UNHSC
United Nations Historical Security Council
TDPDDG
THE ANGOLAN CIVIL WAR (1988)
THE SALVADORAN CIVIL WAR (1988)
Prepared by the International Model United Nations Association (IMUNA)
National High School Model United Nations (NHSMUN)
© IMUNA, 2016. All Rights Reserved
IMUNA
International Model United Nations Association
N ATIONAL H IGH S CHOOL M ODEL U NITED N ATIONS
2 March 2016 – 5 March 2016
February 2016
Dear Delegates,
Costanza Cicero
Secretary-General
University of Bologna
Shaan Pattni
Director-General
Pennsylvania State University
Hello and welcome to NHSMUN! My name is Meredith Arndt, and I will be your substantive
Assistant Director for this year’s NHSMUN conference. I am incredibly excited to meet all of
you in March! I know that all of you have worked very hard on preparation. At NHSMUN,
you are not only learning more about the world—you are making lasting friendships along the
way.
Jinny Jung
Conference Director
University of Michigan
Zach Hauser
Director of Security
Pomona College
Maunica Malladi
Chief of External Relations
University of Alabama
Jennifer Padilla
Chief of Staff
University of Southern California
Kevin Burchill
Chief of Administrative Affairs
George Washington University
Nicholas Rigler
Under-Secretary-General
University of Washington
Elettra Di Massa
Under-Secretary-General
City University London
Joy Cui
Under-Secretary-General
University of Pittsburgh
Meghan Agostinelli
Under-Secretary-General
Georgetown University
Nika Arzoumanian
Under-Secretary-General
I grew up in Virginia Beach, Virginia, and attended the Global Studies and World Languages
Academy at Tallwood High School. Currently, I am an International Relations and Chinese
Studies double-major at the College of William & Mary in Williamsburg, Virginia. I am
involved with the W&M International Relations club, competing at various conferences on the
college circuit. However, aside from my love of resolution writing and moderated debate, I am
also a research partner for the Teaching and Researching of International Policy program,
researching how Chinese censorship laws are prohibiting them from international trade. In my
free time, I take weekend trips to Washington, DC, and you can often find me in my room
binge watching House of Cards.
The topics covered in this Update Paper are Child Soldiers in Angola and the Refugee Crisis
of El Salvador. I have always been interested in how failed social structures create violence and
other social issues. Child soldiers and refugee crises are direct results of violence, but many
times they nod to a larger problem in the country, like a lack of support for youth or a lack of
economic opportunity. I hope that all of you find how these specific world issues are related to
larger problems that the body can tackle together throughout the week.
This Update Paper is for delegates to gather more current information regarding their topic,
but since this is the UN Historical Security Council, it is based off of subjects related to the
states. I suggest that delegates use this Update Paper as a way to familiarize themselves with
other societal consequences that stem from war. If you have any questions, you are more than
welcome to send your Director Emily and me an email! Good luck with research, and I look
forward to meeting you at the conference!
Sincerely,
New York University
Elliot Weiss
Under-Secretary-General
Brown University
NHSMUN is a project of the
International Model United Nations
Association, Incorporated (IMUNA).
IMUNA, a not-for-profit, all volunteer
organization, is dedicated to furthering
global issues education at the secondary
school level.
Meredith Arndt
Assistant Director, UN Historical Security Council
hsc.nhsmun@imuna.org
@NHSMUN_HSC
NHSMUN 2016
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TOPIC A: THE ANGOLAN CIVIL WAR
UPDATE PAPER
Introduction
Angola is in a state of emergency. The People’s Liberation Movement of Angola (MPLA) and the
National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) are engaged in a civil war with no
end in the foreseeable future.1 So far, the war has had catastrophic effects on the country and has led
to the deterioration of infrastructure and the death of innocent citizens. Consequently, the war has
placed an incredible strain on the lives of children in Angola. Since the start of the war, children’s
access to education has been limited, and existing education is poor. Students, still dealing with this
problem today, have become susceptible to the war, and thousands of children have joined UNITA
and MPLA forces as child soldiers.2 As a result, it is crucial that the Historical Security Council
discusses the child soldier endemic in relation to the conflict and its wider implications regarding the
war’s effect on social programs on areas, such as education. Children are the future, and without
focusing on programs that assist youth in becoming participating members of Angolan society, there
will be limited brainpower to improve Angolan life after the civil war.
