sacadas hardly interacted with people in their workplace. In fact, their foreman dissuaded
them from mingling with the locals to prevent any possible untoward incident, e.g., having altercation or fight
with some locals. Most of them considered barracks life as lonely and miserable. They were grateful though
that they could eat three (3) meals a day and occasionally able to buy good food from their cash advance.
Child labor in sugarcane plantations continues to exist despite the government’s efforts to mitigate it.
Children working as sacada have remained hidden, undocumented and unprotected. Their
parents have allowed them to work at an early age for them to contribute to the family coffers.
The work condition of sacada children is typified in the following case:
Jasry began work in a sugar cane plantation just after completing Grade 3; he was 11 years old. He initially worked
during the school vacation for eight (8) straight weeks. His 16-year old brother also worked as sacada but in another
province.
Jasry woke up at 2 am, picked up by a truck along with other farm workers. Normally, there were 60 in a group, 30
of whom were children. He worked in a camp from 6 am to 11 am doing “weeding”. He had a one hour free time for
lunch, part of which he spent playing with friends aged 20, 14 and 12. He resumed work at 1 p.m. until 3 p.m., and
by 4 p.m., he was home but was tired and exhausted. However, he said that he was already used to this kind of work
and felt happy that he got to be around other children in the sugar cane plantation.
Jasry was paid PhP100/day compared to the adult workers who received PhP125/day. He earned PhP300 – PhP400/
week and gave all of his earnings to his mother. His money was spent on food for the family. He was given PhP10
by his mother from his earnings. He could not think of any other work outside of working in a sugarcane plantation.
Sacadas and their families continue to live at subsistence level. Despite years of work as sacada, they
have remained poor and economically powerless. Having three (3) meals a day and good food somehow
compensated for the hardships they experienced at work. For sacada working children, having the time to
spend for play was enough to make them “happy”.Their needs and wants in life are basic, and their worldview
is confined to what they see and experience in their immediate environment. They could not dream “big” as
they felt stuck with their present situation.
Protective and Risk Factors Involved in Sugarcane Work
Protective and risk factors, as used in this Study, refer to the types and effects of social protection accorded
to sugarcane child laborers and their families by the different organizations operating in their communities.
Although the sacadas worked for long hours on a daily basis, most of them did not enjoy social protection
benefits (social security system or SSS, PhilHealth, minimum wage, sick leave, retirement, etc.). One sacada
informant shared that a contractor had been deducting some amount from his wage for SSS and PhilHealth
contributions but without issuing any receipt.When he met an accident while at work, he was unable to avail
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himself of PhilHealth as he lacked proof of his membership. In effect, even with “promised” benefits, sacadas
would fall prey to and remain unprotected from unscrupulous practices.
DOLE has safeguard mechanisms against human trafficking but these have not been fully operational due
to resource constraints. There are not enough personnel to be fielded 24/7 in areas where trafficking
could occur. Trafficking could only be monitored in ports of departure (shipyards) and airports. It is difficult
to monitor movements of individuals who are travelling by land. It would be good though to institute a
“barangay-to-barangay” approach such that each barangay is mandated to monitor, report and act on cases
involving child labor (from sending to receiving barangays).
Sacada respondents were not aware of the existence of the DOLE’s I-SERVE program.A local official from the
Municipality of Libacao said that they had submitted a proposal to I-SERVE but did not receive any response.
One recent program of DOLE is its partnership with the TESDA to provide training to selected sacada youth
on housekeeping and other skills needs of participating hotels. Since only about 10 youths were initially
targeted for this activity, the program’s impact is not felt much in the covered communities. One success
story was that of a former sacada youth who participated in a TESDA training and who now works in a big
hotel in Boracay. His case was promoted several times in the media and he became a “symbol of hope” for
his fellow youth in his community.
DSWD’s 4Ps program sought to provide support to poor families for their children’s education and health
needs. Some sacada families were able to avail of this program. There were a few accounts of sacadas no
longer continuing with sacada work because of the 4Ps. While this is positive in some sense, it could also
mean that families could become over-dependent on the 4Ps for their daily needs, unless they are engaged
in activities that could earn them some income to secure their children’s future.
For families left behind, support is normally available from a family member or relative (grandparent, aunt)
and neighbor. Small children are usually taken care of by the mother; in case the mother had to leave for
work, their grandmother (or neighbor) was tapped to look after them. Some wives of sacada workers did
farming and/or backyard gardening to supplement family income.
Coping Mechanisms and the Effects of Seasonal Migration on Children
Although saddened by the absence of a sacada parent, children left behind were able to cope well by spending
their time in studies, helping with household chores, and playing with friends. There have been no accounts
of children left behind “misbehaving” as a result of the separation. Some though had kept to themselves and
were unable to socialize even with their fellow children.
Children felt sorry that their parents had to sacrifice themselves physically and emotionally just so they
could provide for their family’s basic needs. If given a choice, they would not want their parents to go back
to sacada work.
The frequency and depth of communication between children and their sacada parent would depend on how
close they were before the parent left for seasonal migration. For instance, there is very little effect of sacada
work on a child who grew up with a grandparent and who rarely interacted with his sacada parent before
he went for seasonal migration. Thus, communication is more influenced by the quality of relationship rather
than by the nature of sacada work.
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Children who joined their sacada parent to the workplace had different story to tell, as illustrated in the
following case:
Ariel, 13 years old, felt unhappy and miserable at the barracks. Although they were not forbidden to go out of the
area, he felt isolated, did not know anybody, and did not have friends. There were four (4) women with children in
the barracks, and four (4) others worked in the sugarcane field. According to Ariel, these women engaged in rumormongering and sometimes fought among themselves. In the barracks, each family looked after its own meals but there
was a good practice of sharing meals with others.
Women who were left behind in the barracks or who joined their husband/partner in the workplace had
different ways of coping. Some developed vices such as drinking and gambling (card games) to ease their
boredom. Others busied themselves with taking care of their small children and doing some domestic chores.
For families left behind, the spouse felt more the effects of the separation than their children. They felt
alone and lonely as they had nobody with whom to share their problems. They were also worried about the
condition of their partner/husband in the workplace.
These same feelings were echoed by their sacada spouse - they felt lonely, homesick and worried about how
their families were doing back home. To cope, they engaged in small talk/conversation, drank with fellow
sacadas, or watched television. Rarely did they engage in sports (e.g., basketball, volleyball) as they were
then very exhausted and sleepy after a hard day’s work. On Sundays, some went out in pairs for fun and
entertainment. Others simply remained in the barracks so they could save on their earnings.
Sacadas usually bought mobile phones from their initial earning; mobile phones were considered essential
in maintaining regular communication with the families they left behind. Almost daily text messaging and
occasional phone calls were the usual means of communication; these temporarily eased their feelings of
homesickness and loneliness.
The level of coping of a sacada spouse/child would depend on the nature of existing support system. For
instance, the presence of close family members or relatives who can offer emotional, and to some extent,
material support had eased the burden of separation between families left behind and the sacadas. The
assistance given by some agencies, e.g., DSWD’s 4Ps had provided temporary relief to the financial problem
of the families as they waited for the remittance coming from their sacada spouse. The wives’ involvement in
supplemental income-earning activities enabled them to temporarily forget their feeling of loneliness.
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Analyses, Conclusions and Recommendations
The following matrix summarizes the Study findings, implications and recommendations.
Recommendations
(What now?)
The DOLE and DSWD
DOLE’s strict monitoring of child Strengthen barangay-level
have reported significant
laborers has helped reduce cases monitoring through the multireduction in the number of
of sacada working children.
sectoral structure within
child laborers in sugarcane
barangays to monitor, report and
plantations.They attributed
However, monitoring is not
act on child labor cases.
this to the strict monitoring 24/7 and could only be done at
of child labor and human
ports of departure due to lack
Strict work site on-the-spot
trafficking cases via an inter- of resources. Monitoring of child monitoring by DOLE so that
agency approach.
laborers that use land transport
recruited child sacadas who
was difficult. By land transport,
manage to reach the work sites
However the current
sacadas are able to bring families are rescued and helped.
research found there were
including small children to the
still some cases of children
workplace.
Continue information
working as sacada. Some
dissemination and education on
adults interviewed started
The imprisonment of a
the hazards and risks brought
sacada work at a young age – contractor who was found guilty upon child laborers, while holding
12 to 16 years old.
of recruiting child laborers has
unscrupulous contractors
resulted to a fear of discussing
accountable for illegal
While there have been cases sugarcane child labor openly.
recruitment of child sacadas.
of child sacadas, they are
Thus, instances of sugarcane child
not openly talked about nor labor that involve heavy lifting,
Commit then sustain providing
disclosed due to fear of being hauling and harvesting therefore resources that enable pertinent
penalized by the existing
continue to be “hidden” and
agencies to strictly monitor,
child labor laws and policies. unaddressed.
report and act on violation of
People were also afraid of
child labor laws, emphasizing
imprisonment, citing the
the rights and welfare of child
case of a contractor who
sacadas. Seriously enforce
was found recruiting child
penalties for those proven to
laborers.
violate child labor laws.
Findings (What is?)
Implications (So what?)
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Findings (What is?)
Implications (So what?)
Although child labor is not
allowed, some sugar mill
industry focal points and
barangay officials showed
tolerance towards it. It is
believed that for as long as
poverty exists, no amount of
regulations would prevent
families from allowing their
children to work.
Child sacada work was
intergenerational, i.e., in
cases when a sacada parent
could no longer continue,
or if the father voluntarily
retired, the son took over.
The son worked as sacada
until any loan/cash advance
was fully paid. Also, children’s
decision to work as sacada
was usually influenced by a
family or relative, e.g., an
uncle, brother, father, mother.
The successes of the DOLE and
DSWD in significantly reducing
the number of child sacadas
need to be highlighted and
disseminated to provide hope
among focal points and barangay
officials, as these show that their
efforts are not in vain.
Page 104
Sacada work tends to be passed
on from one generation to the
next. This historically unbroken
intergenerational pattern of
sacada work has prevented
families from getting out of the
cycle of poverty.
Recommendations
(What now?)
It is important to highlight and
disseminate the past successes of
government agencies in reducing
the number of child sugarcane
laborers. At the same time
acknowledge that the
phenomenon of child sacadas is
partly the result of the extreme
poverty found in the communities
where these children come from.
Actively explore and provide
alternative means of livelihood
for sacada sending communities,
utilizing existing local assets
and resources coupled with
infrastructure and marketing
support. Engage other national
government agencies such as the
Department of Public Works and
Highways, Department of Trade
and Industry and Department
of Education and Sports, as well
as the local government units
in searching for such viable and
sustainable alternative means of
livelihood.
Analyses, Conclusions and Recommendations
Findings (What is?)
Some sacadas initially
become sugarcane workers
as influenced by their
parents.They were
motivated by the need to
repay an outstanding debt
obligation with a contractor
or plantation owner.
In their desire to help
their family, particularly in
supporting their children/
sibling’s education these
sacadas subsequently
decided to continue the
work.
To do sacada work, laborers
moved from one province
to another – from the
laborers’ home province
to different parts of
Luzon (Negros/AntiquePampanga-Batangas-Isabela).
The seasonal migration
movement is now towards
Isabela as it offers higher pay
due to its eco-fuel industry.
Implications (So what?)
While sacada work provides
employment or income to
individuals with low education
and have very limited job
opportunities, the sacadas
are generally susceptible to
exploitation especially in the
absence of a legal document
that clearly stipulates wage
payment schemes and work
benefits for transitory or
seasonal workers.
Furthermore, the back
breaking tasks and adverse
working conditions make
them vulnerable to sickness,
loneliness; they also do not
have a companion to help with
household duties or tutor their
children.
Recommendations
(What now?)
Recognize that sacada work is
closely linked to the country’s
socio-economic conditions that
perpetuate poverty and that it
takes the joint effort of other
agencies besides the DOLE and
DSWD and local government
units to address the problem.
Advocate for special legislation
that specifically addresses
the needs of sacadas and the
peculiarities of sacada work, like
the transitory, migratory and
seasonal nature of the work.
Include a provision that provides
the right of sacadas to organize
so that they are adequately
represented in the tripartite
sugar committee; this can be a
venue for them to advance their
own cause and agenda.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Recommendations
(What now?)
Protective laws and policies
The backbreaking tasks and
already exist but are not fully
adverse working conditions
implemented and monitored.
naturally impact child laborers
There is a lack of appreciation
more than their adult
for the need for documentary
counterparts. This is made
evidences, resulting in cases of
worse by the fact that children
labor law violations not being
who work as sacadas are
well documented.
undocumented, hidden and
therefore unprotected. This poses
a huge challenge in minimizing
if not eliminating child sacadas.
Expand the reach of alternative
education and livelihood to
sacadas and their families.
Competition for sugarcane
The sugar industry may be
Although the opportunity to have
laborers’ services among
adversely affected by a continuing higher pay and better benefits
employers is now high due to shortage of labor unless planters is there, sacadas do not have a
shortage in labor supply.
explore means to address this – collective voice; thus they have
e.g., through mechanization or
no power to assert their rights,
Some sacadas now prefer
crop diversification.
negotiate or influence decisionto engage in available
making.
alternative work – e.g.,
On the other hand due to
factory or construction
competition in getting sugarcane Include a specific provision to
jobs, farming, or cash-forworkers, sacadas theoretically
cover sugarcane workers in the
work.They are motivated by may be offered better pay and
Social Amelioration Act. Ensure
higher pay and demotivated incentives.
that the dissemination of such
by hardships of sacada work.
amendments in the Act is done
through mass media such as radio,
However, many are still faced
using the native tongue of the
with limited alternative job
sacadas.
opportunities due to their
low education and limited
skills.
