S a y
P e a c e
F i r s t
CS Center
C o n f l i c t
S t u d y
C e n t e r
PO Box 11374, 214 Rohini Marg, Purano Baneswar, Kathmandu, Nepal. Tel: +977-1-6218777
Email: cscenter.nepal@gmail.com/cscenter@wlink.com.np URL: www.conflictstudycenter.org
Situation Update 49
September 26, 2007
Kapilvastu’s Socio-Cultural Violence
“Inadequate public security is undoubtedly one of the greatest challenges to human rights and the peace process in Nepal.
Violence in the Tarai and the lack of appropriate response from security forces in many cases, along with the readiness of
many armed groups to use violence and intimidation has highlighted the question: Can an environment conducive to free
and fair elections be created?” ”
- Richard Bennett, Chief, UNOHCHR (September 21, 2007)
“We want to see law and order restored immediately and urged right defenders and the journalists to get an access gather
information…. The government should take initiatives to bring the situation under control considering deceased families
situation and to offer relief to the victims and to ensure free health service.”
- National Human Rights Commission, Nepal (September 21, 2007)
“…the ongoing communal violence, murder, terrorism and arson in Kapilvastu district is part of a conspiracy against the
people's desire for a republic and for peace. We strongly condemn the conspiracy of reactionaries to fulfill their baleful
objective by spreading communal terrorism, and urge all the people to take special initiative for communal harmony … the
government provides free medical treatment to those injured during the violence and take strong action against the
'culprits'....
Prachanda -Maoist Supremo, (Kathmandu Post, 22 September 2007)
“Kapilvastu violence is a result of conspiracy by the elements that want to break the social harmony.”
- Krishna Prasad Sitaula, Home Minister (September 21, 2007)
The Kapilvastu (where Buddha was born) incident has opened the doors to potential ethnic, cultural and regional
violence. Observers regard it as a well-planned incident rather than self-generated anger. The facts are not fully
exposed although it has been 10 days since the incident. The main factor to lack of information is the continuous
curfew imposed after the incident.
It is yet to be cleared up whether any political interest group was involved. There has been a lot of speculation
surrounding that incident. Some theories of who may be behind it are: a conspiracy by reactionary Gyanendra who
wants to fulfill objectives by spreading communal violence; the Maoists; Indian criminal and conspiratorial groups
and fundamentalists fishing in troubled waters; Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM) and so forth.
Even though much time has passed since incident, the question of security has become a grave concern in the rural
areas
near
Kapilvastu.
According
to
INSEC, about three
35-year old Radhika had been making a living running a tea-stall
dozen individuals were killed,
in Krishnanagar hoping to return her husband who went to India
more than 200 houses
and 150 vehicles were gutted
7-year ago in the search of job. The stall was all that she had to
through arson, 95
houses and 2 petrol pumps were
support the entire livelihoods and educate her 5-children. On
damaged, 60 shops
were vandalized, a cooperative
September 16, she was at her house preparing for the Rishi
bank was looted and
so forth. The male members of
Panchami Pooja, a Hindu festival. Riot engulfed her village and
started to run for her life along with other villagers. She arrived
the area had run for
20 km, leaving their families
in Butwal on September 22 with other displaced people taking
behind.
Many
skeletons, the corpses eaten by
refuge in Gorakhpur of India for a week. However, she has not
foxes and vultures,
have been found in the
spoken at all. As the hotel woman asks if she is ill. “I do not
countryside. On the
know what has happened.” Radhika replies inattentively, without
one hand, villages are deserted,
elating her gaze from the ground. Nothing has left for her now.
while on the other
hand the foul smell of rotten
She has a psyche as her belongings turned into ashes due to
flesh is hanging over
the clusters. Due to the alarming
violence.
security situation and
criminal turmoil, some of the
Source: Kathmandu Post: September 23, 2007
human
rights
defenders visiting the locations
have been killed and angered groups of people have injured some of them. Some people who were declared dead
have been found alive. The number of displaced people is still unidentified.