Child Soldiers: Recruitment and Lasting Effects
Child soldiers became a key component to warfare during the Angolan Civil War; taking from their
respective representative ethnicities, both UNITA and the MPLA spent time recruiting and often
forcing children into their militias. As school enrollment declined, there was an increase in child
soldier recruitment and induction. Multiple outside interest groups developed from the Civil War,
including the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola-Youth Movement (JMPLA), the
National Union of Angolan Workers, (UNTA), and the Organization of Angolan Women (OMA).3
JMPLA, however, is the most significant in dealing with child soldiers.
The JMPLA was a youth movement that the MPLA used to educate and recruit students for its
cause. At its beginnings in 1962, the JMPLA was used for general support, but quickly became a
mechanism for soldier recruitment.4 Using war propaganda, the MPLA influenced the JMPLA to go
from peaceful interest group to an aggressive organization fueled by animosity, hostility toward
UNITA, and democracy at large.5 Around 1977, this organization conducted military exercises and
hosted political seminars aimed at testing JMPLA members’ devotion to the socialist movement.6 To
further develop devotion to the cause, the JMPLA created the Second Congress in 1987 on the same
day as National Youth Day on 14 April.7 Through this organization, the MPLA could easily recruit
Uppsala Conflict Data Program, “Angola,” UCDP Encyclopedia, accessed 13 Jan 2016,
http://www.ucdp.uu.se/gpdatabase/gpcountry.php?id=4&regionSelect=2-Southern_Africa#.
2 “Forgotten Fighters: Child Soldiers in Angola” Human Rights Watch 15, No. 10 (29 April 2003), accessed 7 Jan 2016,
https://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/a/angola/angola0403.pdf.
3 Rachel Warner, Angola: A Country Study (Washington, DC: 1991).
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid.
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youth to participate in warfare, and it gained 72,000 teenage members by 1988.8 Human Rights
Watch estimates that around 11,000 children were involved in MPLA warfare by this time.9
The opposition group UNITA did not have a formal recruitment organization like the MPLA, but
still obtained considerable influence over youth in UNITA-controlled areas. As mentioned
previously, UNITA had a large hold over education in Angola. Since this education system was not
often regulated by UNITA’s main allies, the U.S. and France, they were able to use UNITA
propaganda to entice students in disadvantaged areas to join their forces. Additionally, UNITA used
more brute force when recruiting teenagers to fight on their behalf. UNITA forces raided small
towns and villages within their territories, taking children hostage. In just the 1980s alone, Human
Rights Watch reported that UNITA employed from 3,000 to 6,000 child soldiers, while 5,000 to
8,000 girls were married to troops, sexually assaulted, forced to forage, and faced incredible
emotional, physical, and psychological turmoil.10
Child soldiers often faced a cycle of abuse by their respective militias. In both the MPLA and
UNITA, boys from the ages of ten to seventeen were frequently on the frontlines. According to the
American Federation of Teachers, the average age of a child soldier was thirteen.11 Most of these
child combatants suffered a series of abuses, including starvation and beatings if they misbehaved.12
Of the 5,000 to 8,000 girls married to UNITA forces, almost all of them were sexually assaulted and
therefore more likely to stay with their soldier-husbands.13 It should also be noted that the social
structure in Angola discouraged women to be alone, especially if the woman had a child. Girls who
were taken as soldiers’ wives often bore the soldiers’ children, making it even more socially
unacceptable for them to separate.14
Apart from wartime propaganda, children in Angola had other reasons for joining the MPLA or
UNITA. On top of a deteriorating education system, the civil war ravaged Angola’s economy. By
1987, Angola’s per capita GDP was USD 7.83 billion, making Angola one of the poorest countries
in the world.15 With a per capita GNI of USD 780.33, by 1987, an average Angolan family’s earnings
was less than USD three per day.16 Other than oil, which was one of the country’s biggest exports,
Angola’s economy was largely agrarian, comprising about 36% of their total GDP in 1985.17 Oil
eventually decreased in value due to the civil war in 1986, leaving the national Angolan economy
with little to no revenue.18 The oil price collapse in the national economy was also influenced by
increased number of troops needed in the civil war.