Findings (What is?)
Page 106
Implications (So what?)
Analyses, Conclusions and Recommendations
Findings (What is?)
Because of the transitory
and migratory nature of
their work, sacadas are
not covered by the Social
Amelioration Act. Even if
they were aware and could
avail of it, the benefits that
would be received are very
small.
Bio-fuel/eco-fuel mill
provides higher pay and
incentives but is not covered
by the above mentioned Act.
Because of their family’s
basic needs, sacadas are
lured by quick cash. Cash
advances can range from
PhP3,000 to PhP10,000.
Recommendations
(What now?)
Sacada have no access to social
Specifically include sacadas and
amelioration benefits (bio-fuel, in their families in an expanded social
particular). Information has not
protection coverage provided in
been fully disseminated to the
the Social Amelioration Act. The
barangay units and to the sacadas amendments have to consider the
themselves
transitory and seasonal nature of
sacada work.
Implications (So what?)
There are cultural values that
motivate sacadas, including
commitment to family and
providing money to meet family
obligations and needs (food,
education, etc.). Also sacadas are
forced by debt obligations to
continue with sacada work.
Because of their commitment
to provide for family needs and
honor financial obligations, sacadas
are willing to do hard work and
make personal sacrifices.
Strengthen positive cultural
values like strong family ties and
honoring one’s responsibilities
and financial obligations.
Amend the Social Amelioration
Act such that sacadas are assured
a living wage while they
work and provided decent living
conditions in their work area.
Meanwhile ensure compliance
with the existing Social
Amelioration Act by expanding
the mandate of the Tripartite
committee to monitor such
compliance.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Findings (What is?)
Implications (So what?)
Regarding compensation and
work arrangements, the net
take-home pay of the sacadas
ranged from PhP2,000 to
PhP20,000 after five (5) to
six (6) months of sacada
work.There were a few cases
of sacadas not having any
income after all their cash
advances were deducted.
The same work arrangements
and the same living conditions of
sacadas have persisted over the
years, and there have been no
significant increases in incomes
or benefits, if any.
Recommendations
(What now?)
Address the issue of providing
a living wage and decent living
conditions to sacadas through
new legislation while enforcing
existing labor laws and standards
for them to ensure their safety
and well-being.
The patronage relationship
between planters/contractors
and sacadas likewise has persisted
over time.
As in prior years, sacadas are Sacadas still lack protection
grouped into 10 with each
and benefits especially during
group averaging a production emergencies.
of 20 tons per day.
Daily needs of sacadas are
provided by the contractor/
planter and deducted from
the wages of sacadas.
Given the sacadas’ meager
Vigorously promote responsible
pay, food is insufficient and
parenthood and child wellthey have no savings.
being. Encourage linkages with
government agencies and nonLarge family size of sacadas
The larger the family size, the
government organizations that
greater the pressure on the
will provide parents the needed
breadwinner to provide for
support to practice responsible
the basic needs of the family.
parenthood.
Any increase in family income
is negated by the increase in
Poverty is perpetuated by a
number of persons to support.
combination of factors, including
One consequence is that children large family size and its attendant
are forced to leave school in
consequences.
order to help their family earn a
living.
Large family size tend to
aggravate the poverty condition
of families. This keeps the sacadas
“stuck” inside the poverty trap
or cycle of poverty.
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Analyses, Conclusions and Recommendations
Findings (What is?)
For families that are left
behind by the sacadas, wives
engage in some livelihood
activities like slash and burn
farming. Others engage in
backyard gardening, swine
raising, etc.Their children are
left with relatives, including
grandparents who take care
of them.
Among children left
behind, social relationship
is generally confined to
immediate family members.
The effect of sacada on
children is not about their
parents doing sacada work
itself; rather it is on the
degree of relationship that
develops between children
and parents and between
husband and wife.
The sacadas themselves
are concerned about the
situation of the families they
left behind.
Regarding community
involvement, while two (2)
or three (3) sacadas have
become barangay council
members most have very
limited involvement in
activities in their community.
Implications (So what?)
The presence of some support
system like grandparents
alleviates the burden of
temporary separation of the
sacadas from their families.
Having other means of livelihood
provides temporary relief from
loneliness for the wives, while
augmenting the family income.
Recommendations
(What now?)
Psycho-emotional issues involving
family members’ wives and
children left behind need to be
addressed.
Strengthen family interventions
(family development session,
counseling, etc., especially for the
children and spouses left behind.)
Provide appropriate skills
enhancement and alternative
livelihood opportunities to
spouses left behind.
Families of sacadas left behind
are faced with psycho-social
challenges that need to be
addressed.
Preoccupation with earning a
living especially those who are
simply trying to survive has
contributed to the non-existent
or very low involvement of the
sacadas in community activities.
Organize sacada cells with five
(5) to 10 families in each group
to identify, plan and carry out
activities that will promote their
interests and well-being.
Organize separate cells for
sacada children for the same
purpose.
Sacadas have yet to develop a
sense of community, which can be
facilitated by having a shared vision
and common interests for their
families and community.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Findings (What is?)
High regard given by families
to children who work in
order to contribute to family
income.
Implications (So what?)
Parents are forced by their
circumstances to allow their
children to engage even in
hazardous type of work.
In some cases, work is given
higher priority than education.
There are factors that help
protect sacadas.These
include the Pantawid
Pamilyang Pilipino
Program (4P’s); NGO’s like
the Visayan Forum; the
DOLE and its monitoring
mechanisms; plantation
owners’ own initiative like
the settlement in Duhatan
provided by plantation
owner; formulation and
enforcement of legislation
such as the minimum wage
for cane cutters; setting
of housing standards that
provide decent living
conditions to sacadas.
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Recommendations
(What now?)
Conduct more awareness
activities to promote child rights
among parents in the community.
Enhance advocacy or
conscientization on child’s rights
among those involved in sacada
work specifically the contractors,
plantation owners, sugar mill
industry focal points, religious
institutions, parents, and children.
For child sacadas to fully enjoy
their rights, all stakeholders have
to be “on board” and be willing to
do their part. Effective governance
could make this happen.
Support and sustain monitoring of
sacadas to identify, report and act
on violators of child labor laws.
There are existing policies and
programs catering to sugarcane
workers in general; however,
their enforcement will need to be
monitored.
Strictly enforce present policies
and programs addressing the
At the same time there are
needs and concerns of the
gaps that need to be addressed
sacadas.
through innovative legislation,
such as formulating a living wage Recognize through awards,
and decent living conditions for
incentives, public recognition
sacadas.
events, etc. those planters, millers
and contractors who fully comply
with labor laws and standards and
treat well the sacadas.
Analyses, Conclusions and Recommendations
Findings (What is?)
Implications (So what?)
Recommendations
(What now?)
Although there are existing
laws and policies pertinent to
safeguarding the well-being of
sacadas they have yet to fully
access or benefit from these.
Intensify awareness and advocacy
campaigns for labor rights and
welfare of the sacadas and their
families.
Provide positive motivation
to major stakeholders such as
planters, contractors, and millers
that look after the well-being of
their sugar cane workers.
Uneven relative economic development among Philippine communities has made some municipalities
relatively more prosperous while others remain impoverished. The communities where the sacadas live are
among the poor, marginalized and neglected. Poverty is the root of sacada work. It is passed on from one
generation to another.The elements of poverty as cited by Chambers (1983) – material poverty, vulnerability,
powerlessness, physical weakness and isolation – are present in the lives of the sacadas. Thus, specific
interventions should be developed that will address each of these poverty elements.
The migration pattern of sacadas remains seasonal and transitory. However, there is no clear-cut distinction
between a sacada and a dumaan. (Dumaan is a farm worker who works in the haciendas whole-year round,
albeit for two to three days a week only.) They can be sacada at one point and dumaan at another point once
they go back to their hometown to work in a sugarcane plantation (especially for those living in the Negros
provinces). They do sacada work in a nearby municipality and go back daily to their respective homes. The
term ‘sacada’ has several local connotations.What makes it unique is that it involves some form of temporary
migration and it is associated with a specific nature of work – harvesting and cane hauling. Given that one
can be a sacada and a dumaan at different points, the concept of ‘sacada’ may need to be redefined to reflect
this peculiarity.
Sacada work has become inter-generational. Children have inherited the debts of their sacada parents thus
forcing them to become sacadas themselves. Children who dropped out of school early to earn a living
have very limited knowledge and skills for them to land in jobs that offer better working conditions and just
compensation. For the sacadas to rise above their present situation, they need to be supported.
Child labor in sugarcane plantations exists although it is hidden, undocumented and as such, unprotected.
They travel mostly by land, which makes it difficult for concerned government agencies to monitor. Some
have altered their basic documents for them to pass the age restriction. They receive lower wages or
compensation compared to the adult sacadas even if they do the same type of work. Their worldview is
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
restricted to what they are and what they are doing ‘at the moment’; they lack the vision for a better future,
and what they can and will do to realize that vision.
Although being poor is what drives people to engage in difficult jobs, children should not be involved in
sacada work particularly in harvesting/cane cutting, and hauling.These types of activities may be categorized
as ‘high risk’ especially for children.
It is important to re-visit the existing legislation that affects sacadas, especially children who may be employed
as sugarcane workers. Where there are gaps and weaknesses in implementation, appropriate amendments
have to be formulated. Meanwhile it is critical that financial and human resources support be given to
government agencies that implement existing laws that are intended to benefit and protect workers and
children.
But ultimately it is critical that all stakeholders recognize that children doing sacada work, and sacada work
itself is closely linked with the “poverty trap” that envelopes many communities and individuals. If the nation
through effective governance is able to address the pervasive and massive poverty in the country, then
sacadas and concomitantly child laborers in the sugarcane fields will ultimately be benefited.
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Loading sugarcane on to a truck in Duhatan, Balayan, Batangas
Annexes
Annex A
HIGHLIGHTS OF FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS AND KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS
Nasugbu, Batangas
Documentation of Research Proceedings
April 22-26, 2014
Research Team Members:
Editha V. Maslang (EVM) – Project Director
Jona Marie P. Ang (JPA) – Technical Assistant
Beatriz del Rosario (BDR) – Research Associate
April 22, 2014
Barangay Catandaan, Nasugbu
The research team went to Brgy. Catandaan as it was one of the barangays earlier identified as having sacada
workers. However, when the team reached the area and consulted with a barangay councilor, they were
informed that there were no migratory workers or sacadas in the barangay. Those who came earlier as
sacadas have become permanent residents of the place after marrying locals and since then have stayed on
a lot and housing provided by the sugarcane plant owner. Initially, the team’s plan was to get 30 respondents
in Catandaan and 30 in the neighboring community of Cogonan. However, due to the permanent nature of
sacada settlement in Catandaan, the team had to forego research in this area.
Barangay Hall of Cogonan, Nasugbu
The team visited the Barangay Captain, Mr. Frederick B. Silang, and discussed the plans for conducting research
in his barangay. The following arrangements and schedule for data collection were proposed to Mr. Silang:
training of 10 field interviewers (23 April), with 60 (30 adults, 30 children) as the targeted number of survey
interviews.
Mr. Silang provided a background on sacadas in his community. According to him, two hectares were given
to several sacadas (around 10 families in Cogonan) from Hacienda Roxas around 20 years ago. He also
highlighted the decrease in the number of sacadas working in Cogonan. In the past, approximately 200 sacadas
arrived per batch; nowadays, the estimated number is only up to 100 sacadas at a time. The Department of
Labor and Employment (DOLE) has been tightening measures on sacada recruitment, thus resulting in the
reduced number of sacadas, particularly minors.
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Annex A
With regard to working arrangements, sacadas have a “kapatas” (leader) from their own province who
comes with them to the jobsite. Some sacadas escaped at the port or later on during the contract period,
shortchanging contractors of their investment. Families left behind by sacadas are given a certain amount of
money, to be deducted in trances from the sacadas’ salaries.
Sacadas get very little by way of socialization or benefits. They do not pay taxes or join local events like
fiestas. Most of the time they are on their own, hardly mingling with the local residents. (In later interviews, it
was explained that this was to prevent any untoward incident like misunderstanding with the locals). Sacadas
do not have access to hospital services, though they are attended to at the barangay health center.
April 23, 2014
Barangay Cogonan, Nasugbu
The interviewers identified by the barangay for the research arrived at around 9:00 am, shortly after which
the training began. EVM asked the interviewers, who were mostly enrolled college students, to give brief
introductions about themselves and their academic background. Afterwards, she went through the survey
form item by item with the interviewers to explain how to ask appropriate questions for eliciting the required
answers from the sacada respondents and how to accomplish the document. At 11:00 am, EVM turned over
to JPA the giving of instructions so that the former could interview Bobot Novero, a small sugarcane plant
owner and part-time contractor. When all the question items on the survey had been discussed, two people
were requested to do a mock survey, with one acting as the interviewer and the other playing the role
of a sacada. Towards the end of the interview, one of the participants from the audience suggested taking
the interviews seriously; this includes being sensitive and logical in asking questions and using proper facial
expressions, tone, and gestures.