Background
On September 16, 2007, at 7:45 AM, Abdul Moid Khan, inhabitant of Kudarbetuwa, Birpur – 6, Kapilbastu district,
and President of the Democratic Madhesi Front (DMF), and a former leader of the Anti-Maoist Resistance
Committee (AMRC) was traveling to Chandrauta in Chandanpur on a motorbike. Another motorbike with three
1
persons coming from the opposite direction stopped him. One of them moved to shake his hand, while at the same
time another pulled out a gun and fired seven rounds at him. They escaped as Khan fell-down to the ground. His son
reached there in a jeep within 15 minutes, but found him dead. While a crowd was gathering, violence erupted in
Ganespur, Bishanpur, Khahararia, Pathardaiya, Jobari, Jagadispur, Chandrauta, Khuruhuria, Krishnanagar, etc.
within 15 minutes of the incident. More specifically, looting, torching and vandalizing of the houses, shops and
vehicles of hill-dwellers (Pahade) took place. Under the leadership of four notorious smugglers of Krishanagar town
bordering India, 20 km south to Chandrauta, a group of three-dozen Indian-looking individuals along with a few
villagers with spears, khukuris, home-made guns, and bombs started ransacking Pahade’s properties, shouting to
“kill the bastards.” The looted items were carried across the Indian border in broad daylight. Most of the public
properties were blasted after looting.
The Madhesi versus Pahade conflict intensified as several Pahade groups attacked a Mosque in retaliation. The
private properties, particularly of the Pahade people, were destroyed; women and girls raped; properties looted; and
children, men and women extrajudicially killed. Even schoolchildren and teachers fled from their schools. There is
no account of how many squatter hamlets were burnt at Surahi Stream at Devinagar in Bishanpur. The bones of the
dead burnt in husk turned into ashes when touched. On the first day, Muslims attacked Pahade villages while on the
second day Pahades retaliated and attacked Muslim and Madhesi villagers. Some political activists belonging to the
DMF in police custody were killed by the mob, while human rights activists and Members of Parliament were
visiting the incident site at Patthardaiya. This is the fourth time socio-cultural violence has erupted in the district in
16 years.
Conclusion
The crime is being painted with political colors with allegations abound that Maoists have carried out the incident.
The report that one criminal was wearing a Nepali cap could also be misinterpreted. Moid, a landlord, was involved
with the AMRC during Gyanendra’s absolute regime. Some of the King’s Ministers visited him and insisted that he
launch the resistance. The AMRC killed 37 people during the King’s regime and burned around 500 households of
squatters. He had said that the resistance was the people’s revolt against Maoist atrocity and had supported the
struggle against the tyranny. Maoists attacked him several times and a violent clash ensued between both groups in
March 2005, where a Maoist commander was killed. Army helicopters were dispatched for his security. Several
times even after the Peace Accord, the Maoists had demanded and called for a strike to dismantle the Armed Police
Camp at Chandrauta, which was established within the premises of his brother. After the restoration of democracy in
2006, Moid went underground and only reemerged after a meeting with Maoist leader Netra Bikram Chanda.
The then Royal Nepal Army (Nepal Army) distributed many arms and ammonization to the AMRC on the direct
order of the then King Gyanendra. The democratic government could not pay any attention to collect the weapons
distributed to AMRC and to be used against the Maoists. Even after a public debate over such arms, the present PM
Koirala is not daring to inquire about weapons from the Nepal Army. The concerned army personnel are trying to
hide such public interest, fearing possible action by the government. Similarly, the senior level army is still loyal to
the monarch and other elite groups rather than people in general. As a result, the faith of the public in the Nepal
Army is gradually eroding.
The CDO Narendra Dahal received information within 15 minutes (8 am) of the incident and he requested
instructions from the Ministry of Home Affairs. It took almost two hours for him to get directives from the Ministry
and, by that time, the riot flared up beyond control. The SSP Bikas Shrestha and officers of Bindabashani Armed
Police were unable to do anything to stop riots even within their close proximities. People ran there begging for
help, but in vain. They were waiting for the instruction/directive from the Ministry.
Information is still not available 10 days after the incident: of the loss of lives and properties; of injured,
displacement, and so on. The security forces did not dare to enter the rural areas. Curfew is continuing till date. The
government has not permitted entry of human rights defenders and media persons on the pretext of insecurity. The
government is not able to gather information regarding loss of lives and property and other serious offenses even to
this date. There is evidence that the Minister of Home Affairs made a visit to the affected area only after six days,
but could not go to the countryside due to insecurity and protest of the victims. The information made public by the
human rights defenders, media and others are not based on facts but estimates. Public transport is not operating. The
displaced persons say that it is too dreadful even to recall the incident. Some displaced persons are living at the
police offices, some are living at schools, many are homeless and many are still in India. Local NGOs and political
party units have extended support to them, but they are scanty. They are facing acute problems with daily
necessities. Many have succumbed to different illnesses and epidemics. Children, women and senior citizens are
suffering a lot. The government has issued 6 million Nepali Rupees as relief, but the government machinery has no
contacts with the victims, as villages were vacated and affected so that the relief has not reached them.