Ibid.
“Forgotten Fighters: Child Soldiers in Angola,” Human Rights Watch 15, No. 10 (29 April 2003), accessed 7 Jan 2016,
https://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/a/angola/angola0403.pdf.
10 Ibid.
11 UNICEF, Adult Wars, Child Soldiers (Geneva, 2003), 19.
12 “Forgotten Fighters: Child Soldiers in Angola.”
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
15 “Data: Angola,” The World Bank Group, last modified 2015, http://data.worldbank.org/country/angola.
16 “Angola: GNI per capita,” Index Mundi, last modified 2013, http://www.indexmundi.com/facts/angola/gni-percapita.
17 “Angola: Structure of the Economy,” last modified 10 Nov 2004,
http://www.photius.com/countries/angola/economy/angola_economy_structure_of_the_eco~98.html.
18 Ibid.
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The child soldier crisis significantly hurt enrollment in both the MPLA and UNITA’s education
systems as students dropped out to take care of their families at home or to join the war.19 Despite
the MPLA and UNITA’s efforts in providing their respective territories with proper education, the
quality of education in Angola had deteriorated since its creation. Some sources say that the
education system’s failure was in focusing on enrollment statistics versus preparing students with
more quality education. Instead of focusing on the number of students enrolled, providing students
with more qualified teachers and stronger curriculum was crucial. Most of the education initiatives
were founded on influencing students rather than empowering students, which is why so many
focused on warfare instead of getting an education. Currently, the escalation of the child soldier
problem is a direct result of a failing education system focused on the wrong things—influencing
sides of the war instead of empowering children by giving them the necessary tools to succeed.
Conclusion
The child soldier endemic is caused by a myriad of issues, including a fractured educational,
economic, and social system tarnished by Cold War influences. The Security Council should look
towards improving the education system, restructuring the economy, and focusing on state building
as a way to eliminate the use of child soldiers in combat. The Security Council should also look at
Cold War state intervention in Angola with a critical lens. Cold War countries are funding both
humanitarian efforts in education, and the MPLA and UNITA’s military needs. By extension, they
are funding the use of child soldiers on both sides of the Angolan conflict. Instead of focusing on
long-term solutions to the civil war and plans to rebuild the country thereafter, Cold War countries
are making Angola dependent on their help through humanitarian aid in education and healthcare.
In short, a focus on improving educational opportunity, creating economic diversity, and ending the
civil war is necessary for Angola’s survival.
19
Ibid.
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TOPIC B: EL SALVADORAN CIVIL WAR
UPDATE PAPER
Introduction
The Salvadoran Civil War has been the cause of political and social strife. The division of families,
the destruction of culture and communities, and the dismantling of the economy led to 30% of
Salvadorans to migrate to the United States (U.S.) and surrounding countries in Central America.20
The Salvadoran crisis put a large strain on the international community as improper preparation for
refugee integration stifles a refugee’s ability to prosper in society. This led to Salvadoran refugees’
involvement in crime that grew from local violence to mass transnational crime involvement. El
Salvador is a small country that is now accounting for a large international issue. The Security
Council should look at this refugee crisis as an immediate security threat to the Western
Hemisphere, but should also know that this violence is spreading from a lack of international efforts
to support refugees during a time of need and the inability to quell the civil war within the country.
Causes for Refugee Movement
The refugee movement from El Salvador was the result of three large issues during the time of the
civil war: the child soldier crisis, mass unemployment, and overall violence. These issues made it
difficult for citizens to survive in El Salvador.