SAPROCOM Multi Purpose Cooperative
The team visited Ms. Dorothea Pardonzalan to schedule an interview with her. Ms. Pardonzalan started as
the organization’s Bookkeeper in December 1973 and became SAPROCOM Manager in 1996. She gave
preliminary information regarding SAPROCOM, such as its registration with the Cooperative Development
Authority (CDA) in 1991 and its varied functions: a) working with 900 small plant owners (841 active
members); b) conducting general assemblies every second or third Saturday of February of each calendar
year; and c) ensuring compliance with labor standards.
Ms. Pardonzalan stated that planters are expected to provide benefits to workers. Accordingly, SAPROCOM
has begun discussions regarding social amelioration programs for sacadas. She noted, however, that it will be
difficult to comply with the government’s social amelioration requirements (e.g. SSS, PhilHealth) owing to the
sacadas’ temporary period of stay in the barangays. Currently, SAPROCOM has living quarters for sacadas in
Lumbangan and pays for utilities like water and electricity.
The SAPROCOM Manager estimated that 20 percent of workers on sugarcane plantations are local cutters
and pointed out that profit depends on the area and volume of sugarcane production. She told the team
that sacadas are mainly from Aklan, hired by one contractor (Mr. Zaradulla) who also hails from Aklan. He
does not stay in the barangay but works through his “katiwala” (right hand person), Donito Sapico. The
“katiwala” is in charge of ensuring that sacadas return home after their contract ends. Sacadas typically arrive
in December - the time of harvesting - before the start of milling season and work in different towns like
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Catandaan, Reparo, Maugat, Tumalim, and Lumbangan. They typically form themselves into seven groups, with
12 people per group.
Mill District Development Foundation, Inc. (MDDFI)
MDDFI was formerly known as Mill District Development Councils (MDDC). It was registered with the
Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) on November 8, 2000. As a government partner and a conduit
for funds, MDDFI joins the monthly tripartite meetings chaired by the DOLE and receives money for project
implementation. It also develops and submits project proposals to the Sugar Regulatory Administration
(SRA). MDDFI has a direct relationship with cooperatives and gives trainings (upon request of cooperative)
to sacadas on the proper cutting of sugarcanes.
MDDFI deals with local farmers only and, as such, is not directly involved with sacadas. In fact, it is composed
of planters’ organizations: SAPROCOM, Batangas Sugar Planters’ Cooperative Marketing Associations, Inc.
(BSPCMA), Batangas Integrated Sugar Planters Multi-Purpose Cooperative (BISP-MPC), BAPA, BAPI, and Free
Planters. Every cooperative member has a representative to the Board of Trustees and every mill should have
an MDDFI. Focus is on the production aspect and planters’ cultural practices (e.g., modern and efficient land
preparation), not activities like harvesting or milling.The diverse services provided by MDDFI to planters are:
•
•
•
•
•
Mechanized land preparation
High-yielding sugar variety distribution
Bio-organic fertilization
Extension and training
Road repair and rehabilitation
Among the challenges encountered by MDDFI are related to:
•
•
•
•
Human behavior – Planters use different approaches in dealing with workers.
ASEAN Free Trade Area’s (AFTA) impending effectivity in 2015 – The implementation of the
AFTA necessitates the improvement of sugar productivity (e.g. increasing production of 50
tons to 80 tons of sugarcane per hectare).
Differences in milling season - Land preparation is done from November to June, while no
operations can occur from July to October due to the rainy season.
Capacity of mills to accommodate volume of sugarcane products
April 24, 2014
Sugar Regulatory Administration (SRA)
The SRA is a member of the District Tripartite Council (DTC) that conducts monitoring. It is purely
government-funded, with all its projects delegated to MDDFI. The SRA provides technical assistance to
sugarcane planters, such as demo farms, eco-tests, and testing of new technical varieties. SRA membership is
based on production volume; as such, small planters do not qualify.
Mr. Lucio Santiago III (Mill District Officer) discussed the issues dealt with by planters, such as the provision
of benefits. According to him, planters do not want to issue benefits to sacadas because they are short-term
workers. Questions are raised on where to get the contributions for benefits - will these be taken from
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Annex A
planters or from sacada salaries? Another issue is the fluctuation of sugar industry production depending on
season. There is also a need for cost reduction in inputs.
Santiago described the situation of sacadas, saying that some of them are not interested in benefits because
these will be deducted from their already insufficient salaries. Housing for sacadas is “okey lang” (just fine).
Sacada children usually cook or bring meals to their parents or older sacadas. A surprise visit of DOLE in
2012 to plantations revealed the presence of children below 15 years old; charges were then filed against
the planters concerned.
Batangas Federation of Sugarcane Planters Association (BAFESPA)
The Research Team attended the BAFESPA’s Board of Trustees (BOT) meeting to gather needed data.
BAFESPA, designated to monitor milling operations, comprises representatives from Batangas only. The
federation serves as a “guardian”, watching the relationship between planters and the sugar central.Three (3)
years ago, BAFESPA was heavily involved in the:
•
•
•
setting of cutters’ minimum wage
time and motion study of migrant workers, specifically the hours needed to cut sugarcane
(findings: PhP181 earned per ton, 1 cutter can produce 1.5 tons in 8 hours)
establishment of code of conduct for children below 18 years old
BAFESPA’s primary task is the exercise of significant control points, from arrival of trucks in yards to sugar
production. It is concerned with the wages and welfare of “maggagapak” (cutters) and matters related to
sugarcane planters. Factory performance or deficit is a looming issue, influenced by the two factors of input/
cane quality and mill/machine efficiency. BAFESPA is presently dealing with the following issues:
•
•
•
•
Recovery of sugar production – The production of sugar must be increased, especially in light
of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) to be implemented in 2015.
Placement of P3 million-bond on contractors by the government through DOLE – With such an
expensive bond in place, sugarcane planters would be negatively affected as they would be
unable to get permits and workers. Consequently, production costs would also increase.
Inability to produce data on block farming – Since block farming is a new endeavor, there is not
much information regarding it.
Technical problems – The available harvesters are not suited to the terrain of Western
Batangas. Only 30-40% of lands can be covered by mechanized harvester.
Given the above conditions, some members of BAFESPA recommended the:
•
•
•
•
Reverting to the previous bond amount of PhP20,000 asked of contractors by the government
Development and usage of the mechanical harvester (CADP is willing to finance it even if it’s
expensive)
Abolition of the 12% Expanded Value-Added Tax (E-VAT)
Subsidization of fertilizers and farming implements (e.g. Thailand agri-business and tractor
discount; financing at 0% interest)
For the most part, BAFESPA is not involved with sacadas. Neither it nor the Luzon Federation - a federation
of five accredited organizations of CADP - can control child labor because sacada families can bring their
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
children with them. Sacadas cannot be monitored because planters have authority over their respective lands
spanning over a wide coverage. Furthermore, contracts with Aklanon cutters contain a clause forbidding
children below 18 years old from working in the fields.
Sacada quarters, Cogonan
The research team conducted interviews with the wives of sacadas left behind at the barracks to attend to
household chores like cooking, cleaning, and laundry work. The men returned from the sugarcane fields at
around 5-6 pm, during which the student interviewers went to the quarters to talk to them and accomplish
the survey forms. Many declined or expressed hesitation with regard to being interviewed as they were too
tired. The latest interview to be conducted within the day began at 10:30 pm.
April 25, 2014
Barangay Hall of Cogonan, Nasugbu
A.
Processing of Field Experiences of Interviewers by EVM, Project Director
Interviewer
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
John Paul C. Todiño
Rizaldee H. Consigo
Lolita C. Boo
Gerald John C. Boo
Mario Lundag
Joseph Dabu
Ana Linda Dabu
Jonar Raña
Ace Lorenz Gonzales
Denjamyr
Rheenacel G. Guarda
Charleen Chris Mercado
TOTAL
Adult
Respondents
2
4
3
6
7
6
2
3
3
2
3
2
43
Child
Respondents
1
1
1
2
1
6
Subtotal
2
5
3
6
7
7
3
5
4
2
3
2
49
Group discussion:
1.
Ano ang inyong mga naging karanasan sa pag-iinterview? Magkuwento tungkol sa mga taong
nakausap ninyo. (What were your experiences in the course of interviewing people? Talk about
the people with whom you talked.)
•
•
Page 118
Nagagalit ang foreman kasi may nagsipag-alisan na at mayroon rin na baka umalis sa takot
kahit may utang pa. (The foreman became angry because there were sacadas who left and
there are those who might leave out of fear even if they’re still in debt.)
Nagkaroon ng flat ang gulong ng tricycle ko kaya nagpa-vulcanize ako. (My tricycle wheel got
deflated so I had to get it vulcanized.)
Annex A
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
2.
Ano ang inyong ginawa para makuha ang mga kailangang sagot sa mga tanong sa survey?
(What were the things that you did to obtain the answers to the questions in the survey?)
•
•
•
3.
Pinilit lang ni ate Lolit ang iba na sumali sa survey. (Ate Lolit forced other people to participate
in the survey.)
Baka natatakot sila, laging hinahanap si Kapitan. (They [sacadas] were probably afraid; they
were always looking for the Barangay Captain.)
Wala kaming makitang mga bata kahit may nakapagsabing may mga bata raw sa tirahan ng
mga sacada. (We didn’t see any children even though we’ve been told that there are children
living in the sacada quarters.)
Marami ang nakaalis na at nakabalik na sa sariling probinsya. (Many [sacadas] had gone and
returned to their respective provinces.)
Sagot sila nang sagot noong unang araw at medyo “open” sila. Pero noong pangalawang araw
ilag o ilang na sila, nagkukuwento pero parang may limitasyon, at ang dami nang tanong. (They
[sacadas] kept giving answers and were quite open on the first day. However, on the second
day, they were evasive or uncomfortable, as if there were limitations, and they asked a lot of
questions.)
Inuusisa nila kung bakit sila tinatanong kung mayroong mga 17 anyos pababang nakatira
kasama nila. (They questioned why they were being asked if there were children 17 years old
below living with them.)
Nahirapan ako sa 86 years old na matanda; malakas pa siya pero medyo bingi, kahit paano
nasagot naman ang mga tanong. (I found it hard talking to this 86-year old man; he was still
strong but hard of hearing, though he was able to answer my questions.)
Parang inikuwento ang buong buhay niya, natagalan kaming mag-usap. (It’s like he told me his
whole life story and our interview took a long time.)
Apat lang ang ininterview ko kasi natakot akong magkamali at balikan sila para magtanong
ulit. (I only interviewed four because I was scared to make a mistake and return to them
[sacadas] to ask questions again.)
Pinakita kong nakikinig ako. (I showed that I was listening to them.)
Inolok-olokan ko sila para makuha ang mga sagot. (I joked with them to get the answers.)
Nahihiya sila sa simula pero kinausap ko lang sila, tapos pagtagal hindi na sila nahihiya;
nakikipag-cooperate na sila. (They were shy at first but I kept on talking with them. As time
went by, they weren’t shy anymore; they already cooperated.)
Nadalian/nahirapan ba kayo? Paano ninyo nasabing madali/mahirap?
(Did you find it easy/difficult? Why do say it was easy/difficult?)
Interviewers who found it easy said:
• Madali silang tanungin o kausapin. (They were easy to ask or talk to.)
• Magaling mag-Tagalog ang aking nainterview. (The person I interviewed spoke Tagalog very
well.)
Interviewers who found it difficult said:
• Medyo magulo ang mga sinasabi nila. (Their statements were quite confusing.)
• Parang pigil ang salita nila. (It seems as if they are restraining themselves on what to say.)
• Hindi sila makaintindi ng Tagalog, hindi “maalam.” (They can’t understand Tagalog.)
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
•
Hindi sila nakapag-aral sa simula’t sapul, kaya hirap makaintindi. (They were not able to attend
school from the start, that’s why they find it hard to understand [the questions]).
Option A:
Facilitating Factors in Conduct of Interviews
• Proficiency in Tagalog
• Motivation brought about by giveaways
• Respondent’s disposition
Supporting statements of interviewers:
Hindering Factors in Conduct of Interviews
• Lack of clarity of answers provided by
respondents
• Cautiousness or self-restraint in answering
• Language barrier
• Absence of formal education (which
can cause language barriers and hinder
communication)
Supporting statements of interviewers:
•
•
•
•
Magaling mag-Tagalog ang
aking nainterview. (The person I
interviewed spoke Tagalog very well.)
Parang ginanahan sila sa give-aways.
(They appeared to be motivated by
the give-aways.)
Madali silang tanungin o kausapin.
(They were easy to ask or talk to.)
•
•
•
•
•
Page 120
Medyo magulo ang mga sinasabi nila. (Their
statements were quite confusing.)
Parang pigil ang salita nila. (It seems as if
they are restraining themselves on what to
say.)
Sumasagot o tumatango sila pero hindi
nag-oopen. (They reply or nod but they
don’t open up.)
Hindi sila makaintindi ng Tagalog, hindi
“maalam.” (They can’t understand Tagalog.)
Bisaya ang salita nila, naging interpreter pa
ang anak. (They speak Visayan and even ask
their children to act as interpreters.)
Hindi sila nakapag-aral sa simula’t sapul,
kaya hirap makaintindi. (They were not
able to attend school from the start, that’s
why they find it hard to understand [the
questions]).