2
Who is behind the mayhem? Maoists have made public their non-involvement in Moid’s murder through a press
statement. Whereas Moid’s kiths and kins claim Maoists are to be held responsible for his murder because of the
long and severe enmity between them. Since one year ago, dialogue was underway to affect collaboration between
JTMM– Goit Faction and Moid’s DMF, but there was no success. Goit tried to establish his unit office in
Kapilvastu, but was unable to do so because of Moid’s intervention. After preliminary investigations, we can say
that the Kapilvastu mayhem was a Grand Design of criminal forces launched in favor of the monarchy. Three-weeks
ago, the criminals tried to disrupt normalcy in Kathmanduities by exploding bombs in public places, but without
success. Two-years ago, 12-Nepali were killed in Iraq, which resulted in bomb blasts, looting and destruction of
man-power agencies and property of Muslims in Kathmandu and other cities in Nepal. However, these attempts
could not incite cultural and/or religious strife. Kapilvastu being sensitive to culture/religion, this grand design was
devised to provoke culture/religious violence there. The plunder and carnage of Pahade villages and houses in
Kapilvastu immediately after the murder of Moid and bomb blast make it evident that it was a planned crime.
Such incidents are not new to Nepal. Similar events occurred last year in Nepalgunj (mid-west), a couple of years
ago in Birgunj (south-central), and other places. The key factor for such repeated violence is the wide prevalence of
a culture of impunity. Common people are unhappy because of the old rotten leaders and bureaucrats who are
running roughshod over the people in the name of New Nepal. The Rayamajhi Report, which labeled 202 as human
rights perpetrators, has not been made available to the people by the Interim Parliament (IP) despite popular demand
and pressure from within the IP. This is neither the first nor the last example of the rampant culture of impunity in
Nepal. The Kapilvastu incident is the largest socio-cultural violence in the history of Nepal. The Kapilvastu mayhem
has further pushed the Nepal’s peace process to the margin because the people who were victims of the AMRC
during the armed conflict have been revictimized. Due to the wide prevalence of insecurity, the Maoists have raised
the issue of leadership change in the government. The present PM has not entered the PM’s office at Singhadurbar
more than 4/5 times within 18 months.
The incident is the result of a policy of supporting mayhem while listening; only those who bore it know the reality.
In such a pandemonium, the government’s role to provide security to people is poor. People are wondering if
Kapilvastu is part of the country, considering the government’s inaction and irresponsiveness. Even in the face of
such crucial socio-cultural violence, the cabinet meeting was held on the fourth day of the incident.
=================
Contributed by: Bishnu Pathak, PhD and edited by Ms. Carin Jodha
Assisted by: Chitra Niraula, Shankar Poudyal, Kaushila Dhimal and Ganga Puri
Sources: Field visits, Kantipur Daily, Kathmandu Post, Nepal, and other media
Conflict Study Center (CS Center) is a South Asia Regional Chapter of the TRANSCEND International (www.transcend.org). It is
an academic, policy oriented and research based non-government, non-partisan and non-profit autonomous institution registered
with the Government of Nepal. Its purpose is to promote peace, respect human rights, enhance democratic process, and protect
the poor, marginalized, disadvantaged and vulnerable people and endorse social justice and dignity through education, training,
action research, action advocacy, capacity building and networking as a Think Tank, Center for Excellence. It has networks with
2,000 academic and professional institutions, including TRANSCEND, European Peace University, etc. in more 76 countries. It’s
International Advisors are: Peace Professor Dr. Johan Galtung, TRANSCEND; Professor Dr. Virginia E. O’Leary, USA; Professor
Robert Kowalczyk, Japan, Professor Dr. Dietrich Fischer, EPU, Austria; Professor Rene Wadlow, Chief, Representative of the
Association of World Citizens to the United Nations, Geneva; Professor Dr. David Seddon, UK; Professor Dr. Raymond Saner,
Switzerland, Professor Dr. Brigitt Steinmann, France; Professor Dr. Olga Murdzeva-Skarik, Macedonia; Professor Kai Frithjof
Brand-Jacobsen, Romania; Associate Professor Dr. Karen Valentin, Denmark; Associate Professor Dr. Richard Gendron, Canada;
and Associate Professor Dr. Renato Libanora, Italy
3