Parents and communities became fearful as they saw young men from their families taken from
them to become a part of the guerrilla warfare. According to human rights organization ProBusqueda, the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) is responsible for at least 10%
of missing children cases in El Salvador by 1988.21 Hundreds of children were abducted by low to
mid-ranking officials and were enlisted into armies by both the FMLN and the Salvadoran
government.22 If children did not comply with orders of the FLMN forces, they were starved or
abused.23 Of the hundreds that were successfully enlisted, it is reported that thousands of children
either joined the militia or disappeared.24 Abductions could take place at any time, normally in late
hours of the night when it was unsuspected. Consequently, families fled to countries north of El
Salvador in efforts to escape the potential of losing their children.
Daily violence apart from abductions was another reason for mass migration. The Salvadoran
government’s military organizations used a counterinsurgency tactic called tierra arrasada, or
“scorched earth,” aimed at exterminating any citizen that chose to oppose the Salvadoran
government.25 Apart from murder and mass shootings, the FMLN and the Salvadoran government
20 Sarah Gammage, “El Salvador: Despite End to Civil War, Emigration Continues,” Migration Policy Institute, 26 Jul 2007,
accessed 5 Jan 2016, http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/el-salvador-despite-end-civil-war-emigration-continues.
21 “El Salvador,” Asociacion Pro-Busqeuda, last modified 2014, accessed 3 Jan 2016,
http://www.probusqueda.org.sv/quienes-somos/resena-historica/el-salvador/#.
22 Ibid.
23 Ibid.
24 “El Salvador,” Asociacion Pro-Busqeuda.
25 Ibid.
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troops committed arson, sexually assaulted women, and stole personal items from homes in small
villages, cities, and neighborhoods. One specific encounter that gained international recognition was
when five members of the Salvadoran National Guard murdered a group of churchwomen.26 This,
along with the issues of child soldiers and unemployment, sent a flood of Salvadorans to Central
American states such as Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, and then the United States of America.27
The United States and Mexico: Poverty and Gang Violence
Other than families, women and children were the majority of refugees. Expectant mothers were a
large sub-category of Salvadoran refugees, hoping to raise their families in safer places. Salvadoran
refugees moved north to Mexico and the United States in the hopes of finding prosperity and peace,
in contrast to their world of turmoil in El Salvador. Though they sought jobs and stability, they
instead encountered poverty, discrimination, and crime. Despite attempts to live a safer life, poverty
followed the refugees to their new homes. Most refugees were unable to obtain jobs in the U.S. and
Mexico, causing them to rely on government welfare or resort to violence for survival.28
Simultaneously, as the Salvadoran refugee crisis occurred, America was also struggling with its own
War on Drugs. Started by U.S. President Ronald Reagan, this policy pushed for an anti-immigration
mentality, spreading intolerance and racism across the country.29 Many refugees relocated to Los
Angeles, which already experienced high rates of violence and poverty at the time. Racism and
poverty are intertwined, rendering Salvadoran refugees unable to get jobs to provide for their
families.30 With poverty came violence as Salvadorans resorted to violence to keep their families safe
from existing crime and to provide for their families in some manner. During the 1980s, Mara
Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Barrio 18 (18th Street) formed as crime networks for Salvadorans to protect
one another against Mexican and African American gangs in the area.31 Often in places of poverty,
gangs would target other minorities in an attempt to make their ethnicity or race more dominant.32
In some extreme cases, these gangs also organized robberies and break-ins as a way out of the
incredible poverty that many members experienced. Slowly, these organized crimes became routine
as they smuggled other Salvadorans illegally across the borders of the U.S. throughout the duration
of the 1980s.33 MS-13 and 18th Street became transnational gangs. They stretched from Los Angeles
to San Antonio and Miami, through Mexico, and across the Central American continent.34 Due to
their presence across borders, they slowly turned into the first multi-ethnic gangs across North and
South America. Some American gangs believed that it was a fight fought by minorities against
Maureen Kane, “The El Salvadoran Civil War,” Nova Online Education, last modified Dec 2002, accessed 5 Jan 2016,
http://novaonline.nvcc.edu/eli/evans/his135/events/elsalvador80/salvador80.html.