Annex A
Option B:
Facilitating
Factors
•
•
•
Proficiency in Tagalog
Motivation brought
about by give-aways
Respondent’s
disposition
•
•
•
Hindering
Factors
•
•
•
•
Lack of clarity of
answers provided by
respondents
Cautiousness or selfrestraint in answering
Language barrier
Absence of formal
education (which
can cause language
barriers and hinder
communication)
•
•
•
•
•
•
Supporting Statements of Interviewers
Magaling mag-Tagalog ang aking nainterview.
(The person I interviewed spoke Tagalog
very well.)
Parang ginanahan sila sa give-aways. (They
appeared to be motivated by the giveaways.)
Madali silang tanungin o kausapin. (They
were easy to ask or talk to.)
Medyo magulo ang mga sinasabi nila. (Their
statements were quite confusing.)
Parang pigil ang salita nila. (It seems as if
they are restraining themselves on what to
say.)
Sumasagot o tumatango sila pero hindi nagoopen. (They reply or nod but they don’t
open up.)
Hindi sila makaintindi ng Tagalog, hindi
“maalam.” (They can’t understand Tagalog.)
Bisaya ang salita nila, naging interpreter pa
ang anak. (They speak Visayan and even ask
their children to act as interpreters.)
Hindi sila nakapag-aral sa simula’t sapul, kaya
hirap makaintindi. (They were not able to
attend school from the start, that’s why they
find it hard to understand [the questions]).
* Overall, it was easier to find adult respondents for the survey. Out of the 49 respondents, 43 were
adults and only 6 were children. There weren’t many children to be seen who are old enough to
work but not yet of legal age. People seemed quite suspicious when asked outright if there were any
children around who were 17 years old and below. However, one interviewer group that emphasized
the different set of questions for the youth was able to get some child respondents. The sacadas
were generally shy or unwilling to participate in the survey, but some were won over by the idea
of receiving tokens after the interview. The main challenges encountered were the language barrier
(sacadas were Visayan-speaking while the interviewers used Tagalog) and the general cautiousness
or fear of backlash for any information that might be shared. More interviewers found their task
challenging rather than simple.
B.
Feedback from JPA,Technical Assistant, on Accomplishment of Survey Forms
•
•
Interviewers tend to write the year level without indicating whether it is “high school” or
“college” in “naabot sa paaralan” (education background).
There is confusion in filling up the two different segments asking for the total number of
years working in sugarcane plantations and the number of months in the current place of
employment.
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
•
•
•
•
The “Kung Contractor” portion is sometimes answered even though choice #3 (contractor)
had not been encircled under item #6.
The age and/or educational background are not clear or indicated in item #7.
In item #9, the following are recurring mistakes:
a) family members who are not presently living with the sacadas are included in the table
b) wage is not clear or indicated (if worker is unsure, it should be written in the
corresponding space)
c) it is unclear whether the written amounts or number of tons refer to daily/weekly/
monthly salary or output
Many of the explanations are insufficient for items 13, 16, and 17, which require sacadas to
expound on their capacity to provide for their family’s needs, compare their hometown with
their current residence, and give concrete examples of how they show love to their children.
Sacada quarters, Brgy. Putol, Balayan
The research team visited the last sacada settlement for this trip. The sacadas lived in a windowless house
made of hollow blocks, with a cramped interior and a thin metal roof that hardly provides shelter against the
heat of the sun. It was so hot, in fact, that the workers were spending their late afternoon leisure time in the
yard with a couple of trees that provided shade. They had no bathroom and the house itself was set on dirt,
far from the main road and about 30 minutes from the town center in Nasugbu. The interviewers found out
the following about this particular group:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Page 122
Only adults work as sacadas; there are no minors as the employer is strict about following
age restrictions.
Majority of the sacadas are related to one another and come from the same town, specifically
Bindoy, a third class municipality in the Negros Oriental province. Thus, the atmosphere is
friendly among the cutters.
They spend their free time telling jokes and sharing stories.
There is a general appearance of contentment in relation to employer’s treatment.
The employer lets them borrow money in advance to buy food or send money to their
families at home.
They receive higher pay (PhP160) in Batangas compared to PhP70 in Negros Oriental.
They have a designated person who solely does the cooking and gets paid for it.
There is no radio, television, or any other means of entertainment or source of news in the
quarters.
Working hours are typically from 5-6 am to 5-7 pm.
Sacadas are free to go to other places after work but many prefer to remain in their barracks.
Annex A
Mountainous Batobato, Libacao, Aklan
Motorcycle ride to Batobato, Libacao, Aklan
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Meeting with the Mayor and SB Members
Mabinay, Negros Oriental
May 15, 2014
The Sacada Team (Dr. Editha V. Maslang, Project Director; and Josephine Gabriel-Banaag, Research Associate)
with Celestino Rosete of World Vision and Reynaluz Lim of Community Economic Ventures, Inc. (CEVI) met
with Mayor Ernie Uy and six Sangguniang Bayan (SB) members (including Rita and Bibi).The SB members have
been introduced as hacienderos themselves by Mayor Uy.
The meeting started at 6:30 p.m. with Dr. Maslang leading the discussion. After introducing the Sacada Team
and CEVI, the purpose in the area as well as the objective of the meeting, the matrix below captures the
essence of the discussion.
EVM Queries / Statements
Gusto naming malaman ang
sitwasyon ng mga sakada.
Responses
The people in Negros Oriental go to Bulacan and Negros Occidental
to work. This is because of poverty.
In Mahinay, there are policies. As an intervention, we provide
livelihood program so that they can feed their families.
There are several livelihood associations organized by the
Department of Agriculture (DA) and the Mayor’s Office.
Mahinay is mainly agricultural.When it is off season, the people work as
sacadas outside the municipality.They come back during the milling season.
Sacadas are sometimes victims of human trafficking.Visayan Forum
(VF) apprehended (intercepted) farm workers who were bound for
Tarlac and Pampanga.
Anecdotal – Three years ago, a friend was bringing farm workers to
provinces outside Negros Oriental. PhP3,000 was left for the family
upon departure. The wife would ride to the port where money was
given. The farm workers would ride Ceres from Mabinay to Tarlac.
Transportation was free.
Anecdotal – The friend of the SB requested that he deposits money
in the account of the SB since he is from Mahinay and the family
members will get their support through the SB member. The farm
workers would gamble and also charge their meals in the canteen.
So sometimes, nothing was left to be sent to the family. This caused
a problem to the SB since the family (the wife, in particular) would
come to her and ask for the “remittance”. She then stopped her
involvement in this arrangement.
They earn PhP180 – PhP200/ton. So their families in Mabinay can
receive financial support from them.
Page 124
Annex A
The farm workers can also work in Mahinay at PhP150/ton, depending
on the location. If it is “hilly” then the rate is more expensive.
Do you hire migrant
workers?
Do you have anything more
to share?
The 4Ps increase the amount of labor cost. People do not want to
work anymore. They just wait for their monthly 4Ps support.
No
The destination now is no longer Pampanga but Cagayan Valley (for
farm workers in Mahinay who go out of the province).
There are instances of human trafficking. More middlemen. It is a
business.
Five years ago, it was Pandan, Antique as a sending area to Negros
Occidental.
About labor laws, salary is not standardized.
The meeting ended at 7:00 p.m.
FGD in Brgy. Batobato, Libacao, Aklan
April 24, 2015
The focus group discussion conducted in Brgy Batobato, Libacao was participated by 17 former sacadas,
three currently working as sacadas, 21 wives and one mother of sacadas.
Brgy. Batobato was described as a distant community, with bad roads and limited land for farming. It is far
from the school but has a health center with a midwife. Diarrhea is the common illness suffered by the
children. The residents get their water from the well. The community is relatively peaceful with occasions
of conflicts after a drinking session. There are children from the community who work as house helpers in
Kalibo.
The sacada participants:
The ages of the 20 FGD sacada participants ranged from 22 to 73 years old with a mean age of 44 years. Ten
of them began as child sacadas (below 18 years old), with one starting as early as 13 years old.They worked in
sugarcane farms as cutters in different provinces, frequently identifying Pampanga,Tarlac and Batangas. Other
places of work included Negros Province, Isabela, Cavite and Mindanao. They were lured to sacada work
because of the limited livelihood opportunities in their barangay. Sacada work also allowed them to have
the benefit of getting a cash advance of PhP5000 to PhP10,000 before leaving, plus additional loans in times
of emergency. Among them, there were two who had other family members who had worked or are still
working as sacadas. One admitted that being a sacada had been the source of livelihood of his grandfather,
father and six siblings while all the children of another participant are sacadas.
Most of the former sacadas stopped working when they got married and chose to stay with their families.
Heavy work and accumulated loans were the reasons given by the others to shift to other sources of
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Aklan Governor Miraflores
Mayor of Libacao, Aklan
FGD with sacada children, Batobato, Libacao, Aklan
Page 126
Annex A
livelihood. Presently, they derive income from abaca, rice and corn farming; copra making and driving the
habal habal or motorcycle, the common means of transportation in their community.
Sacada life is hard. A typical day starts at 1 am when they are fetched by a truck for the day’s farm assignment.
If still asleep, they will be forced to get up and dragged to the truck. They start working at 4 am until around
10 am for a quick lunch. Usual lunch consists of packed rice and sardines or the food from the canteen
deductible from their daily wages. Work resumes immediately until they are brought back to their barracks
at around 3 pm.
Sacadas are dependent on their contractor for all their needs. They do not have money for their daily
expenses so they get their personal necessities e.g., rice, canned goods, laundry and bath soap from the store
owned by the contractor on credit, deductible from their wages.They are allowed to get as much as PhP500/
week or PhP1,000/week if they have their families/children with them.
Sacadas are not allowed to go around for a leisurely walk, go out with friends, or relax and enjoy drinking
with co workers. Some get sick or meet an accident e.g., cut finger, falling from a truck, or electrocuted.They
are brought to the hospital or given medication depending on the gravity of their illness. The participants
estimated about three of their co workers die from accidents every year. A participant admitted he ran away
from the group when he got sick of ulcer and all his medical expenses were charged from his wages. Others
opted to escape from the contractor because of accumulated loans. But when caught, they are charged
double the interest on their loans plus PhP3,000 penalty.
Given a choice, the sacada participants expressed their option to stop sacada work and stay with their
families. They mentioned livestock and poultry raising as their preferred alternative means of livelihood.
The sacada spouses/families left behind:
Wives of sacadas also gave their views on sacada life. The FGD participants were not the respective wives
of the sacada participants. Also among them is a 56-year old participant separated from her husband and a
mother of a sacada working in Isabela. Another participant is a 62-year old wife of a former sacada with six
of their seven children now working as sacadas.The ages of the FGD participants ranged from 22 to 62 years
old. Their husbands were forced to join the group of sacadas to support their families, one in particular had
to earn money for their sick child. Now that most of their husbands have stopped being sacadas, some of
the participants contribute to the family income by working as a farm laborer, a canteen staff or a barangay
Kagawad (councilor).
Sacada life in the eyes of their families:
The sacadas have to endure the hard work but get only half of the pay due them. The other half goes to
the contractor. They are forced to work continuously for long hours, otherwise physically punished by the
“cabo”. Food is scarce, and the bunk houses are cramped and poorly ventilated.They do not have the benefit
of a SSS or other insurance compensation. All their expenses, including medicines are credited to their wages
which left them very little or no income to take home to their families after the end of the planting season.
Back home, the wives are left to confront the problems and difficulties by themselves. It is hardest when the
children get sick or the wife gives birth without her husband. Sometimes they are forced to get additional
cash advance from the contractor during emergency situations. While enduring the loneliness and facing
their personal and economic problems, they worry about their husbands’ difficult situation away from home.
The children cry when they long for their fathers’ presence. The families communicate with their sacada
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
husbands/children through cellphones rarely, sometimes every six months and during urgent situations.With
all the cash advances and the expenses deducted from the wages earned in the field, the sacada brings home
very little money or worse, an accumulated loan from the contractor.
To augment the family’s income, the wives of the sacadas noted the assistance they get as beneficiaries of the
Department of Social Welfare and Development’s (DSWD) Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps). They
also expressed their wish for more livelihood opportunities in their community.
Field Validation and Video Documentation in Aklan
22-26 April 2015
Persons/groups interviewed:
The research team arrived in Kalibo, Aklan in the morning of 22 April 2015 and visited the offices of the
DSWD, DOLE and the Office of the Governor to schedule interviews and video documentation.The team also
contacted the previous field coordinator Mrs. Fanny P. Orbista, the Municipal Social Work and Development
Officer (MSWDO) based in Libacao, Aklan, the site of field data collection and case studies conducted by the
team last year. Mrs. Orbista assigned Ms. Cathy Gumtan, a local focal person, to coordinate the team’s visit
in Barangay Bato-bato and other barangays on 23-24 April 2015. Ms. Gumtan also arranged with the barangay
captain of Bato-bato the overnight stay and video shoots in the community of the team’s two professional
videographers who would capture the daily life of the sacadas, their interaction with their community, and their
physical environment. In the afternoon of 22 April, 2015, the team gave a courtesy call to the Vice Mayor of
Libacao who suggested that the team visit a “sacada village “ in nearby Barangay Janlud. A possible quick visit to
another nearby community, Barangay Julita, was suggested by its barangay captain, Mr. Gabriel.