27 Sarah Gammage, “El Salvador: Despite End to Civil War, Emigration Continues.”
28 Jessica Vaughn and Steven A, Camarota, “Immigration and Crime: Assessing a Conflicted Issue,” Center for Immigration
Studies, Nov 2009, accessed 11 Jan 2016, http://cis.org/ImmigrantCrime.
29 Andrew Glass, “Reagan declares 'War on Drugs,' October 14, 1982,” Politico, 10 Oct 2010, accessed 11 Jan 2016,
http://www.politico.com/story/2010/10/reagan-declares-war-on-drugs-october-14-1982-043552.
30 Ibid.
31 “The International Reach of the Mara Salvatrucha,” National Public Radio, 17 Mar 2005, accessed 11 Jan 2016,
http://www.npr.org/2005/03/17/4539688/the-international-reach-of-the-mara-salvatrucha.
32 Mary Beth Sheridan, “In N. Va., A Brutal Sense of Belonging,” The Washington Post, 27 June 2004.
33 “The International Reach of the Mara Salvatrucha.”
34 The National Gang Intelligence Center, “National Gang Threat Assessment 2009,” Federal Investigation Bureau, (2009):
5-48, accessed 13 Jan 2016, https://www.fbi.gov/stats-services/publications/national-gang-threat-assessment-2009-pdf.
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oppressive policies, but others chose to stay ethnicity-specific.35 Soon, both MS-13 and Barrio 18’s
objectives transformed from preserving Salvadoran safety to a Latin American war against poverty,
discrimination, and hate crimes. Cultural and ethnic discrimination is a major aspect to gang activity
throughout North, Central, and South American continent.
Gang violence rose across Central America, as the U.S. deported many Salvadorans back to their
home states. Because of the violence that remained in their home country between the Salvadoran
government, FMLN, and other guerrilla groups, Salvadorans chose to stay in their network of gangs
across other nations in Central America.36 In this way, gang violence quickly spread across the
continent, back to El Salvador, and into Guatemala and Honduras.
Seeking Refuge in Drug Violence
Transnational gang networks spread violence and perpetuated the international drug trafficking
crisis. Similar to the sicarios—or hit men—working for the Medellin Cartel in Colombia, gangs across
Latin America were willing to commit murder for other drug traffickers in exchange for
compensation. They were also drug smugglers, using illegal documents to travel back and forth from
Mexico and other Central American nations to the U.S., transporting these drugs to U.S.-based gang
members. These gang members would then finish the support chain, handing over the drugs to
dealers.37 Gang and cartel alliances increased the violence as gang members murdered more and
more people who resisted the cartels. By extension, this led both the gangs and cartels to be
perceived as more powerful and also brought the cartels hundreds of millions of dollars per year.38
Gang violence and cartel activity lead to long-term effects on the U.S. and Latin American
populations. As the cartels sold more drugs, more people throughout the U.S. and Latin America
became addicted and depended on their national social care systems. In the U.S., the drug issue was
putting a major strain on already finite social welfare systems. In Latin America, most people were
left to stay addicted or die from overdoses since social welfare systems were even smaller than ones
in the U.S. With the FMLN and the Salvadoran government at war with each other and their
citizens, there was nowhere else to turn to for refugees but the type of violence seen in participating
in the drug trade. Eventually, the U.S. had to resort to deportation.
Deportation
By 1985, over 120,000 Salvadorans were living in Mexico, and about 20% of these refugees were
apart of the gang violence mentioned before.39 Throughout other parts of Central America, there
were over 117,500 Salvadoran refugees living in Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica
combined.40 The majority of these refugees were undocumented, as these Central American
countries did not have as strict deportation laws as the U.S. Most Salvadorans were able to stay in
35 Clare Ribando, “Gangs in Central America,” C. U.S. Department of States, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division (10
May 2005): 1-6, accessed 13 Jan 2016, http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/47140.pdf.
36 Roberto Lovato, “Deported to Death: The Tragic Journey of a Salvadoran Immigrant,” Al Jazeera, 11 Jul 2015,
accessed 11 Jan 2016, http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2015/7/11/deported-to-death-the-tragic-journey-of-an-elsalvadoran-immigrant.html.
37 John P. Sullivan and Robert J. Bunker, “Drug Cartels, Street Gangs, and Warlords,” Small Wars & Insurgencies 13, No.
12 (2002): 40-53.
38 Ibid.
39 Sarah Gammage, “El Salvador: Despite End to Civil War, Emigration Continues.”
40 Ibid.
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these Central American countries, but due to a lack of economic prospects in these countries,
Salvadorans were still involved in drug trades and extreme poverty mentioned in the previous
section.41 Over 600,000 undocumented Salvadoran refugees living in the U.S. by 1985.42 Knowing
about the growing power of Salvadoran gangs in the Reagan Administration’s War on Drugs led to
the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) in 1986 that only allowed 186,000 of current
Salvadoran refugees to stay in the country.43 While this helped to halt the evident gang crime that
was reaching the United States, it forced thousands of Salvadorans back to their home country
riddled with crime of its own and destroyed by the civil war.
Currently, deported Salvadorans who have moved back to El Salvador have faced huge obstacles to
survival. While many of them have tried to rebuild their businesses or return to their farmland, many
have found their homes, shops, and farmlands to be destroyed or taken over by FLMN and
Salvadoran government forces.44 Most children are becoming susceptible to the domestic gang
violence that has risen to combat the poverty and protect themselves from the FMLN and
Salvadoran government.45 Although Salvadorans are coming back home with the hopes of future
peace, the current status of the civil war notes otherwise. Without peace, society in El Salvador
cannot function properly, leaving people in extreme poverty, susceptible to starvation and crime.
Conclusion
The Security Council is urged to look at the refugee crisis as an international security threat, as well
as a nod to the wider problem of economic and infrastructural destruction that the civil war has
brought to El Salvador. This committee should seek measures to decrease the violence inflicted
upon civilians and move towards peace accords between the FMLN and the Salvadoran
government. The refugee crisis has begun to heavily affect other countries across the region. The
Security Council must look toward ways to accommodate refugees across the North and Central
American continent to deter from this vicious cycle to continue.
Furthermore, the overabundance of undocumented Salvadoran refugees in the U.S. and Central
America has significantly strained social welfare systems. Combined with the knowledge of
Salvadoran gang violence, their affiliation with drug cartel violence, and the increasing rates of drug
crime throughout the region, thousands of Salvadorans are being deported. However, violence in El
Salvador has put deported Salvadorans in the same position they were in prior to fleeing the
country—no economic prospects, the fear of violence, and low prospects for survival. The Security
Council should look at peace accords for the escalating violence in the Salvadoran Civil War as the
immediate priority, along with ways to protect citizens from violence and rebuild the country as a
whole.
John P. Sullivan and Robert J. Bunker, “Drug Cartels, Street Gangs, and Warlords.”
Suzan Gzesh, “Central Americans and Asylum Policy in the Reagan Era,” Migration Policy Institute, 1 April 2006,
accessed 18 Jan 2016, http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/central-americans-and-asylum-policy-reagan-era.
43 Ibid.
44 Maureen Kane, “The El Salvadoran Civil War.”
45 Jasmine Garsd, “How El Salvador Fell into a Web of Gang Violence,” National Public Radio, 5 October 2015, accessed
18 Jan 2016, http://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2015/10/05/445382231/how-el-salvador-fell-into-a-web-ofgang-violence.
41
42
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
TOPIC A
UN Sources
United Nations Children’s Fund. Adult Wars, Child Soldiers. (Geneva, 2003). 19.
A UNICEF publication on child soldiers.
Other Sources
“Angola: GNI per capita.” Index Mundi. Last modified 2013.
http://www.indexmundi.com/facts/angola/gni-per-capita.
Angola’s GNI per capita, an important economic measure.
“Angola: Structure of the Economy.” Photious Coutsoukis. Last modified 10 Nov 2004.
http://www.photius.com/countries/angola/economy/angola_economy_structure_of_the_e
co~98.html.