The Officer-In-Charge of the DOLE Aklan Field Office, Ms. Arlyn Siaotong, suggested that the team also
interview a former sacada child worker, Ronald Niñofranco of Madalag, Aklan, who was one of the first
scholars of DOLE and now employed in Boracay Regency Beach Resort and Spa.
The following key informants and groups were interviewed either for the field validation or video
documentation during the period 22 -26 April 2015:
1.
Governor Miraflores, Aklan (video documentation)
2.DSWD (video documentation)
3.
Ms. Arlyn Siaotong, OIC, DOLE Aklan Field Office (video documentation)
4.
Brgy. Captain Orlando of Bato-bato (video documentation)
5.
Brgy. Captain Gabriel of Julita (very brief interview)
6.
16 children of sacadas in Brgy. Bato-bato (FGD); 4 children (3 girls, 1 boy) individually interviewed for
video documentation
7.
20 adult sacadas (and their spouses) in Brgy. Bato-bato (FGD)
8.
10 adult sacadas in Brgy. Janlud (FGD)
9.
Three sacada families in Brgy. Janlud (case studies)
10.
Ms. Lyzzelle M. Ceralde, Human Resource Manager, Henann Group of Resorts, Boracay Regency
Beach Resort and Spa, Station 2, Beachfront, Boracay Island, Aklan
11.
Mr. Ronald Niñofranco, a former child sacada from Madalag, Aklan, now linen attendant in Boracay
Regency Beach Resort and Spa (video documentation)
Page 128
Sacadas carrying heavy sugarcane load on to a truck
Highlights of KIIs
1.
Boracay Regency Resort and Spa (BRRS), Boracay, Aklan
Ms. Lyzzell Ceralde is the Head of Human Resources, Boracay Regency Resort and Spa (BRRS), Boracay,
Aklan. She has been with BRRS for eight (8) years. She is the alternate Vice Chair of the Industry Tripartite
Council (ITC) in Region 6, representing Mr. Errol Ledesma,Vice President of BRRS. The BRRS represents the
management sector in the ITC.
According to Ms. Ceralde, the ITC is a platform initiated and chaired by DOLE, with 30 members from
government, business and labor sectors. The ITC serves as consultative mechanism regarding common
skills needed by the business sector, such as housekeeping, plumbing, carpentry, electrician, etc. The platform
presents solutions to LGUs to address concerns of members, i.e., boarding houses, transport, etc. It aims
to foster better relations between management and workers. There are two Vice-Chairs, one representing
management, i.e., BRRS, and another one representing labor. ITC meets once a month. The members come
and go but hopefully will be regularized soon. The ITC members though actively participate when there are
new regulations to comply with, such as the DOH requirement for all massage therapists to be licensed/
accredited.
Ms. Ceralde is pleased to share with the research team that Ronald Niñofranco, 20 years old, and a former
sacada from Madalag, Aklan was the first recipient of the CLSR, thru the ITC chaired by DOLE-6. Ronald
completed a two–month TESDA training on housekeeping, after which DOLE asked BRRS to accept Ronald
for employment. In 2012, Ronald got employed in BRRS through Maning Agency which is BRRS’ exclusive
supplier of human resources. Ronald’s first assignment was as gardener, and later other tasks whenever help
is needed. Within two years, Ronald has been promoted to public attendant, then linen attendant. According
to Ms. Ceralde, Ronald’s direct supervisor is pleased with Ronald’s commendable performance.While Ronald
completed second year high school education, Ronald is having difficulty communicating in English. One
time, Ronald reported to his supervisor that “may rabbit sa bubong” (there is a rabbit in the rooftop).
The supervisor found out that Ronald was referring to the mouse (not a rabbit). With more exposure and
experience, Ronald could polish his English so he could relate better with hotel guests and co-workers. Ms.
Ceralde believes that through hard work, Ronald could possibly become a regular employee after two years.
2.
Governor Miraflores
The Governor thanked the research team for the visit. He mentioned that the migrant workers or the
sacadas mainly come from the municipalities of Libacao and Madalag, which are two of the most depressed
towns of the province and where livelihood opportunities are very limited. These two towns though have
the biggest land areas but mostly covered by forests, hence good main sources of water. Moreover, Libacao
and Madalag are mountainous areas, with some areas which cannot be reached yet by transport because of
the very poor road condition.
Page 130
Annex A
One of the major thrusts of the province is to improve the agricultural sector in these two towns - Madalag
and Libacao. As far as infrastructure is concerned, these two towns have actually been left out. Aklan is
basically known for its tourism programs, and tourism potential because of the Island of Boracay. Tourism is
one of Aklan’s main sources of income, and livelihood and job creations. Libacao and Madalag are situated in
the eastern part of Aklan, while Boracay is on the western side of Aklan. Hence, in the total development
of the province, these two towns, Libacao and Madalag have been left out. Compared with the other 15
towns of Aklan, the opportunities for work is really very difficult in the towns of Libacao and Madalag. Hence,
migration of workers to other areas has not been reduced compared to the other 15 towns.
Presently, Aklan has a program on the development first of the infrastructure. The province has been asking
the help of the National Government and the World Bank to improve the road systems, basically, of these
two towns, Libacao and Madalag. Currently, the program is building a new bridge from the main highway, to
Madalag, to be able to give them more access to commerce in Kalibo, the main commercial center of Aklan
The Governor has been to the mountainous areas of Libacao and Madalag. Even if the far flung barangays have
agricultural potential, people are discouraged to go into farming since they could not market their produce.
In 1995, the Governor during his first term, implemented the twin thrusts of the province, namely development
of agriculture and tourism sectors.They succeeded in the tourism sector, making Boracay as the main tourist
destination in the Philippines. In 2014, for instance, there were almost 1.5 million tourists coming to the
island. It generated, according to the Department of Tourism, an income of PhP47B in terms of tourism
receipts. But in terms of returns from National Government to the province, the province just gets its usual
share of the internal revenue allotments.The province has always been harping on the National Government
that since it is contributing so much to the national economy, it should also prioritize the province in terms
of other developments especially agriculture. The idea is whatever Aklan earns from tourism, this should be
ploughed back to agriculture.
According to the Governor, rural road infrastructure would require huge investments other than those
from tourism alone. Hence, external funding support from the World Bank was sought. Under the Provincial
Road Development Program (PRDP) funded by the World Bank, Libacao and Madalag road system will be
improved. Moreover, a research and development partnership with the academe, the Aklan State University,
will (1) develop and propagate disease resistant local indigenous abaca, the main product of Libacao and
Madalag which has a very bright future in the world market; (2) develop abaca processing technology for
value-addition; and (3) management technology for abaca-coconut intercrop system.
The Governor believes that the abovementioned road infrastructure and agricultural development programs
can now hold on to the people in those particular areas - by giving them opportunities for livelihood, for
more productive endeavors considering that the potential also of these two towns is quite substantial. The
Governor aims for balance development of the agriculture sector, and preservation of the watershed of the
Aklan River.
Though figures on child labor are not available, the Governor affirmed the prevalence of child labor in
Libacao and Madalag since it is common knowledge that in the sacada system, families send their children
to work even though they are minors. With the provincial government’s thrust of improving agricultural
production and rural road system, families could stay in the farm and be economically productive rather than
leave for sacada work elsewhere.
Page 131
Highlights of Focus Group Discussions
(Children of sacada families in Brgy. Bato-Bato, Libacao,Aklan)
On the invitation of the research team through Barangay Captain Orlando, 16 children ages 5 to 18 (7
boys, 9 girls) attended the focus group discussion held in front of the house of the barangay captain on 24
April 2015. Out of 16 children, only one has family member (a brother) who still continues to do sacada
work. Fifteen (15) children said their fathers/brothers used to do sacada work, but had recently stopped
because of available work in road construction in the community.Twelve (12) children said they are currently
beneficiaries of DSWD’s 4Ps program.
Pampanga and Batangas were the places of work mentioned by the children. Majority of the girls and boys
shared their feeling of sadness when their fathers/brothers left for sacada work because of the following
reasons:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Dahil walang kasama sa bahay (no companion at home)
Dahil walang tatay sa bahay (no father present at home)
Dahil walang tatay at walang maghahanapbuhay (no father at home and no one will work to
support the family)
Dahil walang kausap (no one to talk to) - this is the case of a boy whose mother died and
who was left behind in the care of a semi-paralyzed grandmother
Dahil hindi buo ang pamilya (family not complete)
Dahil iniiwan kami kay lola (he/she was left under the care of the grandmother)
A few girls said they were happy when their fathers/brothers left for sacada work for six months, because:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Dahil walang nag-iinom (no more drinking session)
Para walang kaaway sa bahay (no enemy at home)
Dahil may hanapbuhay (he will have a paid work)
Dahil walang sisita (no one to scold her or ask her questions)
When asked if the absence of the family member had personally affected him /her and other family members,
and how, the following are their responses:
(a)
Page 132
Their school performance were somehow affected because:
1.
Dahil pag kailangan sa school ng magulang, kulang ng isa kasi dalawa kaming nag aaral
(When school activity of two children required presence of parents, only one sibling
could bring his/her mother)
2.
Walang tatay na nagtuturo sa aralin (no father around to guide in home work/
lessons)
3.
Dahil kasama sa bukid para mag trabaho (abaka at kopra) (missed father who would
bring him to farm work).
Annex A
(b)
Their mothers would be greatly affected, as in:
(1)
Minsan nagiging masungit (sometimes grumpy)
(2)
Minsan moody (sometimes moody)
(3)
Mainit ang ulo (hot temper)
(4)
Nahihirapan si nanay pag wala si tatay (Mother had double burden while my father
was away). Naaawa po ako sa Nanay ko kaya minsan tinutulungan ko na lang si Nanay
para di sya mahirapan (I pity my mother, so sometimes I will help her to ease her
burden);
(5)
Napapalo dahil di sinusunod ang utos ni nanay (Children got hit by mother when
they disobey mother’s instruction)
Children said that their communication with family members doing sacada work was not on regular basis,
rather “ pagdating na lang kami nag-uusap” (we spoke when they come back); or “pumupunta sa contractor
para makibalita kung kailan uuwi” (will see the contractor to get news on their return dates).
Will the children allow their fathers/brothers to go back to sacada work again? Majority answered “No” for
the following reasons:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Dahil matanda na si tatay, di na nya kaya ang magsakada (Father is already old and could no
longer do sacada work)
Mahirap mag sakada (sacada work is difficult/tough)
Malayo sa pamilya (away from family)
Dahil wala ng utang si tatay, dito na lang maghanap ng trabaho (Father is no longer indebted;
he would look for work nearby).
Dahil maraming project ang barangay (there are many projects in the barangay)
Dahil ng bumalik si tatay/kuya bumalik ang saya ng pamilya (when father/brother came back,
we were again a happy family as before)
Nagkasakit sa baga si Tatay, hindi na natapos ang kontrata, wala pang natanggap na tulong o
benepisyo mula sa contractor (Father got sick of lung cancer and did not finish his contract,
no assistance nor social benefit was given by the contractor)
Other girls answered “ Yes” for the following reasons:
1.
2.
3.
Para walang kaaway sa bahay (so no one will make trouble at home)
Dahil nakakatulong nga kaunti sa gastusin (it does help in family expenses)
Para makatulong sa pag-aaral ko (to support my education)
When asked if the income from sacada work is enough for family needs, many answered “Hindi, dahil pagbalik
galing pag sasakada ay ubos kaagad” (No, because soon after coming back all money is spent and gone). Some
said “Ibinibigay sa nanay ang kaunting kita; yong natira ay pinang iinom lang” (Some money is given to mother;
the rest is used for vices like drinking ). In general, the children said that their status did not improve after
sacada work. Many sacadas would engage in “pagsasaka” (mais, palay, kopra, abaka)(farming (corn, rice, copra
making, abaca), and construction work in barangay road projects.
The children observed that in Brgy Bato-Bato, the following improvements have been going on: kalsada
sementado na (concrete roads); nagkaroon ng kuryente (rural electrification); and nagkaroon ng tubig
(available water supply ). Moreover, the children noted that “Nababawasan na ang sakada dahil gumiginhawa
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
na ang buhay at may trabaho ng iba” (migrant workers or sacadas are declining in number because their
status is improving and many have been employed locally).
The children would not want to become migrant workers (sacadas) themselves in the future because:
mahirap ang trabaho (heavy work); mainit (hot weather); walang pahinga (no rest); walang tigil sa pagtatrabaho
(continuously working); mahirap magtabas ng tubo (cane cutting is a difficult job). Many dream of becoming
professionals (doctor, forester, chef, HR, teacher, police, army, camera man) or get any lucrative job. They
realize that to achieve their dreams they have to: mag-aral ng mabuti (study hard); magtrabaho habang
nag-aaral (working student); wag magloko/mag-aral na mabuti (don’t take it easy/study hard); magtiyaga
(persevere); magsikap (strive hard).
Moreover, the children in their young minds and upon hearing the word sacada, have associated the following
with sacada/work: tubo (sugar cane); mainit (hot weather); kailangang mabilis ang kilos (fast/quick moves/
action); maagang gumigising (early riser); mahirap ang trabaho (tough job). If there is one word to describe
sacada work to the next generation, they will describe it as “mahirap magsacada” (sacada work is not easy!).
Page 134
Annex B
Survey Instruments
SURVEY TOOL FOR SACADA ADULT/PARENT RESPONDENTS
Notes to interviewer:
1.Encircle  the code number that best corresponds to the respondent (R)’s answer.