A website describing the structure of the economy in Angola.
“Angola's National Oil Company Continues to Be the Government's Backbone.” Stratfor Global
Intelligence, 2 Sept 2014. Accessed 8 Jan 2016. https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/angolasnational-oil-company-continues-be-governments-backbone.
An article discussing Angola’s National Oil Company.
Berger, Noah and Peter Fisher. “A Well-Educated Workforce Is Key to Nation’s Prosperity.”
Economic Policy Institute, 22 August 2013. Accessed 8 Jan 2016.
http://www.epi.org/publication/states-education-productivity-growth-foundations/.
A publication assessing the role of education in enhancing national growth.
Bhola, H.S. “Literacy in Southern Africa.” Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, No. 12 (1991): 243259.
A journal article discussing literacy in Southern Africa.
CIA World Factbook. “Angola.” Central Intelligence Agency. Last modified 5 Jan 2016.
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ao.html.
A webpage outlining key facts and statistics on Angola.
“Child Soldiers.” Vision Media. Last modified 2008. https://www.vision.org/visionmedia/socialissues/child-soldiers/6684.aspx.
A webpage explaining the roles of child soldiers in conflict and the challenges of returning to normal civilian life.
“Country Analysis Brief: Angola.” The United States Energy Information Administration. (19 March 2015):
1-17. Accessed 7 Jan 2016.
https://www.eia.gov/beta/international/analysis_includes/countries_long/Angola/angola.p
df.
An article highlighting key facts on all aspects of Angolan government and society.
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“Data: Angola.” The World Bank Group. Last modified 2015.
http://data.worldbank.org/country/angola.
World Bank statistical data on Angola.
Fleron, Frederic J. Hoffman and Erik P. The Conduct of Soviet Foreign Policy. (New York, 1980): 524.
A book about Soviet foreign policy and ideology.
“Failed States.” Global Policy Forum. Last modified 2013. https://www.globalpolicy.org/nations-astates/failed-states.html.
A webpage defining the fluid concept of failed states.
“Forgotten Fighters: Child Soldiers in Angola.” Human Rights Watch 15, No. 10 (29 April 2003).
Accessed 7 Jan 2016. https://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/a/angola/angola0403.pdf.
A Human Rights Watch report on child soldiers in Angola.
Granovetter, Mark. “The Impact of Social Structure on Economic Outcomes.” Journal of Economic
Perspectives. 19, No. 1 (Winter 2005): 33-50. Accessed 15 Jan 2016.
https://sociology.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/publications/jep_article.pdf.
An article assessing the effects social structures have on economic outcomes.
Marques da Silva, Elisete. "O Papel Societal do Sistema do Ensino em Angola Colonial, 1926-1974."
Revista Internacional de Estudos Áfricanos, Lisboa, No. 16-17 (1992-1994): 103-130.
A journal article about the effects of Colonialism on the education system in Angola.
Uppsala Conflict Data Program. “Angola.” UCDP Encyclopedia. Accessed 13 Jan 2016.
http://www.ucdp.uu.se/gpdatabase/gpcountry.php?id=4&regionSelect=2Southern_Africa#.
Key data on both recent and more historical conflicts in Angola.
Warner, Rachel. Angola: A Country Study. (Washington, DC: 1991).
A book on the political, social, and economic history of Angola.
TOPIC B
Other Sources
“El Salvador.” Asociacion Pro-Busqeuda. Last modified 2014. Accessed 3 Jan 2016.
http://www.probusqueda.org.sv/quienes-somos/resena-historica/el-salvador/#.
An article outlining the political history of El Salvador.
Gammage, Sarah. “El Salvador: Despite End to Civil War, Emigration Continues.” Migration Policy
Institute, 26 Jul 2007. Accessed 5 Jan 2016. http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/elsalvador-despite-end-civil-war-emigration-continues.
An article on migration flows from Angola after the civil war.