2.
Be sure to ask respondent to ‘specify’ if her/his answers fall under ‘others’.
3.
Review/Check that answers are complete, clear, and specific (not broad) before you leave
the respondent. Incomplete answers will mean you will need to go back to the respondent
to get additional data. Thus, please check the completeness (avoiding blank question items)
of the answers to the questions before ending the interview.
4.
If respondent is not the sacada herself, ask about the member of her family who works in
the sugarcane plantation.
5.
If space for writing is not enough, use the back of the page of the survey instrument, write
the question number and the answer of the respondent.
6.
Please write CLEARLY and NEATLY. (Be sure to translate the Visayan dialect to either Tagalog
or English)
Name of province:
Name of interviewer:
Name of
municipality:
Date of interview:
Name of barangay and / or sitio:
Time start of interview:
Time end of interview:
Ipakilala ang inyong sarili
Magandang umaga/hapon. Ako po ay si (your name). Narito ako upang makapanayam po kayo nang ilang
sandali tungkol sa inyong pamilya, bilang mga manggagawa sa tubuhan. Isa po kayo sa mga ilang napili upang
tumugon sa aming mga katanungan. Nawa ay mapaunlakan ninyo po ako.
Makaaasa po kayong walang maling sagot sa anumang aking itatanong, at ang inyong mga sagot ay ituturing
naming kumpidensyal. Nawa ay maging bukas po kayo sa paglalahad ng inyong saloobin.
______________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________
Pangalan ng Respondent: ____________________________________________________________
Socio-demographic and economic profile
1.
Kayo po ba ay tubong taga Aklan (walang pinanggalingan na ibang probinsya o lalawigan)?
1Oo
2
Hindi, saan po kayo galing na probinsya? ________________________________
Ilang taon na po kayong naninirahan sa Aklan? ______________
2.
Ilan po ang kabuuang bilang ng miembro ng inyong pamilya (kasama ang mag-asawa)? _____
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
3.
Ilan po ang kabuuang bilang ng inyong mga anak? ______
Ilan po sa kanila ang kasama ninyo sa inyong tirahan nitong anim na buwan o mahigit? _________
4.
Sa bawat miembro po ng inyong pamilya na kasama ninyo sa inyong tahanan, pakibanggit
lamang po ang mga sumusunod:
Miembro
ng inyong
pamilya
Respondent
Asawa
Anak 1
Anak 2
Anak 3
Edad/Gulang
Kasarian
1 Babae
2 Lalaki
Naabot
sa pagaaral
Naghahanapbuhay?
Uri ng
1 Oo
hanapbuhay (use
2 Hindi
codes below*)
Codes (Uri ng hanapbuhay)*
1. Pagtutubo
2. Pagsasaka
3. Pangingisda
4. Kopra
5. Iba pa, tukuyin
(For family members working in a sugarcane farm):
(Put answers on the table provided below; refer to child rank number in the preceding table)
4a. Saan po silang lugar na kadalasang nagtutubo?
4b. lang taon na po silang nagtutubo?
4c. Magkano po ang kanilang kita sa tubuhan? (Be sure to ask for the average total number of tons produced
by each family member and the cost per ton; you may compute the total after the interview).
4d. Anu-ano ang mga karaniwang gawain nila sa tubuhan? (Use codes below)
**Codes
01
Paglilinis (clearing)
02 Pagdadamo (weeding)
03 Paghahanda (pag-aararo, pagbubungkal etc.) ng lupa para sa pagtatanim
04
Pag-aayos ng kanal (canal trashing)
05 Paghahanda ng mga itatanim (preparation of planting materials
06 Pagtatanim (sowing)
07 Paglagay ng abono (applying fertilizer)
08 Pagsunog ng tanim bago anihin
09 Paggapas/Pagputol ng tubo (harvesting)
10 Pagtatabas ng dahon (peeling sugarcane leaves)
11 Pagtatambak ng tubo
12 Paghakot/Pagkarga ng tubo sa sasakyan
13 Pagtitimbang tubo
14 Paghahatid ng tubo sa factory
15 Paghahanda ng pagkain para sa ibang manggagawa sa tubuhan
16 Iba pa, tukuyin: __________________________
Page 136
Annex B
Lugar
Miembro ng
kung saan
pamilya
nagtutubo
Ilang
taon na
nagtutubo
Magkano ang karaniwang kita (Pesos)
Kabuuang
Magkano
Bilang ng
kita
bawat
tonelada
(compute
tonelada
later)
Karaniwang
gawain
(refer to
codes**)
Respondent
Asawa
Anak ____
Anak ____
Anak ____
5
Ano po ang karaniwang oras ng inyong/kanilang trabaho sa tubuhan:
Mula alas: ___________ ng umaga; Hanggang alas: _____________ hapon
6
Ilang araw po kayo/sila sa isang linggo kung magtrabaho? ____________ araw
7
Sino po ang naghikayat sa inyo/kanila upang magtrabaho sa tubuhan?
1
2
3
4
Wala, kusa ko/naming nagdesisyon
Kaibigan/Kapitbahay
Contractor
Iba pa, tukuyin: _______________________________________________________
Kung Contractor:
7a. Taga saan po siya? __________________________________ 2 Di alam
7b. Paano niyo po siya nakilala?
1
Ipinakilala ng kamag-anak/kaibigan
2
Nagtanong sa aming lugar kung may interesado, lumapit akong kusa
3
Kilala na siya sa aming lugar na parating nagdadala ng trabahador sa ibang lugar
4
Iba pa, tukuyin:
______________________________________________________
7c. Mayroon po ba kayong binigay na anumang bayad sa contractor kapalit ng inyong pagparito?
1 Mayroon 2 Wala
Kung mayroon, pakibanggit po kung ano ito?
1
Porsyento ng aking sahod, magkano po? _____________
Kailan ibinibigay? 1 Pagkatapos ng kontrata
2 Kada buwanang sahod
3 Kada linggo
4 Depende, kung may maiabot
5 Iba pa, tukuyin: _____________________________
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
2
Iba pa, tukuyin:
____________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________
Sa pamilyang naiwan ng tatay/nanay na naghahanapbuhay sa ibang lugar:
8.
Sino po ang kumakalinga sa inyong mga anak kapag naiiwan sila ng (tatay/nanay) upang maghanapbuhay
sa ibang lugar?
1
Nanay
2
Tatay
3
Nakatatandang anak
4
Lolo at / o Lola
5
Ibang kamag-anak, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
6Kaibigan
7
Iba pa, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
9.
Paano po ang komunikasyon niya sa inyong pamilya/anak na naiwan?
1
2
3
4
10.
Walang komunikasyon
Cellphone/Text/Tawag
Sulat
Iba pa, tukuyin: _______________________________________________________
Gaano po kayo kadalas mag-usap?
1
Araw-araw
2
3x o mahigit sa loob ng isang linggo
3
Minsan sa isang buwan
4
Bihira lamang, hal. minsan sa loob ng 1 o 2 buwan
5
Iba pa, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
11.
May pinadadala po ba siyang pangtustos sa kanilang pangangailangan?
1 Mayroon 2 Wala
Kung mayroon, Magkano po ang pangkaraniwang pinadadala ninyo sa loob ng isang buwan?
PhP ________
Page 138
Annex B
Katayuan ng pamilya
12.
Paano po ninyo maisasalarawan ang kabuuang kalagayan o katayuan ng inyong pamilya sa ngayon.
Mamili po kayo sa aking mga babanggitin, at pakipaliwanag po ang inyong kasagutan.
Katayuan ng pamilya
1 Natutugunan nang sapat ang lahat ng mga
pangangailangan (able to sufficiently provide for all
the needs)
2 Minsan ay hindi natutugunan ang lahat ng
pangangailangan (At times, fail to provide all the
needs)
3 Mas madalas na hindi natutugunan ang lahat ng
mga pangangailangan (Often times, unble to provide
the needs)
4 Hirap na hirap talaga na matugunan ang lahat ng
mga pangangailangan (It is really difficult to provide
the needs.)
5 Iba pa, tukuyin:
13.
Paliwanag
Ano po ang mga suliranin na nararanasan o naranasan ninyo o sinuman sa inyong pamilya sa
pagtratrabaho sa tubuhan, kung mayroon man? (allow for multiple responses)
0
Wala
1
Malungkot dahil malayo sa pamilya (homesick)
2
Kulang sa tulog/pahinga
3
Masakit ang pangangatawan dahil sa bigat ng trabaho
4
Di sapat na pagkain
5
Di magandang pagtrato ng amo, ipaliwanag:
__________________________________________________________________
6
Di makasundong katrabaho, ipaliwanag:
__________________________________________________________________
7
Walang tulong o serbisyong natatanggap, halimbawa, kapag nagkakasakit
8
Iba pa, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
14.
Pakilarawan po ang inyong sitwasyon o kalagayan sa lugar na kasalukuyan ninyong tinitirhan (Aklan) at
sa lugar na kung saan kadalasan kayong nagtutubo. Magbabanggit po ako ng mga posibleng sitwasyon
sa dalawang lugar na nabanggit, pakisabi lamang po kung kayo ay:
3Sumasang-ayon
2
Di sumasang-ayon, o
1
Di tiyak/Di masabi
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Sitwasyon
1 Malayo sa kabihasnan/lungsod; mahirap puntahan
2 Karamihan ng mga tao ay walang hanapbuhay
3 Karamihan ng mga pamilya ay walang makain dahil sa
kahirapan
4 Maraming mga bata na di makapag-aral
5 Kulang sa mga pasilidad (tulad ng paaralan, health
center, atbp.)
6 Kulang sa pangunahing serbisyo (edukasyon, kalusugan,
atbp.)
7 Mahirap/Di maayos ang mga daanan
8 Palaging binabagyo/binabaha
9 May kaguluhan (problema sa peace and order)
10 Iba pa, tukuyin:
Kasalukuyang
lugar na tinitirhan
(Aklan)
3
2
1
3
2
1
Lugar na kung saan
nagtutubo
3
3
2
2
1
1
3
2
1
3
2
1
3
3
2
2
1
1
3
3
2
2
1
1
3
2
1
3
2
1
3
3
3
3
2
2
2
2
1
1
1
1
3
3
3
3
2
2
2
2
1
1
1
1
3
3
3
3
2
2
2
2
1
1
1
1
3
2
1
3
2
1
3
2
1
3
2
1
3
2
1
3
2
1
3
2
1
Motivations, values and perceptions
15.
Magbabanggit po ako ng mga ilang pangungusap, pakisabi po kung kayo ay:
3Sumasang-ayon
2
Hindi sumasang-ayon
1 Di tiyak sa bawat pangungusap
Pangungusap
1. Bilang magulang, inaalagaan namin nang lubos ang aming mga anak.
2. Mahalaga para sa amin ang mga anak na naghahanapbuhay sa murang edad.
3. Mataas ang pagpapahalaga namin sa aming mga anak na naghahanapbuhay.
4. Maaasahan kami ng aming mga anak sa anumang oras ng pangangailangan.
5. Lubos na hinahangaan ko ang mga batang naghahanapbuhay upang matulungan
ang kanilang pamilya.
6. Nirerespeto rin ng ibang tao ang mga batang naghahanapbuhay.
7. Pinadarama namin ang pagmamahal sa aming mga anak (ask R how love is
demonstrated).
8. Walang pakialam ang ibang mga tao kung anuman ang desisyon ng aming
pamilya lalo na sa pagpapalaki ng mga anak.
9. Inaasahan namin ang aming mga anak upang maitaguyod ang aming pamilya.
10. Hindi namin inaasahan ang aming mga anak na tulungan kami sa
paghahanapbuhay.
11. Ang paghahanapbuhay sa murang edad ng aming mga anak ay sarili nilang
desisyon.
Page 140
Annex B
12. Sinusubaybayan namin ang aming mga anak na naghahanapbuhay upang di sila
mapahamak.
13. Nararamdaman kong pinahahalagahan kami ng ibang tao.
14. Malaki ang suporta ng kamag-anak at kaibigan sa aming pamilya.
15. Natutugunan namin ang mga kagyat na pangangailangan (halimbawa, pagkain,
edukasyon, kalusugan) ng aming mga anak.
16.
3
2
1
3
3
2
2
1
1
3
2
1
Ano ang pangarap/gusto ninyong mangyari sa inyong pamilya/mga anak?
1Wala
2
Makatapos ng pag-aaral ang mga anak
3
Magkaroon kami ng ibang hanapbuhay, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
4
Magkaroon ng ibang hanapbuhay ang anak, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
5
Makaahon sa kahirapan ang aming pamilya
6
Maayos na samahan sa aming pamilya
7
Iba pa, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
Support system
17.
Ano po ang mga pangunahing pangangailan ng inyong pamilya?
1
Pagkain
2
Permanenteng tirahan
3
Pangtustos sa pag-aaral ng mga anak
4
Hanapbuhay/Pagkakakitaan
5
Iba pa, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
18.
Mayroon po bang grupo o ahensiya na tumutulong para matugunan ang inyong mga pangangailangan?
1 Mayroon 2 Wala
Kung mayroon, pakitukoy: (Isulat ang sagot sa susunod na pahina)
a)
Sino o anu-ano ang mga ito?
b)
Anong pangangailangan ang kanilang natugunan
c)
Kung gaano ito nakatulong, pakipaliwanag
Page 141
Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Pangangailangan ng
inyong pamilya
Page 142
Gaano nakatulong
3 Malaki ang tulong
Tumulong na group o
2 Bahagya lang ang
ahensiya
tulong
1 Hindi nakatulong
3
2
1
3
2
1
3
2
1
Paliwanag
Annex B
SURVEY TOOL FOR SACADA CHILDREN RESPONDENTS
Notes to interviewer:
1.Encircle  the code number that best corresponds to the respondent (R)’s answer.
2.
Be sure to ask respondent to ‘specify’ if her/his answers fall under ‘others’.
3.
Review/Check that answers are complete, clear, and specific (not broad) before you leave the
respondent. Incomplete answers will mean you will need to go back to the respondent to get
additional data. Thus, please check the completeness (avoiding blank question items) of the answers
to the questions before ending the interview.
4.
If respondent is not the sacada herself, ask about the member of her family who works in the
sugarcane plantation.
5.
If space for writing is not enough, use the back of the page of the survey instrument, write the
question number and the answer of the respondent.
6.
Please write CLEARLY and NEATLY.
Name of province:
Name of municipality:
Name of interviewer: Date of interview:
Name of barangay and / or sitio:
Time start of
interview:
Time end of
interview:
Ipakilala ang inyong sarili
Magandang umaga/hapon. Ako ay si (your name). Narito ako upang makapanayam ka nang ilang sandali tungkol
sa iyong pamilya, bilang mga manggagawa sa tubuhan. Isa ka sa mga ilang napili upang tumugon sa aming mga
katanungan. Nawa ay mapaunlakan mo ako.
Makaaasa kang walang maling sagot sa anumang aking itatanong, at ang inyong mga sagot ay ituturing naming
kumpidensyal. Nawa ay maging bukas ka sa paglalahad ng inyong saloobin.
______________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________
Pangalan ng bata: _____________________________________________________________
Kasarian: 1 Babae 2 Lalaki
Ilang taong gulang ka na: ____________
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Socio-Economic Condition
Ikaw ba ay kasalukuyang nag-aaral?
1
Oo, ano ang iyong grado? ____________________________
2
Hindi, tanungin ang mga sumusunod
Kung hindi:
a)
Anong grado ang naabot mo sa pag-aaral?
1
Hindi kailanman nakapag-aral
2
Grades 1 to 6 (di nakatapos)
3
Nakatapos ng grade 6
4
1st – 4th year high school (di nakatapos)
5
Nakatapos ng high school
6
Vocational (di nakatapos), kurso: _____________________________________
7
Nakatapos ng vocational, kurso: _____________________________________
6
Nakaabot ng kolehiyo (di nakatapos), kurso: ______________________________
7
Iba pa, tukuyin: _________________________________________________
b)
Bakit ka tumigil sa pag-aaral?
1
Walang pangtustos sa pag-aaral
2
Kusang ninais/kailangan na maghanapbuhay para makatulong sa pamilya
3
Sapilitang pinatigil ng magulang; gusto pa sanang mag-aral
3
Sakitin
4
Hindi nakapasa/Mababa ang mga marka
5
Iba pa, tukuyin: _________________________________________________
c)
May balak ka bang ipagpatuloy ang iyong pag-aaral?
1
Mayroon
2
Wala
3
Depende, ipaliwanag: _____________________________________________
_______________________________
Tungkol sa iyong pamilya
2.
Saan ang pirmihang tirahan ng iyong pamilya (banggitin ang probinsyang pinanggalingan)?
___________________________________________________________________
3.
Ilang buwan ka na rito sa lugar na ito?
___________________________________________________________________
4.
Ano ang naghikayat sa inyo upang pumunta sa lugar na ito?
1
Hanapbuhay/Pagkakakitaan
2
Makapiling ang magulang/kapatid na naunang tumira sa lugar na ito
3
Lumayo sa kaguluhan
4
Lumayo sa kahirapan
5
Iba pa, tukuyin:
_____________________________________________________________
Page 144
Annex B
5.
Tungkol sa iyong mga magulang:
Nanay
Tatay
Babae
Lalaki
Ilang taong gulang na sila?
Kasama mo ba sila? 1 Oo 2 Hindi
Kung hindi mo sila kasama, nasaan sila?
1 Sa aming lalawigan, tukuyin:
2 Sa ibang lugar, tukuyin:
Ano ang kanilang hanapbuhay?
0 Walang hanapbuhay
1 Magbubukid
2 Mangingisda
3 Magtutubo
4 Karpintero/Mason
5 Iba pa, tukuyin:
6.
Tungkol sa iyong mga kapatid:
Ilan ang iyong kapatid na....
Ilan sa kanila ang may edad 17 taon pababa?
Banggitin ang eksaktong mga edad
Ilan sa mga kapatid mong 17 taon pababa ang nag-aaral?
Ilan sa mga kapatid mong 17 taon pababa ang hindi na nag-aaral?
Ilan sa mga kapatid mong 17 taon pababa ang naghahanapbuhay?
Ano ang kanilang hanapbuhay?
0 Walang hanapbuhay
1 Magbubukid
2 Mangingisda
3 Magtutubo
4 Iba pa, tukuyin:
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Tungkol sa trabaho sa tubuhan
7.
Sino sa miembro ng iyong pamilya ang kasama mo sa lugar na ito?
7a. Sino sa inyo/kanila ang nagtratrabaho sa tubuhan?
7b. Ano ang uri ng kanilang trabaho (ilagay ang angkop na code na makikita sa ibaba ng pahina)
7c. Magkano ang kita mo at nila sa pagtutubo?
Kasama sa
kasalukuyang
tirahan (bilugan ang
sagot)
Nagtratrabaho
Uri ng
sa tubuhan?
trabaho
1 Oo
(refer to
2 Hindi
codes below)*
1 Tatay
1
2
2 Nanay
1
2
3 Tatay at nanay
1
2
4 Ako lang mag-isa
1
2
5 Kapatid, may edad
18 taon pataas
Ilan sila?
1
2
6 Kapatid, may edad 17
taon pababa (tukuyin
ang eksaktong edad)
Ilan sila?
1
2
7 Iba pa, tukuyin:
1
2
*Codes
01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Page 146
Magkano ang kita sa pagtutubo?
Magkano bawat
tonelada ng
tubo?
Ilang tonelada
ng tubo ang
natatapos?
Paglilinis (clearing)
Pagdadamo (weeding)
Paghahanda (pag-aararo, pagbubungkal etc.) ng lupa para sa pagtatanim
Pag-aayos ng kanal (canal trashing)
Paghahanda ng mga itatanim (preparation of planting materials
Pagtatanim (sowing)
Paglagay ng abono (applying fertilizer)
Pagsunog ng tanim bago anihin
Paggapas/Pagputol ng tubo (harvesting)
Pagtatabas ng dahon (peeling sugarcane leaves)
Pagtatambak ng tubo
Paghakot/Pagkarga ng tubo sa sasakyan
Pagtitimbang tubo
Paghahatid ng tubo sa factory
Paghahanda ng pagkain para sa ibang manggagawa sa tubuhan
Iba pa, tukuyin: _______________
Annex B
8.
9.
Mayroon ka bang ipon?
1 Mayroon
2 Wala
Saan mo ginagastos o saan napupunta ang iyong kita?
1
Pinadadala/Binibigay sa magulang (anong porsyento ng iyong kita)? _____ %
2
Ginagastos sa mga pangunahing pangangailangan (pagkain, tubig, damit, upa sa tirahan, etc.)
_____ %
3
Ginagastos sa ilang mga libangan, tukuyin at ilang porsyento? ________________; _____%
4
Iba pa, tukuyin: _______________________________________________________
________________________
10.
Ano ang oras ng iyong trabaho sa tubuhan:
Mula alas: ___________ ng umaga; Hanggang alas: _____________ hapon
11.
12.
Ilang araw sa isang linggo ka kung magtrabaho? ____________ araw
Ano ang iyong karaniwang ginagawa sa araw ng iyong pahinga?
1
Sa bahay lang, di lumalabas (natutulog, nagpapahinga)
2
Sa bahay lang, gumagawa ng gawaing bahay
3
Lumalabas kasama ang pamilya
4
Lumalabas kasama ang kaibigan
5
Lumalabas, ako lang
6
Iba pa, tukuyin: __________________________________________
13.
Gaano ka kadalas umuwi sa inyo (frequency of visits to original place in a month/year):
1
Hindi umuuwi hanggat di tapos ang hanapbuhay, tukuyin kung gaano katagal ito: __________
2
Minsan sa isang buwan
3
Minsan kada dalawang buwan
4
Minsan kada tatlong buwan
5
Minsan kada 4-5 buwan
6
Iba pa, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
14.
Paano ang iyong komunikasyon sa inyong pamilya na naiwan?
1
Walang komunikasyon
2
Cellphone/Text/Tawag
3
Sulat
4
Iba pa, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
15.
Gaano ka kadalas makipag-usap sa iyong pamilya?
1
Araw-araw
2
3x o mahigit sa loob ng isang linggo
3
Minsan sa isang buwan
4
Bihira lamang, hal. minsan sa loob ng 1 o 2 buwan
5
Iba pa, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
16.
Kung mayroon man, ano ang mga suliranin na nararanasan o naranasan mo sa pagtratrabaho sa
tubuhan?
0
Wala
1
Malungkot dahil malayo sa pamilya (homesick)
2
Kulang sa tulog/pahinga
3
Masakit ang pangangatawan dahil sa bigat ng trabaho
4
Di sapat na pagkain
5
Di magandang pagtrato ng amo, ipaliwanag:
_______________________________________________________________
6
Di makasundong katrabaho, ipaliwanag:
_______________________________________________________________
7
Walang tulong o serbisyong natatanggap, hal. kapag nagkakasakit
8
Iba pa, tukuyin:
_______________________________________________________________
17.
Paano mo maisasalarawan ang kabuuang kalagayan o katayuan ng inyong pamilya sa ngayon? Mamili ka
sa aking mga babanggitin, at pakipaliwanag ang inyong kasagutan.
Katayuan ng pamilya
1 Natutugunan nang sapat ang lahat ng mga pangangailangan
(able to sufficiently provide for all the needs)
2 Minsan ay hindi natutugunan ang lahat ng pangangailangan
(At times, fail to provide all the needs)
3 Mas madalas na hindi natutugunan ang lahat ng mga
pangangailangan (Often times, unble to provide the needs)
4 Hirap na hirap talaga na matugunan ang lahat ng mga
pangangailangan (It is really difficult to provide the needs.)
Page 148
Paliwanag
Annex B
18.
Pakilarawan ang inyong sitwasyon o kalagayan sa lugar na iyong pinanggalingan at sa kasalukuyan
niyong tirahan. Magbabanggit ako ng mga posibleng sitwasyon sa dalawang lugar na nabanggit, pakisabi
lamang kung ikaw ay:
4Sumasang-ayon
3
Di sumasang-ayon, o
2
Di tiyak/Di masabi
Lugar na
pinanggalingan
Sitwasyon
Kasalukuyang lugar
na tinitirhan
1 Malayo sa kabihasnan/lungsod; mahirap puntahan
3
2
1
3
2
1
2 Karamihan ng mga tao ay walang hanapbuhay
3
2
1
3
2
1
3 Karamihan ng mga pamilya ay walang makain dahil sa
kahirapan
3
2
1
3
2
1
4 Maraming mga bata na di makapag-aral
3
2
1
3
2
1
5 Kulang sa mga pasilidad (tulad ng paaralan, health
center, atbp.)
3
2
1
3
2
1
6 Kulang sa pangunahing serbisyo (edukasyon,
kalusugan, atbp.)
3
2
1
3
2
1
7 Mahirap/Di maayos ang mga daanan
3
2
1
3
2
1
8 Palaging binabagyo/binabaha
3
2
1
3
2
1
9 May kaguluhan (problema sa peace and order)
3
2
1
3
2
1
10 Iba pa, tukuyin:
3
2
1
3
2
1
19.
Sa pangkalahatan, paano mo ikukumpara ang lugar na iyong pinanggaligan at ang kasalukuyang lugar
na inyong tinitirahan?
Paliwanag
1 Mas maayos ang pamumuhay kumpara sa lugar na aking pinanggalingan
2 Pareho lang ng lugar na aking pinanggalingan
3 Mas mahirap kumpara sa lugar na aking pinanggalingan
4 Iba pa, banggitin:
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Psycho-Emotional Condition
20.
Magbabanggit ako ng mga ilang pangungusap, sa bawat pangungusap, pakisabi kung ikaw ay:
3
Sumasang-ayon
2
Hindi sumasang-ayon, o
1
Di tiyak/Di masabi
Pangungusap
Page 150
1. Wala akong malapit na kaibigan
3
2
1
2. Mahal ako ng aking pamilya
3
2
1
3. Ayokong abalahin ang ibang tao sa aking problema.
3
2
1
4. May mga tao sa buhay ko ang dumedepende sa akin,
tukuyin kung sino.
3
2
1
5. Wala ni isang tao sa buhay ko ang nais umintindi/
umunawa sa akin
3
2
1
6. Walang tao sa buhay ko ngayon ang nais
makisalamuha sa akin.
3
2
1
7. Maraming pagkakataon na mas ninanais kong mag-isa.
3
2
1
8. Kabilang ako sa isang grupo o organisasyon.
3
2
1
9. Kapag kasama ko ang iba, hindi ako nagkukwento ng
mga bagay na tungkol sa akin.