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Garsd, Jasmine. “How El Salvador Fell into a Web of Gang Violence.” National Public Radio, 5
October 2015. Accessed 18 Jan 2016.
http://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2015/10/05/445382231/how-el-salvador-fellinto-a-web-of-gang-violence.
An article on gang violence in El Salvador.
Glass, Andrew. “Reagan declares 'War on Drugs,' October 14, 1982.” Politico, 10 Oct 2010. Accessed
11 Jan 2016. http://www.politico.com/story/2010/10/reagan-declares-war-on-drugsoctober-14-1982-043552.
An article on Ronald Reagan’s declaration of illicit drugs as a threat to U.S. national security.
Gzesh, Susan. “Central Americans and Asylum Policy in the Reagan Era.” Migration Policy Institute, 1
April 2006. Accessed 18 Jan 2016. http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/centralamericans-and-asylum-policy-reagan-era.
An article on asylum policies in the US under Ronald Reagan.
“History of Coffee in El Salvador” Equality Exchange. Last modified Dec 2014. Accessed 7 Jan 2016.
http://equalexchange.coop/history-of-coffee-in-el-salvador.
An article explaining the role of coffee in the Salvadoran economy.
Kane, Maureen. “The El Salvadoran Civil War.” Nova Online Education. Last modified Dec 2002.
Accessed 5 Jan 2016.
http://novaonline.nvcc.edu/eli/evans/his135/events/elsalvador80/salvador80.html.
An article explaining the Civil War in El Salvador.
Lovato, Roberto. “Deported to Death: The Tragic Journey of a Salvadoran Immigrant.” Al Jazeera.
11 Jul 2015. Accessed 11 Jan 2016.
http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2015/7/11/deported-to-death-the-tragic-journey-ofan-el-salvadoran-immigrant.html.
An article from Al Jazeera about the circle of violence that traps countless Central American migrants.
Ribando, Clare. “Gangs in Central America.” C. U.S. Department of States, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and
Trade Division (10 May 2005): 1-6. http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/47140.pdf.
An online document about gangs in Central America.
Sheridan, Mary Beth. “In N. Va., A Brutal Sense of Belonging.” The Washington Post. 27 June 2004.
Accessed 11 Jan 2016.
An article of the sense of belonging that is developed when part of a gang.
Sullivan, John P. and Robert J. Bunker. “Drug Cartels, Street Gangs, and Warlords.” Small Wars &
Insurgencies. 13, No. 12 (2002): 40-53.
A journal article on drug cartels, street gangs, and warlords.
“The International Reach of the Mara Salvatrucha.” National Public Radio. 17 Mar 2005. Accessed 11
Jan 2016. http://www.npr.org/2005/03/17/4539688/the-international-reach-of-the-marasalvatrucha.
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An article on the crackdown against a Latino street gang involved in murder, drug smuggling and human trafficking.
The National Gang Intelligence Center. “National Gang Threat Assessment 2009.” Federal
Investigation Bureau, (2009): 5-48. https://www.fbi.gov/stats-services/publications/nationalgang-threat-assessment-2009-pdf.
An FBI report on gangs as a threat to national security.
Tanner, Michael D. “Relationship Between the Welfare State and Crime.” The CATO Institute. 7 June
1995. Accessed 11 Jan 2016. http://www.cato.org/publications/congressionaltestimony/relationship-between-welfare-state-crime-0.
A source on the complex relationship between government assistance and crime rates.
Vaughn, Jessica and Steven A. Camarota. “Immigration and Crime: Assessing a Conflicted Issue.”
Center for Immigration Studies. Nov 2009. Accessed 11 Jan 2016.
http://cis.org/ImmigrantCrime.
An article that explains the implications of criminalizing immigration.
“Wealthy Salvadorans Wait Out Violence at Home in Miami.” The Lakeland Ledger. 17 Apr 1981.
Accessed 11 Jan 2016.
https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1346&dat=19810417&id=zVNQAAAAIBAJ&s
jid=Dw8EAAAAIBAJ&pg=3835,449987.
An article explaining how wealthy Salvadorans escape the country’s civil war, terrorism, and economic chaos.
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