3
2
1
10. Pakiramdam kong hindi ko kayang magkwento o
magsabi ng mga personal na bagay sa ibang tao.
3
2
1
11. Pakiramdam kong hindi ako kumportable na humingi
ng tulong sa iba.
3
2
1
12. Pakiramdam ko mag-isa lang ako.
3
2
1
13. Namomoblema rin o naaabala ko ang mga taong
malalapit sa akin kapag sinasabihan ko sila ng aking
problema.
3
2
1
14. Hindi ko nararamdamang kailangan at importante
ako sa ibang tao.
3
2
1
15. Takot akong magtiwala sa ibang tao.
3
2
1
Annex B
Social Support Appraisal Scale (SSA)
21.
Pakitukoy kung ang sagot mo ay: 1 Oo o 2 Hindi
1. Inaalagaan ako nang lubos ng aking pamilya.
1
2
2. Hindi ako importante para sa iba.
1
2
3. Mataas ang pagpapahalaga sa akin ng aking pamilya..
1
2
4. Maaasahan ako ng aking mga kaibigan.
1
2
5. Lubos na hinahangaan ako ng aking pamilya.
1
2
6. Nirerespeto ako ng ibang tao.
1
2
7. Minamahal ako ng aking pamilya.
1
2
8. Walang pakialam ang aking mga kaibigan sa aking kabutihan.
1
2
9. Maaasahan ako ng aking pamilya.
1
2
10. Hindi ko maaasahan ang aking pamilya na suportahan ako.
1
2
11. Hinahangaan ako ng ibang tao sa aking paghahanapbuhay sa murang edad.
1
2
12. Sinusubaybayan ako ng aking mga kaibigan.
1
2
13. Nararamdaman kong pinahahalagahan akong ng ibang tao.
1
2
14. Hindi ako malapit sa aking pamilya.
1
2
15. Ako at ang aking mga kaibigan ay nakagawa na ng maraming bagay para sa
isa’t- isa.
1
2
22.
Ano ang pangarap/gusto mo sa iyong buhay?
1Wala
2
Makatapos ng pag-aaral, tukuyin kung ano ang kursong gusting kunin: _______________
3
Magkaroon ako ng ibang hanapbuhay, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
4
Makaahon sa kahirapan ang aming pamilya
5
Maayos na samahan sa aming pamilya
6
Iba pa, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
23.
Ano ang mga pangunahing pangangailan ng iyong pamilya?
1
Pagkain
2
Permanenteng tirahan
3
Pangtustos sa pag-aaral ng mga anak
4
Hanapbuhay/Pagkakakitaan
5
Iba pa, tukuyin:
__________________________________________________________________
24.
Mayroon bang grupo o ahensiya na tumutulong para matugunan ang inyong mga pangangailangan?
1
Mayroon 2 Wala
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Kung mayroon, pakitukoy: (Isulat ang sagot sa susunod na pahina)
a)
b)
c)
Sino o anu-ano ang mga ito?
Anong pangangailangan ang kanilang natugunan
Kung gaano ito nakatulong, pakipaliwanag
Pangangailangan ng
inyong pamilya
Tumulong na group
o ahensiya
Gaano nakatulong
3 Malaki ang tulong
2 Bahagya lang ang tulong
1 Hindi nakatulong
3
2
1
3
2
1
3
2
1
Key Informant Interview Instrument
Respondent’s Profile
Province
Municipality
Barangay
Organizational affiliation
Position in your organization
No. of years in your organization
No. of years in your current position in the
organization
Roles & responsibilities in your organization
based on your current position
Groups or sectors being served by your
organization
Page 152
Paliwanag
Annex B
On Sacadas
Is your
organization
involved in the
work with the
sacadas?
1 If Yes, ask
R to answer
questions #
1-9
1. What is the nature of your organization’s involvement with the sacadas?
2. How many and in which particular communities (or barangays) are the sacadas
located?
2 If No,
proceed to
questions # 10
on page 3
3. Do you work with sacada individuals or sacada families? How many of them do
you work with?
Sacada individuals
Sacada families
If organization
works with
sacadas:
4.Who among the family members are usually involved in sacada work? What specific
forms of activities are they involved in? Please check the corresponding box(es).
Family member Forms of sacada work involved in
Land
Planting Weeding Harvesting / Loading/ Others,
Preparation
Cutting
Hauling specify
Father
Mother
Child (specify ages)
Others, specify:
______________
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
5. Does your organization provide any benefits or services to the sacada families you
work with? If yes, can you please cite what are these?
6. What specific problems or challenges, if any, has your organization encountered in
your work with the sacadas? How did you solve them?
7. What are the common problems or challenges of the sacadas, if any?
8. Does your organization have a policy or set of policies that address the problems
or needs of the sacadas? If yes, can you please cite what are these?
9.
If respondent’s
organization
DOES NOT
work with
sacadas:
What can you suggest to alleviate the plight of the sacadas?
10.
Would you know of any government agency that works with the sacadas? If
yes, please name them and the services they have for the sacadas?
11. How about any non-government organization that works with the sacadas? What
are their services?
12. Does your organization have any data or information about the sacadas? What are
these data or information?
Page 154
Annex B
Focus Group Discussions (FGDs)
Three FGD sessions will be conducted with three different groups per province. FGD participants include:
a) child laborers; b) parents or guardians of child laborers; and c) ABK 3 LEAP and other partners working
with the sacadas.
A.
Selection of FGD Participants
1.
B.
Criteria
•
Children:
o
Have worked in a sugarcane plantation, between ages 15-17 years. (The
minimum age may be younger than 15 years) within the past 2 to 5 years.
o
Preferably, representing the three categories of child labor migrants
•
For both children and adults:
o
A sacada (or children of sacadas) at the time of interview.
o
Preferably with equal gender representation; if not possible, at least a
proportionate distribution of female and male child workers.
•
For ABK3 LEAP and other partners:
o
Have worked with the sacadas for at least two years.
2.
Selection process and other arrangements
•
Researcher will consult with ABK 3 LEAP and other partners working with the
sacadas, farm managers/middlemen and other prospective key informants on ways
to facilitate identification, selection and mobilization of sacadas who will participate
in the FGDs given the above-mentioned criteria.
•
Ideally, each FGD shall have 15-20 participants.
•
The FGD venue should be accessible to all if not most of the prospective participants.
•
The FGD will run for 2 - 2.5 hours thus travel time will have to be considered in
setting the time schedule for the FGD and the choice of venue.
3.
Before the start of the FGD proper
•
Each FGD participant will be requested to fill up a one-page information sheet
(name, age, sex, status, highest educational attainment, place of origin, work location,
average monthly income (family income if staying with family; individual income if
working away from family), number of years working as sacada, family members
engaged in sacada work, forms of sacada activities engaged in, etc.)
FGD Questions (for all groups of respondents)
1.
As a sacada (or belonging to a sacada family), how will you describe your/your family life
situation a) BEFORE you became a sacada, and b) NOW that you/your parents work as
sacada in terms of the following:
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
Before
Now
Motivations & aspirations
Self-perceptions
Values and beliefs
Socialization & social relationship
Education
Health
Financial capacity
Access to resources & opportunities
2.
3.
What made you/your parents work as a sacada?
What are the phases and activities involved in sacada work? Which among these have
you been involved in? For each phase or activity, what problems or challenges have you
encountered? How did you solve them?
Sacada work phase/
activities
4.
5.
Problems or
challenges
Solutions
How do you feel about your/your parents’ work?
What forms of benefits and services are provided to sacadas? Which ones have you/your
family received? Which organizations have provided these benefits and services? How helpful
have these been to you and your family?
Benefits & services
available
Page 156
Participants were
involved in
Received by
participants
Provider
organization
How helpful & why
Annex B
6.
7.
C.
What are your specific needs that have been responded? not yet responded? For the latter,
who or which group or organization you think should respond to these needs?
What do you hope or aspire for in the future? How can your aspiration be achieved?
FGD Questions for Sacada Children
1.
For children left behind
•
•
•
•
2.
For independent child migrant workers
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
D.
Note: As part of the introduction, each child participant will be asked to narrate
where their parents work, how long and how frequent do their parents leave them
for work, who attend to their needs while their parents are away, how many siblings
are left behind (their ages), how and how often do they communicate with their
parents, etc.
How will you describe your situation when your parents are with you? When your
parents are away for work?
Are you engaged in paid work? What type of work? How often do you work? (If
comfortable to share), how much pay do you receive? What problems and challenges,
if any, have you encountered in your work? How do you solve them?
What decisions do you now make on your own? What decisions still need your
parents’ approval? Has there been any change in the way you make decisions
resulting from your parents’ being away from home?
Note: As part of the introduction, each child participant will be asked to narrate the
reason that made them work, how they were recruited, how they landed in their
present work, how they were separated from their family, how long have they been
working, the nature of their work, the nature and frequency of their communication
with family, etc.
How will you describe your situation now that you are away from your parents?
Are you engaged in paid work? What type of work? How often do you work? (If
comfortable to share), how much pay do you receive?
What problems and challenges, if any, have you encountered in your work? How do
you solve them?
What are the things that you do now that you a) have been able and b) have not
been able to do when you were still with your family?
What major decisions do you now make on your own? Which ones still need your
parents’ approval?
What forms of support do you need? Who and how are your needs supported?
What do you wish to see happen in your life five years from now? How can this be
realized?
FGD Questions for ABK3 LEAP and Other Partners
1.
Note: As part of the introduction, each organization representative will be asked to share
something about their organization – the work it does for/with the sacadas, length of work
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Migration Patterns of Sacada Children and their Families in Selected Sugarcane Plantations in the Philippines
2.
3.
4.
with the sacadas, how many and the locations of the sacadas it works with, and the individual
participants’ roles and responsibilities in their organization, etc.
What is the situation of sacadas in your covered areas? What are their needs and problems?
What policies, if any, has your organization formulated (or initiated) to address the plight of
sacadas?
What specific programs and services have you provided to the sacadas? Any programs or
services that particularly cater to children?
Needs & problems
of sacadas
5.
6.
7.
Existing policies
Programs & services
for sacadas
Programs & services
for children
What forms of sacada-related activities does your organization a) perform independently,
and/or b) perform together with partners? Who are your partners? How will you describe
the nature of your partnership?
What challenges and problems, if any, have you encountered in your work with the sacadas?
How have these been addressed? Which ones still need to be addressed and how?
What can you suggest to alleviate the plight of sacadas, particularly of the child workers?
Case Study Guide
Definition of Migration
Migration is the movement of people across a specified boundary for the purpose of establishing a new or
semi-permanent residence. External migration is where residence changes between a residential unit in the
Demographic Surveillance Area (DSA) and one outside it, and internal migration is where residence changes
from one residential unit to another in the same DSA. Movement from one household to another household
within the same compound, home or homestead is internal movement. It is not classified as internal migration
and it is treated separately from internal migration (INDEPTH Resource Kit for Demographic Surveillance
Systems).3 In short, migration is the movement of people to a new area or country in order to find work or
better living conditions (Oxford Dictionaries).
However, another definition adds a requisite to ‘human migration’ in that it not only refers to the movement by
people from one place to another but that there should be the intention of settling in the new location.
Seasonal migration or nomadic movements are normally not regarded as migration as there is no intention
to settle in the new place (Wikipedia).4
http://www.indepth-network.org/Resource%20Kit/INDEPTH%20DSS%20Resource%20Kit/Migrationdefinition.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_migration
3
4
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Annex B
Hans Van de Glind (2010) does not consider ‘the intent to settle in the new place’ in his typologies of migration. He
considers migration as an economic coping or survival strategy for households.., and can provide families and their
children with new opportunities. He points to seasonal migrants in the context of children migrating with their parents
to earn a living wage as a family. He used seasonal migration to describe affected families in India and Cambodia
who were forced to migrate for several months every year in search of work due to natural disasters and lack of work
in rural areas.
For the purposes of this research project, child/family migration will adopt the concept of ‘seasonal migration’
used by Hans Van de Glind, but further modified as follows:
•
•
•
The semi-permanent or seasonal movement of a child and/or one or both of her/his parents
to “find work or better living conditions”.
“Seasonal migration” refers to the movement from a permanent residence to a temporary
location to engage in paid labour during specific phases of the sugarcane production cycle.
The period of absence from the permanent residence could be from a minimum of two (or
three?) months or longer.
Independent child migrants are those who migrate to another location without or
unaccompanied by their parents.
Outline of the case studies
Family profile of the child Place of origin of parents, migration history
migrants
Description of place of origin (refer to context)
Socio-demographic characteristics (family members, their ages, sex and
educational attainment)
Economic (Nature of employment and income of parents and working
children, perception of overall economic condition)
Socialization and social
relationships
Psycho-emotional state
Source: Interview with parents or guardians, child laborers
Manner of upbringing
Values, beliefs and practices especially when it comes to child rearing and
child labor
Influences of institutions (family, school, religion, peers and others) in the
formation of values, beliefs and practices
Feelings and perceptions about self, family, peers, co-workers and employer
Fears, problems and challenges
Motivations and aspirations
Support systems
Source: In-depth interviews with child labourers
Knowledge of available support systems in place of origin and in workplace
Access to support systems
Perception of quality and quantity of benefits received
Sources: Interviews with parents/guardians and child laborers, key informant
interviews with LGU/NGO/private organizations
Page 159
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